PRESIDENT SCORES CORPORATE ABUSES IN SPECIAL MESSAGE Calls for Legislation Against Ills to Which Country Is Heir. NOT TO BLAME FOR PANIC “Policies of Administration Are Earnest ly Defended Against Critics—Docu ment One of Most Striking State Papers of History. Washington, Feb. 3. — President Roosevelt today sent to congress a special me see ere, in which he vigor ously defen-5 the course of the ad oi.nfsiration in its correction of cor porate abuses, and recommends legis lation along various lines. The mes sage. which Is In many respects one of the most remarkable state papers over submitted, follows. The recent decision of the supreme court in regard to the employers’ liability set, the experience of the Interstate Com merce commission and of the department of Justice in enforcing the Interstate com merce and anti-trust laws, and the grave ly significant attitude toward the law and Its administration recently adopted by certain heads of great corporations, ren der it desirable that there should be ad ditional legislation as regards certain of the relations between labor and capital, and between the great corporations and As regards the employers’ liability law, I advocate Its immediate re-enactment, limiting its scope so that It shall apply ■only to the class of cases as to which the court says it can constitutionally apply, but strengthening its provisions within tills scope. Interstate employment being thus covered by an adequate rational law. the held of intrastate employment will be left to the action of the several states. With this clear definition of responsibility the states will undoubtedly give the per formance of their duty within their field the consideration the importance of the subject demands. I also very urgently advise that a com prehensive act be passed providing for compensation by the government to all ■employes injured in the government ser vice. Under the present laws an injured workman in the employment of the gov ernment has no remedy, and the entire burden of the accident falls on the help less man. his wife, and his young chil dren. This is an outrage. It Is a matter of humiliation to the nation that there «hould not be on our statute books pro vision to meet and partially to atone for cruel misfortune when it comes upon a •man through no fault of his own while faithfully serving the public. The same broad principle which ehonld apply to the government •should ultimately be made applic able to all private employers Where the nation has the power it should •enact laws to this effect. Where the •states akme have the power they should snact the laws. It is to be observed that an employers’ liability law does not really mean mulcting employers in damages. Tt merely throws upon the employer the bur den of accident Insurance against injur ies which are sure to occur. As to Injunctions. T again call your attention to the ne-'l of some action in connection with the abuse of injunctions in labor cases. As regards the rights and wrongs of labor and capital, from blacklisting to boycot ting. the whole subiect Is covered in ad mirable fashion by the report of the anthracite coal strike commission, which report should serve as a c hart for the guidance of both legislative and executive officers. As regards injunctions. 1 can do little but repeat what I have said in my last message to the congress. Even though It were possible. T should consider tt most unwise to abolish the use of the process of injunction, it is necessary in order that the courts may maintain their own dignity and in order that thev mav In effective manner check disorder and violence.. The judge who uses it cautious ly and conservatively, but who. when the need arises, use it fearlessly, confers th* greatest service upon our people, and his pre-eminent usefulness as a public serv ant should be. heartily recognized. But there Jr no question in my mind that It bus sometimes been used heedlessly and unjustly, and that some of the injunc tions issued inflict grave and occasionally irreparable wrong upon those enjoined This matter \v .5aily becoming of graver , Importance, and I can not too urgently recommi .m that the congress give careful consideration to the subject. if some way of remedying the abuses is not i found the feeling of indignation against them among large numbers of our 1 citizens will tend to grow so extreme as to produce a revolt against the whole use of the process of injunction. The ultra-conservatives who object to cutting out the abuses will do well to remember | that if the popular feeling does become 1 strong many of those upon whom they rclv to defend them will he the first to : turn against them. Men of property can i not afford to trust to anything save the spirit of justice and fair play; for those very public men who. while it is to their Interest, defend all the abuses committed by capital and pose as the champions of conservatism, will, the moment they think their interest changes, take the lead in just such