The frontier. (O'Neill City, Holt County, Neb.) 1880-1965, October 27, 1904, Image 5

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    —SUPPLEMENT TO—
THE FRONTIER
O’NEILL.NEBRASKA
THURSDAY. OCTOBER, 27, 1904.
DISTRESSFUL TIMES
•HARDSHIPS THAT FOLLOWED
DEMOCRACY-8 SUCCESS.
Xeason that Should Be Held in Vivid
Remembrance So that a Repetition
of Industrial Disaster Mar Be
Averted.
The inauguration of a Democratic
President in March, 1893, market! the be
ginning of the most distressful times
ever known in this country.
In the preceding November the major
ity of the nation’s working people had
eeen fit to try the experiment of better
ing their condition through intrusting po
, titigal power to the Democratic party in
i both the administrative and legislative
branches of the government. In ex
change for the confidence and power thus
given it, the Democratic party gave,
•within six months, the working people
•f the country the most frightful dose of
general calamity it had ever experienced.
Within less than one year after the in
dustrial workers had decided, in Novem
ber of 1892, not to let well enough alone,
prosperity bad set like the sun, there
was a vast amny of unemployed men,
and Starvation and misery reigned among
tens of thousands of previously well to
do.
The suddenness and completeness with
which this terrible change in 1893 was
wrought in the fortunes of the American
people furnished a fearfully bitter lesson.
But it is a lesson tihat it is better for
us to hold in vivid remembrance at this
time rather than- learn it all over again
by taking another dose of Democracy.
A search througii the files of almost
Any leading newspaper in the United
States during the four winters following;
the Democratic summers of 1893, 1894/
1893 and 1896 would show graphic ac-:
counts of the heartrending and awful
want that followed the closing of the
mills, the wrecking of banks, and the
destruction of confidence by the Demo
cratic party.
Testimony from Union Labor.
The following resolution charging the
Democratic party with direct responsibil
ity for the fearful snffering of labor,
4 was adopted by the Union Labor Club
4- -of Chicago, and was printed in the news
papers December 10, 1893:
From the midst of the most prosperous
era that the people of the United States
have ever known, we are suddenly sub
merged to tfie depths of despair. In our
own city 100.000 men and women are bat
tling with starvation and cold. We are not
alone In this; from every point of the com
pass In onr fair land comes the wall of
Woe from freezing men and starving women
and children. Never before in the history
•f our country has there been so many
men, women and children dependent on the
cold charities of the world for subsistence;
never so many factories Idle; never so many
attempts to reduce wages. For these cal
amities there Is a cause to which we were
hitherto careless and indifferent, but which
we now thoroughly understand and appre
ciate. The suicidal policy of free trade,
which Grover Cleveland at Its head pro
poses to establish regardless of the suffer
ing It may engender, Is now thoroughly
understood by the working people, and un
less we, that are most Interested in its
f.reservation, awake ourselves and speak
u trumpet tones that policy will be pushed
to the utmost extremity.
W. C. Pomeroy, vice president of the
American Federation of Labor, wel
comed the thirteenth annual convention
to the Chicago City Hall (December 12,
1893) in the following language:
“lp the name of the homeless wan
derer, in this desert of stone and steel,
that1 wayfarer whose wolfish hunger
bounds form ever onward, whose sleepless
•yes wildly seek shelter and slumber,
■whose black despair grows darker and
darker every hour, whose heart grows
feint for want of food, whose shivering,
Ahrunken form grows sick at the sight
«f his own shrunken Shadow, whose soul
le dead, I welcome you to the city, whose
motto is, ‘I will.’ ”
A Terre Haute, Ind., telegram of De
cember 13 to the Associated Press said:
"At a meeting of the Citizens’ Relief
■Committee this afternoon, the subcommit
tees appointed to make a canvass of the
unemployed in Terre Haute reported by
•wards, showing nearly 1,500 men out of
work.”
An Associated Press telegram from
Boston, December i3, said: “A oircu
iar was issued to-day to landlords by the
Associations for the unemployed, assert
ing that 80,000 workmen, having ns many
persons dependent upon them, are unable
to find employment, and asking that tio
tent be required of such until they are
employed. Another appeal, addressed to
the citizens of Boston, asks them to see
that the city provides work. A move
ment is on foot for a procession of the
unemployed on the Common, and a meet- ■„
lug in Faneuil Hall next Tuesday.”
‘■iwcpm' m me my nail.
