The frontier. (O'Neill City, Holt County, Neb.) 1880-1965, October 13, 1904, Image 6

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    I—SUPPLEMENT TO—
|THE FRONTIER
I | O'NEILL. NEBRASKA
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1904.
ATTITUDE OF PARTIES
If POSITIONS ©F REPUBLICANS
| AND DEMOCRATS.
3 The Former Stand for Certain Fun
||i dainental Idea*, While the Latter
P Are Content to Oppose Everything
II Offered by Their Rivals.
jf|t It is s common tiling to hear it salt
Kit that there is little difference in this enrn
1I paign ttetween the position of the Ile
O puhlican and tlie Democratic parties, and
that son.e people do not much Care which
K wins. Never was a more radical mis
f [j take made. There is a wide gulf he
ft tween the stand of the two parties.
Bl! Gulf? No; oceans separate the out
posts of each from the other!
The Republican party is planted solid
lj upon certain fundamental ideas, and
the actual working out of those ideas
forms the main rock of its support. It
is a combination of men who believe in
action, led by a man of resistless ener
gy. During the last half century the
Republican party has held together the
American Union and made it a nation.
It has abolished slavery forever from
our shores. It lias, through the protec
tive tariff and other measures, built up
national and individual prosperity. It
has, in very recent years, caused the
American nation to be respected through
out the world as a first-class power,
(dictating, to-day, a policy of justice and
fair dealing in international affairs, in
Europe, Asia and the islands of the
seas. It has fought out the fight for
the gold standard, putting the nation on
• sound financial footing with the rest
of the world. It stands, now, for hu
man freedom, equal justice to nil, equal
opportunities to all, without regard to
pace, creed or color. It stands for pros
perity at home and recognition abroad,
for honest money, for national credit, for
practical works of internal improvement.
It has initiated the digging of the Pan
ama Canal. It has begun the irriga
tion of the arid regions of the West.
It has inaugurated an era of education!
of sanitary reform, of civil and religious
liberty in the new American posses
sions in the Atlantic and Pacific. The
Republican party is a party of work.
It does things! It Is alive, progressive,
▼irile and practical. It is, in its very
nature, constructive. It is a living,
growing force, because It is made up of
the men of the nation who possess the
power of taking the initiative in all
forms of activity.
Whnt About the Opposition?
k And what about the Democratic party,
the party which some people are saying,
is not far different, at present, from its
rival?
What lias the Democratic party said
or done during the last half century?
It has simply laid its ears back and
' kicked! It has. been the lenden lump
to lift in all great enterprises under
taken by the country from 1800 on to
the present moment of time, it opposed
’ ’the war for the Union with all its
etrength. In 1804 its National Conven
tion declared “THE WAR A FAIL
URE.” It opposed, with heart and soul,
tho /freeing of the slaves. The district
in which slavery flourished is still Dein
, ocratic—a "Solid South,” It opposed the
protective tariff, and opposes it still. It
adopted the wild craze for free silver
nnd has never repudiated or disowned
ita doctrines of 1890 and 1900. It held
back the Panama Canal and would have
defeated its beginning if it had been
able to do so. It has discouraged a prac
tical and humane administration of af
fairs in the Philippines. It has, at all
times, everywhere and anywhere, been
wrong. With a certainty which is mar
velous it takes the wrong aide of every
public question.
And now, after the heat and burden of
work borne by its opponent, this party
of ignorance, laziness, procrastination
and disaster asks to be given the reins of
national power! It cluims for itself con
sideration on the ground of perpetual
' fault-finding with thiugs as they are
and as they ought to be!
How can any sane man say that the
I. difference between the two great parties
L is not great? One means health, brains,
heart, work, the solving of hard prob
lems, the assisting of the heavily bur
J dened, the holding of a great strong
k nation to its grand purpose in the bet
tering of mankind. The other means
Standing still, looking backward, and go
j Ing backward, for man or natiou standing
l atilt is bound ta retrograde.
There must be something in the air
which dulls perception when men cau
•ay that they find little difference this
year between the two great political
parties. Fatness and prosperity have
p caused some people to lose quick pereep
■’ tion and judgment. There would be a
rude awakening for them If the Demo
crats should win the November elec
tions. The chances are much against
any «uch catastrophe for the sleepy
brethren who “don’t much care.” It is
t a curious phenomenon, however, the fact
Sjjf- sf their existence.
TARIFF AND MONEY.
—
If One Standard Is Katabliahed, Why
Not the Other?
Why should not the protective tariff
F policy be as “firmly and irrevocably
L established” as the Democratic party and
t-k Its candidate for the Presidency con
cedes the gold standard to be?
The gold standard was advocated by
P the Republican party, and on this issue
the country went Republican by an over
whelming majority. The question of
tariff or free trade, and tariff reform
d and revision, has been the issue in sev
P eral national campaigns, and the people
by their votes decided finally that the
fk . protective tariff principle should prevail
and that this country should be recog
nized as favoring and supporting pro
R-;.,",. taction and not free trade. The Demo
gf cratie party was placed in power and
§p given the opportunity of demonstrating
the fallacy of its Tree trade or tariff for
P revenue-only policy, aud the result was
r‘ so distastrous that the people gladly re
jb turned to protection at the first oppor
k tunity, and refused to EXPERIMENT
WITH FREE SILVER. The legisla
tion by Congress fixing the gold standard
was in accordance with the demand of
the people, as expressed by their votes.