a matter as this and nander to what they esteem popular feel ing by endeavorlag. for instance, effec tively to destroy the power of the courts In matters of injunction; and will even seek to render nugatory the power to funlRh for contempt, upon which power he very1 existence of the orderly admin istration of justice depends. i It In my purpose as soon as may be : t to submit some further recommenda- ; i lions In reference to our laws rcgu- : : latlng labor conditions within the : i sphere of federal authority. A very : : recent decision of the supreme court : : of the United States rendered since : : this message was written. In the case : : of Adair vs. United States, seemingly : : of far reaching Import and of very : i serious probable consequences, has : : modified the previously entertained ; : views on the powers of the congress : : In the premises to such a degree as to : •: make necessary careful consideration : : of the opinions therein filed before it : : Is possible definitely to decide in what : : way to call the matter to your atten- : : tlon. : t : Control of Railroads. Not only should there be action on cer tain laws affecting wage earners; there ■should also be such action on laws better to secure control over the great business concerns engaged in Interstate commerce, ond especially over the great common carriers. The Interstate Commerce com inis* ion should be empowered to pass upon any rate or prac tlce on its own in itiative. Moreover, It should be provided that whenever tl»o commission has reason to believe that a proposed advance in a rate ought not to bo made without in vestigation, it should have authority to Issue an order prohibiting the advance pending examination by the commission. : The Interstate Commerce comm is- ; ; sioi; should ho provided wMth the : : means to make a physical valuation : : of any road as to which It deems this ; : value tlon necessary. : In some form the federal government *houid exercise supervision over the financial operations of our interstate rail roads. In no other way can justice be done between the private owners of those .properties and thfe public which pay their charges. When once an Inflated capital ization has go.vo upon the market and has become fix oil in value, its existence must be ro> ogntaed. Ao a practical mat ter it is then often absolutely necessary ai irttdlUS 1UI those who serve with fidelity the mammon 3f unrighteousness; but they are dearly paid for by the people who permit their representatives, whether in public life, in the press, or in the colleges where their young men are taught, to preach and to practice that there is one law for the rich ard another for the poor. The amount of money the i*epresentatlves of certain great moneyed interests are wili ng to spend can be ganged by their re rent publication broadcast throughout the papers of this country, from the Atlantic lo the Pacific, of huge advertisements at :aeklng with envenomed bitter the admin istration's policy of warring against suc cessful dishonesty, and by their circula tion of pamphlets and books prepared with the same object; while they likewise push the circulation of the writings and speeches of men who, whether because they are misled, or because, seeing the ight, they yet are willing to sin against the light, serve these their masters of ?rcat wealth to th6 coat of the plain peo ple. The books and pamphlets, the controlled newspapers, the speeches py public or private men to which 1 refer, are usually and especially n the interest of the Standard Oil trust md of certain notorious railroad combina tions, but they also defend other Indi viduals and corporation of great wealth that have been guilty of wrongdoing. It s only rarely that the men responsible .'or the wrongdoing themselves speak or write. Normally they hire others to do their bidding, or find others who will do t without hire. From the railroad rate aw to the pure food law, every measure 'or honesty in business that has been jassed during the last six years has been >pp6sed by these men on its passage and n its administration with every resource hat bitter and unscrupulous craft could juggest and the command of almost un lmited money secure. But for the last year the attack ha? jeen ■nade with most bitterness upon the actual Administration of the law, especially through the department of justice, but Also through the Interstate Commerce commission and the bureau of corpora ilons. The extraordinary violence of the Assaults upon our policy contained in these jpeeches, editorials, articles, advertise ments, and pamphlets, and the enormous >uins of money spent in these various ways give a fairly accurate measure of ;he anger and terror which our public Actions have caused the corrupt men of imst wealth to feel in the very marrow >f their being. The attack is sometimes made openly against us for enforcing the aw. and sometimes with a certain clin ging, for not trying to enforce it In some )tfcer way than that which