(Chicago Inter Ocean, Dec. 13, 1903.)
That contingent of “the army of the
■cnemployed” which has found shelter for
* f°«’ nights in the corridors of the City
Hall returned to its old quarters again
test night, bringing along many recruits.
The night before, forty or more of the
lodgers thought to regale themselves with
sandwiches, but wore set upon by their
less fortunate and famished comrades,
•nd a “bread riot” was precipitated
which called forth police officers to quell
It. Notwithstanding this ruction, the
chilled and starving applicant was not
refused lodging room last night. He
came up to police headquarters dubiously,
but was admitted.
At 10 o’clock the long first-floor cor
ridor from Washington to Hamlolplr
•treet was covered with men and buys,
fast asleep on the cold, damp pave
ment. Men were half reclining on the
•tairways, and the poor wretches on the
floor had others standing over and alsiut
them, envious of the place upon which
they lay, cramped, drawn up, and crowd
od by others who shared their miser
able bed.
Hast night Mrs. Helen M. <} mgar
thought to give Editor Stead a lesson in
the problem of unemployed and propn
distribution of l.tHKI sandwiches among
the night lodgers at police headquarters.
This was forbidden, as a repetition of t'ae
previous night's riot was feared, and tMii
•andwidhes or other food that was scut
lu was stored away for the night, and I
orben morning came, and along with it
ft* enforced exodus of the sleeping huu
deeds, each man as he passed out was
given a bate to help him through the
cheerless day ahead of him,
“It is a condition” that confronts the
people of Chicago more favored than
those for whom charity is evoked. There
is no better advised man upou the de
plorable situation than Col. W. P. Rend.
Early identifying himself with "relief
measures,” he has kept himself advised
about “the gravest problem,” as he de
clares It to be, “ever presented to Chi
cago for solution.” Besides the thou
sands who have drifted into the city, he
estimates “over 100,000 resident work
men in our city are out of employment.”
TROPICAL POSSESSIONS.
We Need A11 We Have and Could
Profitably Increaee tha Number.
The Democratic and “Anti-Imperial
istic” opponents of Republican national
control say we do not need tropical pos
sessions. Such, for instance, as the
Philippines, Porto Rico and Harwaii. In
saying this they overlook the fact that
our imports of tropical and sub-tropieal
products in the fiscal year ended June
30, 1904, amounted to the enormous sum
of $430,550,775—nearly $1,500,000 for
each working day of the year.
The great growth in these imports in
a single generation is shown by the fol
lowing record, using figures compiled by
the chief of the Bureau of Statistics of
(lie Department of Commerce nnd I/abor:
1870 .$139,800,086
1890 . 207,716,578
1004 . 430,556,775
The increase here given of $158,000,000
i:i twenty years, and $291,000,000 in
thirty-four years, emphasizes our need
of tropical possessions in the most strik
ing manner. Our imports from the Phil
ippines, Porto Rico and Hawaii are in
cluded in the following proportions:
Hawaii.$25,133,533
Philippines. 12,066,934
Porto Rico . 11,576,912
Total .$48,777,379
Here we see that our present tropical
possessions are only sending us about 11
per cent of the tropical products we con
sume. We not only need those islands
and all they produce, but we also need
to do all in our power to increase the
total and diversity of their prodnefs.
More than that, we also need more pos
sessions of the same kind. It would pay
us to buy some more—the Danish and
other West Indies, for instance. It stands
to reason that as we must pay out so
large au amount each year, it would be
best to send the money to our own pos
sessions, to benefit our own native and
American interests, rather than it should
go to countries in which we do not have
any personal pecuniary interest.
By quantities, our main tropical im
ports in the years 1870 and 1904 were:
1870. 1904.
Sugar, lbs.. .1,196,000,000 4,675,000,000
Coffee, lbs... 235,250,000 998,831,000
Rice, lbs- 43,123,000 154,261,000
Tea, lbs. 47,408,000 112,898,000
India rub
ber, lbs... . 9,624,000 59,440,000
Tobacco
leaf, lbs... 6,256,000 33,548,000
Cocoa, lbs... 3,640,000 72,777,000
Cotton, lbs.. 1,698,000 69.S22.000
Silk, lbs. 583,000 10,722,000
Olive oil,
gallons ... 251,000 1,713,000
Fibers, tons. 43,000 299,000
In some of these raw products in
creases we see the value of the pro
tective tariff against foreign goods made
of the same classes of raw products. Raw
silk, for example, thirtyfold increase in
a single generation. Hence our silk fac
tories. Then fibers, a nearly sevenfold
increase; India rubber, a sixfold increase.