experience ’hows to be practical. One of the favorite method** of the Latter class of assailant s to attack the administration for not procuring the Imprisonment Instead of the ine of offenders under these anti-trust aws. The man making this assault is usually either a prominent lawyer or an editor who takes his policy from the finan viers and his arguments from their attor neys. If the former, he has defended and Advised many wealthy malefactors, and he oio».s well that, thanks to the advice of ,awycis .ike himself, a certain kind of modern corporation has been turned into *n admirable instrument by which to render it well nigh Impossible to get at the head of the corporation, at the man who is really most guilty. When we arc Able to put the real wrongdoer In prison this is what we strive to do; this is what we love actually done with some vary wealthy criminals, who, moreover, repre sented that most baneful of all alliances, Lhe alliance between the corruption of or ganized politics and the corruption of high finance. This is what we have done in the Gaynor and Greene case, In the case jf the misapplication of funds in con nection with certain great banks In Chi cago, in the land ftax’d cases, where, as ;n other cares likewise, neither the hWh eat politico, p^ltion nor the pot&ett&ion r RECOMMENDATIONS. Among the most important recom mendations of the president are the fol lowing: The immediate re-enaetment of the employers' liability law. The passage of an act providing com pensation from the government for all persons injured in its service. Regulation of the use of the injunc tion in labor matters. Provide the Interstate Commerce commission with the means to make a physical valuation of any railroad as to which the valuation seems neces sary. Declaring his firm belief that the financial distress was not brought on by the actions of the administration, but by world wide causes, the presi dent makes a strong reply to his critics in which lie reiterates his faith that the government should attempt to scourge the country of sin. He does not re treat one lota in his policy heretofore declared. As he progresses in the discussion of the subject he grows more emphatic and the best passages of his message are to be found near Its close. of great wealth has availed to save the offenders from prison. : The federal government does : : scourge sin; It does bid sinners : fear; for it has put behind the : : bars with Impartial severity, the : : powerful financier, the powerful : : politician, the rich land thief, the : : rich contractor—all, no matter : : how high their station, against : : whom criminal misdeed* can be : proved. All their wealth and : : power cannot protect them. ; But It often happens that the effort to Imprison a given defendant is certain to be futile, while it Is possible to fine him or to fine the corporation of which he Is head; so that, in other words, the only way of punishing the wrong is by fining the corporation, unless we are content to proceed personally against the minor agents. The corporation lawyers to whom I refer and their employers are the men mainly responsible for th'a state of things, and their responsibility is shared with all who ingeniously oppose the passing of just and effective laws, or who fall to execute them when they have been put on the statute books. “Innocent Stockholders.” Much is said, In these attacks upon the policy of the present administration, about I the righto of “innocent stockholders.’* | That stockholder is not innocent who ! voluntarily purchases stock in a corpora j tion whose methods and management he knows to be corrupt; and stockholders are j bound to try to secure honest manage* | ment, or else are estopped from complain ing about the proceedings the government finds necessary in order to compel the corporation to obey the law. There has been In the paet grave wrong done inno cent stockholders by overcapitalization, stock-watering, stock-jobbing. «tock-ma uipulatlon. This we have sought to pre vent, first, by exposing the thing done and punishing the offender when any existing law had been violated; second, by recom mending the passage of laws which would make unlawful similar practices for the future. The public men, lawyers, and editors who loudly proclaim their sym pathy for the “innocent stockholders” when a groat law-defying corporation Is punished, are the first 10 protest with frantic vehemence against all efforts by law to pt t a stop to the practices which are the real and ultimate sources of the damage alike to the stockholders and the public. The apologists of successful dis | honesty always declaim against any ef fort to punish or prevent it, on the ground that any such effort will “unsettle business.” It 1b they who by their acts have unsettled business; arid the very men raising this cry spend hundreds of thousands of dollars in securing, by speech, editorial, book, or pamphlet, the defense by mis-statements of what they have done; and yet