In money values the mam comparisons
are:
1870. 1904.
Sugar.$69,802,000 $105,734,000
Coffee. 24,234,000 70,000,000
Silk. 3,017,000 40,100,000
India rubber... 3,459,000 42,214,000
Fibers . 1,376,000 34,403,000
Fruits & nuts. 7,416,000 24,990,000
Tobacco & in f rs. 4,181,000 21,803.000
Tea . 13,803,000 18,229,000
Vegetable oils. 2,511.000 10.227,000
Gmns. 1,288.000 10,171,000
Cocoa . 418,000 9,600,000
Cotton (Egyp
tian) . 331,000 9.402,000
Spices . 1,513.000 4,366,000
Cabinet woods. 670.000 4,124.000
Rice . 1,007,000 3,075.000
Opium . 1,776,000 2,350,000
Dye woods and
extracts- 1,337,000 1,522,000
Indigo. 1,202,000 1,282,000
Of the excellence of Porto Rican cof
fee over the cheaper grades from Brazil
and other countries. President Roose
velt and others have testified. Porto
Rico needs help, particularly in her cof
fee industry. Buying more of her coffee
w ould be an easy way for ns to afford
some of the help she needs.
It is now generally known that in the
Philippines there are many varieties of
cabinet woods in profusion, equal in qual
ity and more beautiful in appearance
than those we now buy from South
America. The forests of the islands also
abound in gums of all the kinds we use.
The islands also produce indigo, dye
woods and extracts, and several of the
products named.—(See “Philippine Gaz
eteer” and “Philippines, products of.”
Encyclopedia Americana, in press.)
In the face of the above facts, the only
“Imperialism” is our imperial need of
tropical possessions to grow our own
tropical products.
WALTER J. BALLARD.
Sohenectady, N. Y.
Catholic* Prefer Roosevelt.
Archbishop Messmer of Milwaukee
voices the sentiments of thousands of
members of the Catholic church when he
says:
“I believe that President Roosevelt’s
policy in regard to the Philippine friars
has met the approval of the Vatican au
thorities. and that there is a feeling tnat
in case of his election they would be as
sured of straightforward and consider
ate treatment. Personally I should be
glad to see President Roosevelt elected
President.”
“The wane-worker would do well to
remember thnt If protection 1* rob
bery, an l ia to be puniahad according
ly, he will bn the first to pay the pen
alty: f ,r either he will be turned
adrift entirely, or kis wages will be
cat down to the starvation point.”—
Rooseve.t's letter of ncoeptunoe.
Only twice in forty years have the
American people placed the Democratic
party in power, and in both of those in
stances its victory fell like a blight upon
the country. Why repeat the experi
ment?
“TO HAVE AND TO HOLD/' I
_
A GREAT QUALITY.
Roosevelt Quick to Think and Act.
but Always Wisely.
President Roosevelt is being attacked
as a possible danger to the country be
cause of bis alert, quick wind and prompt
action. The scare-cat variety of politi
cians are crying him down on this is
sue.
It is a common error, the belief that
because a man thinks quickly, and acts
promptly in an emergency, lie is a rash
or dangerous individual. To the slow
man, one whose mental processes are nat
urally labored, it is incredible that an
other mind, differently constituted from
his own, may arrive almost instantly
at the solution of a question which would
occupy the attention of the heavier mov
ing brain for a long time.
Celerity of judgment and action are
characteristics of some very great men,
though not by any means is this an at
tribute of them all. Whenever this qual
ity is conspicuous in a man, his critics,
friendly and adverse alike, accuse him
of rashness. After a long trial such a
man often convinces his friends that his
instant judgment was well founded, his
prompt action well taken. But his ene
mies never will allow this.
A practical illustration taken from the
most commonplace fields of life shows
how unfounded is the idea that quick
thought and action are dangerous. A
horseman, a football player, a locomotive
engineer, a woodsman felling a tree, all
these at times must instantly grasp a sit
uation, judge accurately as to distances,
chances and certainties, and act, with
the rapidity of fight, upon the mind's di
rection. “Dispatch is the soul of busi
ness.” This is the motto of every
great manipulator in the field of business
and finance. The money-makers decide
Instantaneously, in a crisis, and he who
most quickly thinks, and thinks right,
acting boldly upon his own judgment, is
the winner. There was never any such
thing as a successful fighter who was
slow of brain, languid in motion.