w'hen public servants correct their mis-statements by telling the truth they declaim against them for breaking silence, lest “values be depreci ated.” They have hurt honest business men, honest workingmen, honest farm ers; and now they clamor against the truth being told. The keynote of all these attacks upon the effort to secure honesty in business and in politics is well expressed in brazen protests against any effort for the moral regeneration of the business world, on the ground that It is unnatural, unwar ranted, and injurious, and that business panic is the necessary penalty for such effort to secure business honesty. The morality of such a plea is precisely as great as if made on behalf of the men caught in a gambling establishment when that gambling establishment Is raided by the police. If such words mean anything they mean that those whose sentiments they represent stand against the effort to bring about a moral regeneration of busi ness which will prevent a repetition of the insurance, banking, and street rail road scandals In New York; a repetition of the Chicago and Alton deal; a repe tition of the combination between certain professinal politicians, certain profes sinal labor leaders, and certain big finan ciers, from the disgrace of which San Francisco has just been rescued; a repe tition of the successful effort by the Standard Oil people to crush out every competitor, to overawe the common car riers, and to establish a monopoly which treats the public with contempt which the public deserves so long as it permits men of such principles and such sentiments to avow and act on them with impunity. : The outcry against stopping dia- : : honest practices among wrongdoers : : who happen to be wealthy is precise- : : ly similar to the outcry raised : ; against every effort for cleanliness : : and decency in city government, be- : ; cause, 1 orsooth, It will “hurt busl- : : ness. : The same outcry Is made against the department of justice for prosecuting the heads of colossal corporations that has been made against the men who in San Francisco have prosecuted with impartial severity the wrongdoers among business men, public officials, and labor leaders alike. The principle is the same in the two cases. Just as the blackmailer and bribe giver stand on the same evil emi nence of infamy, so the man who makes an enormous fortune by corrupting leg islatures and municipalities and fleecing his stockholders and the public, stands on the same moral level with the creature who fattens on the blood money of the gambling house and the saloon. More over, in the last analysis, both kinds of corruption are far more Intimately con nected than would at first sight appear; the wrongdoing is at bottom the same. Corrupt business and corrupt politics act and react with ever increasing debase ment, one on the other; the corrupt head of a corporation and the corrupt labor leader are both in the same degree the en emies of honest corporatiosn and honest labor unions; the rebate taker, the fran chise trafficker, the manipulator of se curities, the purveyor and protector of vice, the blackmailing ward boss, the bal lot-box stutter, the demagogue, the mob leader, the hired bully, and niankiller— all alike work at the same web of cor ruption, and all alike should be abhorred by honest men. Hurts Right Business. The “business which is hurt by the movement for honesty is the kind of bus iness which, l.: the long run, it pays the country to have hurt. It is the kind of business which has tended to make the very name “high finance" a term of scan dal to which all honest American men of business should jo.n in putting an end. The special pleaders for business di.~hon esty, in denouncing the present admin istration for enforcing the law' against the huge and corrupt corporations which defied the law, also denounce it for en deavoring to secure sadly needed labor legislation, su< h as a far-reaching law making employers liable for in juries to their employees. It is meet and lit that the apologists for corrupt wealth should oppose every effort to re lieve weak and helpless people from crushing misfortune brought upon them by injury In tlie business from which th« y gain a bare livelihood. The burden shoti.d be distributed. It is hypocritical baseness to speak of a girl who works la a lac tory where th« dangerous machinery Is unprotected as having the "right" freely to contract to expose herself to dangers to life and limb. She hae no alternative but to suffer want or else to expose her self to such dangers, and when she loses a hand or Is otherwise maimed or disfig ured for life. It Is a moial wrong that the whole burden of the risk necessarily Incidental to the business should be placed with crushing weight upon her weak shoulders, and all who profit by her work escape scot-free. This Is what opponents of a Just employers’ liability law advo cate; and It Is consistent that they should usually also advocate immunity for those most dangerous members of the criminal class—the criminals of great wealth. Our opponents have recently been bit terly criticising the two Judges referred to In the accompanying communications from the Standard Oil company and the Santa Fe railroad for having Imposed heavy flues on these two corporations; and yet these same critics of these two Judges exhaust themselves In denouncing the most respectful and cautious discus sion of the official action of a Judge which results In immunity to wealthy and pow erful wrongdoers. Most certainly It be hooves us all to treat with the utmost respect the high office of Judge; and our Judges, as a whole, arc brave and up right men. Respect for the law must go hand In hand with respect for the judges; and. as a whole, It Is true now us In the past that the Judges stand In character and service above all other men among their fellow servants of the public. There Is all the greater need that the few who fall In this great office, who fall below this high standard of Integrity, of wis dom. of sympathetic understanding and of courage, should have their eyes opened to the needs of their countrymen. A judge who on the bench either : : truckles to the mob and shrinks from : : sternly repressing violence nnd dls- ; : order, or bows down before a eorpor- : : atlon; who falls to stand up valiantly : : for the rlglVts of property on the one ; : hand, or on the other by misuse of : : the process of Injunction or by his : : attitude toward all measures for the : : betterment of the conditions of labor, : : makes the wageworker feel with bit- : : terness that the courts nre hostile to : : him: or who falls to realize that all : : public servants In their several sta- : : tlons must strive to stop the abusos : : of the criminal rich—such a man per- : : forms an even worse service to the : : body politic than the legislator or : : executive who goes wrong. : Spirit Is Ethical. The opponents of the measures we champion single out now one and now another measure for especial attack, and speak as If the movement In which we are engaged was purely economic. It has a large economic aide, but it Is funda mentally an ethical movement. It is not a movement to be completed in one year, j or two or three years; it Is a movement which must be persevered in until the ( spirit which lies behind it sinks deep Into the heart and the conscl nee of the whole, people. It Is always Important to choose the rleht moans to achieve our purpose, but It la even more important to keep this purpose clearly before us: and this purpose lei to secure national honesty In business and politics. We do not subscribe to the cynical belief that dishonesty and unfair dealing are essen tial to business success, and are to be condoned when the sucocab Is moderate and applauded when the success Is great. : The methods by which the : Standard Oil people and those en- : : gaged In the other combinations : : of which I have spoken above : : have achieved great fortunes can : : only be Justified by the advocacy : : of a system of morality which : : would also justify every form of : criminality on the part of a labor ; union, and every form of vio- : : lence, corruption, and fraud, from : : murder to bribery and ballot box ; : stuffing In politics. We are trying to secure equality of op portunity for all; and the struggle for honesty 1« the same whether it is made on behalf of one set x)f men or of another. In the interest of the small settlers and landowners, and against the embittered opposition of wealthy owners of huge wan dering flocks of sheep, or of corporations desiring to rob the people of coal and timber, we strive to put an end to the theft of public land In the West. When we do this, and protest against the action of al! men, whether In public life or In private life, who either take part in or refuse to try to stop such theft, we are really engaged In the same policy as when we endeavor to put a stop to rebates or to prevent the upgrowth of uncontrolled monopolies. Our effort Is simply to en- j force the principles of common honesty | and common sense. It would indeed be 111 for the country should there be any halt In our work. Must Have Justice. 'T’Virt Iowa must tn the fnturo he admin Istered as they are now being adminis tered, so that the department of Justice may continue to be, what it now is, in very fact the department of justice, where so far as our ablmj permits Justice is meted out with an even hand to great and small, rich and poor, weak and strong. ! Moreover, there should be no delay in j supplementing the laws now on the statute books by the enactment of further legis- j latlon as outlined In the message I sent to the congress on Its assembling. Under the existing laws much, very much, has been actually accomplished during the past six years, and It has been shown by actual experience that they can be enforced against the wealthiest corporation and the richest and most powerful manager or manipulator of that corporation, as