It is a great quality, that of being
able to think quickly, and think right
at the same time. It is said of some
horses that they “look over the whole
ground." There are men who do the
sufne thing, taking in the entire situa
tion in one comprehensive glance. The
born soldier does this. So does the born
statesman.
When the ship of state is headed to
ward the rocks the executive officer must
he quick to see and prompt to steer away
from the danger. To wait would be fa
tal. When advantage to the State is
waiting, the executive head should be
instantly alert to the potentialities of the
moment, and competent to act upon the
case at once, for opportunity waits for
no man. •
Because the mass of men are. slow In
thought, scattered as to attention, late
in action, they should not suspect the
quick, alert, concentrated minds of men
more gifted than themselves. As a mat
ter of fact, the public admires, trusts
and believes in the man of quick thought
and action. It has more faith in the
man who knows his own mind than it
can have In the man who waits for help
from within or without to make it up.
Events have shown that President
Roosevelt thinks quickly and thinks
right; that he acts promptly, and wisely.
What more could he asked, brethren of
the slow-going order?
Tile Safest Strip,
The strip of land which lies between
the Rocky mountains and the Pacific
ocean has practically already gone Re
publican. It may lie said frankly of our
friends, the enemy,* that they need not
waste time or money on the Pacific coast.
All the trade and commerce of the
Pacific coast is going to float westward.
The Republican party is endeavoring to
promote this trade in every way, and tho
Democratic party, under the cry of “Im
perialism,” is trying to embarrass it in
every way. Well, the western fringe
of the States of the United States is
pebbled b? intelligent human beings. Is
there any question as to how they will
vote?
REPUBLICAN PRESIDENTS.
They Receive Abuse of Democrats end
Support of the People.
According to the Democrats, the Re
publican Presidents, every one of them,
have been a had lot, personally and po
litically. Bach and all of them were
declared to be ruining the country; but
when the day of reckoning came, and the
verdict of the people was handed in on
their ballots, judgment was given—save
in two cases in forty-four years—for the
Republicans. Impartial history acquits
every Republican President of criminal
intents and acts. In doing lids duty to
the people Mr. Lincoln became a mar
tyr. No ruler was ever more vilified and
denounced. His body in life, ihis spirit
in death, represent the dividing line be
tween loyalty and disloyalty, between the
cohesion of the States or their disinte
gration. When a Democrat, be he leader
or follower, writes or talks of the Re
publican party as a nation-destroyer
through its measures or its Presidents, it
ia because he does not know or does not
care to remember that Buchanan, wiho,
as a Democrat, shaped the course of his
administration so that the advocates of
secession might have a quick and easy
victory; it was this Democratic President
who left to his Republican successor and
the loyal people he had been chosen to
govern, an empty treasury, a corporal's
guard of an army, a wreck of a navy,
dismantled fortresses, and legions of of
ficeholders ulcerated with a disloyalty
that the stem lessons of war and years
of Christian peace hava not entirely erad
icated. And before Buchanan were Dem
ocratic administrations whoss acts were
seemingly studied preludes to his crime.
The lineage of the Democratic party is a
record of broken pledges conceived in po
litical Iniquities and strangled at their
birth. It is tha Democratic party to
which the people owe four years of civil
war and eight years of such misgovem
ment that the rich became poor and the
poor starved.
It has been the province of the Re
publican party to undo the work of its
opponents; it has again and again saA><l
the nation from degenerating to a low
grade in nationalities, and it has enforced
respect throughout the world for a coun
try which the Democrats had brought in
to contempt.
Of course the Democrats assail Repub
lican Presidents and their nominees for
the place of Chief Executive; they do
this more by innuendo than by direct ac
cusation—a stabbing in the dark rather
than a fight in the sunlight. But there
is always this in favor of the Republican
party’s Presidents from the time they
begin to make history for the nation—
that for their support in the ordeal of
public criticism tney have had the Con
stitution of the Union, its Congresses,
and the voice of the people.
His M'-rnlng I’lnnjre,
When morning dawns, the next day after,
Then Parker will with chilly shiver
Dive where he will not hear our laugh
ter—
He’ll take has swim in old Salt River.
Bryan, in likening Parker to Mosos,
who was slow of speech, rapped the
Democratic candidate very hard. Bibli
cal authority says Moses never entered
the Promised land.
LOOKING TO THE FUTURE.