rigor ously and fearlessly as against the hum blest offender. Above all, they have been enforced against the very wrongdoers and agents of wrongdoers who have for so many years gone scot free and flouted the laws with impunity, against great law defying corporations of Immense wealth, which, until within the last half dozen years, have treated themselves and have expected others to treat them as being beyond and above all possible check from It Is especially necessary to secure to the representatives of the natlonul gov ernment full power to deal with the great corporations engaged In Interstate com- , merce, and above all, with the great inter state common carriers. Our people should clearly recognize that while there are dif ficulties In any course of conduct to be followed In dealing with these great cor porations, these difficulties must be faced, and one of three courses followed. The first course Is to abandon all effort to oversee and control their actions In the Interest of the general public and to permit a return to the utter lack of con trol which would obtain if they were left to the common law. I do not for one moment believe that our people would tolerate this position. The extraordinary growth of modern industrialism has ren dered the common law, which grew up under and was adopted to deal with totally different conditions, in many respects in adequate to deal with the new conditions. These new conditions made it necessary to shackle cunning as in the past we j have shackled force. The vast Individual and corporate fortunes, the vast combina tions of capital, which have marked the development or our Industrial system, creat new conditions, and necessitate a change from the old attitude of the etate and the nation toward the rules regulat ing the acquisition and untrammeled busi ness use of property, in order both that property may be adequately protected, and that at the same time those who hold it may be prevented from wrong doing. The second and third courses arc to have the regulation undertaken either by the nation or by the states. Of course In any event both the national government and the several si ate governments must do each its part, and each can do a certain amount that the other cannot do, while the only really satisfactory results must be obtained by the representatives of the national and state governments wo; king heartily together within their respective spheres. : liut In my Judgment thoroughgoing : ; and satisfactory control can in the : : end only be obtained by the action : : of the national government, for al- : ; most all the corporations of enorm- : : ous wealth—that is, tho corporations ; : which it is especially desirable to : : control—are engaged in interstate : : commerce, and derive their [*ower : : and their importance not from that : ; portion of their business which is In- : : trastate, but from the interstate ; : business. : It is not easy always to decide Just where the line of demarcation between the two kinds of business falls. Thin line must ultimately bo drawn by the federal courts. Much of the effort to secure adequate control of the great corporations by state action ha* been wise and effective, but much of It has been neither; for when the effort ts made to accomplish by tho action of the etate what can only be accomplished by the action of the nation, the result can only be disappointment, and In tho end the law will probably be declared unconsti tutional. So likewise In the national arena, we who believe In the measures herein advocated are hampered and not aided by the extremists who advocate anion so violent that tt would either be useless or clas would cause more mischief than it would remedy. It can not too strongly be insisted that the defenders and apologists of the great corporations, who have sought tn the past and still seek to prevent adequate action by the federal government to con trol these great corporations, are net only proving false to the people, but are laying up a day of wrath for tho great corporations themselves. The nation will not tolerate an utter lack of control over very weaithy men of enormous power In the industrial, and therefore tn the so cial, lives of all our people,, some of whom have shown themselves cynically and brutally Indifferent to the Interests of the people; and If the congress does not act. with good tempered and sensible but resolute thoroughness, In cutting a«i the evils and In providing an effectlv# su pervision, the result .Is certalri to be ac tion on the part of the separate states, sometimes wise, sometimes ill-judged and extreme, sometimes unjust and damaging to tho railroads or other corporations, more often ineffective from every stand point, because the federal courts declam It unconstitutional. Tha Panic. We have just passed through two months of acute financial stress. At any such time It ts a sad fact that entirely Innocent people suffer , trom no fault of their own; and everyone must feel tho keenest sympathy for the large body of honest business men, of honest Investors, of honest wageworkers, who surfer be cause Involved tn a crash, for which they are in no way responsible. At such a time thero is a natural tendency on tho part of many men to feef gloomy and frightened at the outlook; but* there Is no Justification for this feeling. Thero Is no nation so absolutely sure of ulti mate success an ours. Of course we shall succeed. Ours Is a nation of masterly energy, with a continent for Its domain, and tt feels within its veins the thrill which comes to those who know that they possess tho future. We are not cast down by the fear of failure. We are up held by the confident hope of ultimate triumph. The wrongs that exist are to be corrected; but they In no way iustify doubt as to the final outcome, doubt as to the great material prosperity of tho future, or of the lofty spiritual lffe which ts to be oullt upon that prosperity as a foundation. No mlsdeedB done In tha present must be permitted to shroud from our eyes the glorious future of the nation; but because of this very fact It behoove* us never lo swerve from our resolute pur pose to cut out wrongdoing and uphold what is right. : I do not for a moment believe that x : the actions of this administration t : have brought ori.bustness distress; so I : far as this ts due to local and not t : World-Wide cause* and to the ac- X : tlons of any particular Individuals, t : It la due to the speculative folly and t : flagrant dishonesty of a few men of : ; great wealth, who seek to shield x : themselves from the effect of their I : own wrongdoing by ascribing Its x : results to the actions of those who t : have sought to put a stop to tho : : wrongdoing. I But tf it were true that to cut out x : rottenness from the body politic x : meant a momentary check to an un- t : healthy seemlhg pi^fcperlty, I should x : not for one moment hesitate to put : : the knife to the corruption. i :. : On behalf of all our people, on behalf no less of the honeet man of means than of the honest man who earns each day’s livelihood by that day's sweat of his brow. It Is necessary to Insist upon honesty In business and politics alike, In all walks of life. In big things and In lit tle things; upon just and fair dealing as between man and man. Those who de mand this are striving for the right In the spirit of Abraham I.lncolu when be said; "Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that It continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsmen's two hundred snd fifty years of unrequited toll shall bo sunh. nnd until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid 6v another drawn with the sword, as was said three thous and years ago. so stilt It must be said, •The judgments of the laird are true and righteous altogether.’ "With malice toward none: with charity for all; with firmness In the right, aa God gives us to see the right, let ua strive on to finish the work we are In." In the work we of this generation are In, there Is. thanks be to the Almighty, no danger of bloodshed and no use for the sword; but thero is grave need of those stern qualities shown alike by the men of the north nnd tho men of the south In the dark days when gach valiantly bat tled for the light ns It was given each to see the light. Their spirit should be our spirit, ns we strive to bring nearer the day when greed and trickery and cun ning shall be trampled under feet by those who fight for the righteousness that «e alteth a nation. _ Theodore Roosevelt. Atchison Globe Sights. If a woman’s shoes don’t hurt her corns, she claims they ore a size toe large. The living too often impoverish them selves to erect monuments over the dead. Nothing will make a red headed wom an more angry than to be asked If she Is ready. After a sick man recovers, and le again able to eat, the first thing be wants is sausage. As a rule a boy doesn’t cars for » rocking chair unless his sister happen* to be occupying one. What has become of .that article for merly found in every kitchen, a bee ket for holding chips. Whenever a railroad man builds e house, people expect to hear of hla be ing translerred to another town. Those persons who have a "pleco’* they want printed In the papers should have a care; a citizen who has been quite persistent In this respect of latst was lately declared Insane. A thousand years after you are deed there will be the same old things to worry about; too much rain, or not enough; financial flurries, lntemperanes in eating and drinking, unfaithful friends, etc. If you are able to over come worries over the ordinary things of life. It is a sign that you have ac quired a title sense. If you “go to pieces” over nothing, it is a sign you have learned nothing. They Said It Was Awful. Novelist—Did you ever write a trag edy? Poet—I thought It was at first, but from what the managers said I con cluded it was a farce. No matter how mueh u man’s funeral costs. It save him a lot of money aft erwards.