Another Kvidcnce of President Kooae”
velt’s Sagacity,
Mr. Roosevelt the President is prov
ing himself to be n long-headed roan. It
seems lie has anticipated the Emperor
of Germany as to The Hague Peace Con
vention, where war may be considered
in all its perplexities of inception and
conduct. The American and German
rulers are looking to the future with a
view of deereasing the causes for hostili
ties; or, if there must be war, of chang
ing its conduct beneficially for non-com
batant nations. Our government has
steadily and persistently beid to certain
propositions as to the rights of neutrals,
and is prepared to urge their adoption at
tlie convention. The positions taken by
the United States are for our future con
cern and welfare in case this country
should again be forced into fighting. This
action is a long look ahead, it is to be
hoped; but as long as war is a possibiii
ty it is statesmanlike sagacity that seeks
in advance to minimize its hardships;
and where we are neutrals it is business
on the part of this government to know .
beforehand the scope of a neutrality nec- ,
eesarily international. This move on Mr.
Roosevelt’s part is not at ail usurpation,
as Judge Parker would be likely to define ,
it if he were to be consistent. It is,
rather, a diplomatic move in the interest
of humanity, and a matter for approval
by people of all nationalities, especially
those gathered in America. If Mr.
Roosevelt should be continued as Presi
dent ills ideas in this matter will un
doubtedly receive consideration at Tne
Hague convention when held; but if a
Democrat be chosen to succeed him the
matter will be dropped for two reasons ,
at least—it being foreign to the avowed
policy of the Democratic party as to in- ,
terferenee in Old World matters, and
also because the proposition is of Repub- ,
lican origin. It is well for the people to ,
understand that the advancement of the
nation as shown under Republican direc- ,
tion will hnlt under that of the Demo- '
crats, and then be followed, as in other
years of their supremacy, by retrogres
sion and by ruin as soon as the vitality
given to the country's affairs by the Re
publicans has been exhausted.
The President Would Do.
Here is an incident that illustrates \
one trait of the President’s character—a
trait that tends to make him popular. !
While James Jeffrey Roche was having 1
a etiat with President Roosevelt in the
White House last week the telephone
bell was ringing somewhat persistently, '
says the Boston Herald. There being no ’
attendant at hand the President excused ^
himself and went to answer the repeated
call. This is the conversation that took I
place on the line according to the testi- j
mony of the distinguished gentleman at .
the President’s end of it:
“Well, what is it?”
"Hello, is Archie there?”
“No. he’s not.” '
“Who’s this I’m talking to?”
“The President.”
"Well, you’ll do. Tell Archie to come
over and play ball.”
And the President proceeded to exe
cute the order, as directed.
11 Kr"m ti me to time [tnr ’fT] schedules
must undoubtedly l>e rearranged and i
rendjnst-d to meet the shifting needs
of the country | but this can with safety
be done only bv those who are commit
ted to the cause of the protective sys
tem.Roosu elf. li tter of Moaeptaooe.
I>r. T. J. McCoy, one of the most
prominent Democrats in Warrick county, i
Indiana, has created a sensation at Boou
ville by renouncing Democracy and com
ing out strongly for Roosevelt and Fair
banks.
BOOMERANG FIGURES.
DANGEROUS MATERIAL IN THE
HANDS OF THE DEMOCRATa
Comparison* Showing How that Party
increased Government Kxponditnron
Mors than 31 Per Cent. In a Twelve
Year Period.
The Democratic campaign writer* ant.
speaker* are making use of highly dan*
gerou* material when they use figures to
show the large increase in government
expenditures under Republican adminis
tration. Alton U. Parker said to the
Democratic editors at Rosemount:
During Mr. Cleveland's first term the av
erage annual expenditure was about $269,
000,000. For the last three years It ha*
been about $519,000,(XX). The governmental
expenditure last year mounted up to $582,
txxi.OOO, which Is not equaled by any year
since tlie civil war. with the exception of
the year of the ttpanlsh war.
Why did Mr. Parker use the figure#
merely of Cleveland’s first term? Why
did he not make use of the figures for
President Cleveland’s second term? Had
these entered into the comparison it
would have been shown that expenditure*
gained with (he same proportional rapid
ity in Democratic times as in Republi
can times—and in some directions, like
interest on the public debt, they gained
more. The Democratic party, to use a
legal term, is "estopped” from criticism
of Republican increase in expenditures
when the figures comparing Democratic
expenditures, twelve years apart, show
that the Democrats, just like the Repub
licans, were forced to follow the rapid
growth of the country with increased ex
penditures for the government.
The total expenditures of President
Cleveland’s last fiseal year, 1897, wer#
$365,774,159 as against $242,483,139 for
those of his first year as President, 1886
—a gain of over 51 per cent, in th#
twelve-year period.
The total expenditures for the four
years of Cleveland's first administration,
1886 to 18!X), were $l,052,0(i5,894. Th#
total expenditures during Cleveland’#
second administration, 1893 to 1897, wer#
$1,441,674,184.
Comparing the first year of Cleveland’#
first term with the last year o< bis sec
ond term, the following were the expendi
tures:
1880. 1807.
Civil and miscella
neous .$74,166,930 $90,401,261
War Department ... 31,324,153 48,950.018
Navy Department .. 13,907,888 34,501,548
Indian service. 8,009,158 13.016,803
Pensions . 63,404,864 141,053,168
Interest on debt .... 50,580,146 37,791,117
Tot.expenditures.*242,483,130 *305,774,157
For the last fiscal year, 1904, the b*t
ermnent expenditures were:
Civil and miscellaneous (exclti- !
plve of *50,1X10,000 Panama *
Canal payment) .*136,766,703
War Department . 115,005,411
Navy Department ....
Indian service
Total .*532,402,323
Interest on the Public Debt.
As regards interest on the public debt,
tiie figures of the Harrison administra
tion that intervened between the two
Cleveland administrations are of inter
est. The interest payments for the year
1802, tiie last year of Republican rule,
were $23,378,110, as against $51,580,146
for the first fiscal year of Cleveland’s
first administration. Then, during Cleve
land's second administration the public
lebt was increased $200,000,000, and the
Interest payments, which in 1892 amount*
>(j to $23,378,116, in 1897 amounted to
537,791,110. But in 1904 the interest
>n the public debt was only $24,646,490,
:his reduction having been due chiefly to
:he economy rendered possible through
lie financial act of March, 1900, which
aearly every Democrat in Congress voted
lgainst.
The most important increase in expond
ttires under Republican rule has been for
:hc navy—and this policy of upbuilding
;he navy was a pet policy of the late VV.
D. Whitney, President Cleveland’s Secre
;ary of the Navy, whom Democrats often
:erm the father of the modern American
levy. During the Cleveland years, ex
penditures for the navy increased $19,
>J0,000, and the Navy Department ex
penditures for 1904, compared with those
lor 1897, Cleveland’s last year, show
in Increase of $68,000,000, the bulk of
which increase is for construction of new
chips.
In consideration sf the fact that the
United States has increased nearly 50
ier cent, in population and more than
100 per cent, in wealth since Grover
Uleveland was first inaugurated, the in
■reased expenditures ef government
vould naturally seem to be entirely jus
ified.
If they are not, the Democrats should,
it least in fairness, be willing to criti
•ise the increase in Democratic years just
is much as the increase in Republican
ears.
WORKINGMAN’S FRIEND.
frMk Evidence of Roosevelt's Sym
pathy with Wens Earners.
It has been repeatedly stated that
President Roosevelt never misses an op
(oitnuity to show his sympathy for
vage-earners. Hore is a fresh evidence
if the truth of this assertien. “Dur
ug the existing administration," says the
Chicago Tribune, ‘’the United States for
he first time has intervened in a private
Inmage suit. Nothing was known of the
irder until Senator Knox, late Attorney
Jeneral, mentioned it the other day. A
irakeman was Injured, after'the act r*
luiring the. use of safety appliances on
nterstste railroads had gone into effect,
vbile endeavoring to couple cars which
iad not been equipped in accordance
vith law. He brought suit for damages
n a United States court, but was nnsuc
essful. The case was called to the at
ention of the President, and, as he saw
hat the decision of the lower court nulli
ied a great remedial statute, he directed
l petition for a writ of certiorari to be
iled to remove the case to the Supremo
}ourt. It will decide whether a law
vhieh was passed to protect the lives of
Kindreds of thousands of railroad work
irs can be violated with impunity."
The Democrats are everlastingly re
’erring to Jackson ami Jefferson as the
lolitieal demigods of the past. No on*
■an tell what Jefferson would do wer*
ic alive tu-Jay. He was n good uiau,
ind a schemer and dreamer in politico.
Anyone can tell what Jackson would do
vere he alive to-day. He would be with
Roosevelt. He in a less educated wa®
was the same kind of man