They, the people, have just as firmly
expressed their preference for protec
tion. Neither currency nor tariff legis
lation is so firmly enncted that the laws
could not be changed by Congress if the
people demanded their revision, and the
only reason that the Democratic party
is attempting to make the tariff an is
sue in this campaign is that they hope
the people have forgotten their sad ex
perience under the Wilson-Gorman Dem
ocratic tariff bill. After the votes are
counted in November, the Democrats
will find that the people who by their
votes rule this country consider the pro
tective policy ns well as the gold stand
ard firmly and irrevocably established
•as cardinal principles.
THE SUPPLY OF MONEY
Increase of *112,000,000 Since Jan#
1, and *10,000,000 a Month for Eight
Tear*.
The total stock of money in the Uni
ted States increased from $2,703,152,
320 on January 1 of this year to $2,829,
273,310 on September 1, or more than
$00,000,000, and the money in actual
circulation, which was $2,400,345,870 at
the beginning of this year, rose to $2,
558,279,984 on September 1, an increase
.of nearly $112,000,000. On the latter
date the per capita circulation had in
creased just one dollar since the first of
January.
This illustrates how the country is
continually, ami, according to the very
latest figures, gathering increased bene
fits from Republican policies. It shows
the folly of the free silver argument for
which Parker and Davis voted in 1890
and in lOOit, since it demonstrates that
money supplies increase not as more
money may be coined, but as credit, con
fidence and real wealth increase from
wholesome policies that bring wealth to
the country and also bring the best
money of the world—goid—to the coun
try to represent that wealth. In Demo
cratic times not only was the United
States hindered from producing wealth,
but the best money to represent wealth
—gold—was driven out instead of being
invited in, owing to the famous Gresham
law that bad money drives out good
money.
I in? deposits of toe clearmg-nouse
banks of New York City increased dur
ing tile eight months ending August 31,
£313,000,000 as one result of the ple
thora of money, nnd money on call loan
ed as low as one-half of one per cent.
A recent bulletin issued by the con
troller of the currency calls attention
to the enormous increase of 105 per cent,
in the deposits of the banks of the whole
country between 1893 and 1903.
National bunk notes outstanding have
also been increasing continuously for
more than a year, and especially since
the first of January. On August 1, 1903,
tlie outstanding national bank note cir
culation was $417,340,487. By January
1, 1901, it had reached $425,103,000, and
on September 1, $452,510,000. Since
August, 1902, the national bank circu
lation has been higher than at any form
er period. Previous to that date the
maximum point was $302,000,000 in
le>o2, and the minimum was $107,577,214
in 1891. National bank note circulation
is approximately $300,000,000 greater
than at the low period, and it is likely
to increase further.
The total deiiosits of Chicago banks
on September 0 and 7 were the largest
in their history. The Chicago National
banks, in response to the controller’s
call for statement of condition on Sep
tember C, showed total deposits of $290,
570,000, as against $285,098,820 on June
9 of this year and against $202,797,930
on December 10, 1901. Chicago State
bank deposits on September 7 were
$277,059,403, as against $200,392,043 on
June 10 of this year, and as against
$209,794,827 on July 24, 1902.
Henry Cl. Davis said in his speech
accepting the Democratic nomination for
Vice President: “The apprehension
which now prevails in business circles
and the present unsatisfactory industrial
conditions of the country, seem to de
mand a political change.”
If there were such “apprehension”
could deposits increase in this remark
able way? As a matter of fact, a con
dition of “business apprehension” will
always quickly be followed by runs on
banks nnd rapid shrinkage of deposits,
nnd the very fact that deposits are now
breaking all previous records proves the
utter absurdity of the Davis calamity
argument.
The total increase in our volume of
money during the past eight years was
$1,014,716,501; annual increase, $120,
839,570; increase for each month dur
ing the last eight years, $10,569,130; an
increase for each day during the last
eight years of $332,304.
This statement shows that during the
last eight years, over seven of which
■have been under Republican adminis
tration, the increase in the volume of the
currency has amounted to $352,304 for
each day of Republican administration,
or more than $10,000,000 for each month.
Parker ve. Cleveland.
Cleveland's second administration was
disastrous to the prosperity of the coun
try; nevertheless, history will give much
credit to Cleveland because of his ob
stinate defense of the gold standard
against the assaults of his own party in
Congress, and because of his Venezuela
message.
But while Cleveland was doing his
best to preserve the gold standard, Park
er was voting for free silver. And wheu
Cleveland wrote his Venezuela message
did lie have the moral support of the
candidate who ill his recent speech of
acceptance condemned as extravagant
and unjustified the Republican policy of
getting the nation in readiness for war?
Had it not been for this very policy
as pursued by preceding Republican ad
ministrations. President Cleveland’s fam
ous ^Venezuela message would have been
an empty "blnff."
"There Is, elr, in our past history no
basis for the Intimation that the party
in power Is predisposed to Increase or
in any manner unduly to extend the
bonds of the Oovernment. Under the
administration of that party we have
witnessed the reduction of the inter
est-benrlns public debt from 92,383,
033,313 nt the close of the civil war to
9383,037. lOO at the close of Harri
son’s Administration, and with the re
duction %>f the principal has goos a
reduction of the interest upon what
remained."—Senator Fairbanks ia the Sen
ate. Hatch 6, 1900
West Virginia may turn out to be the
1 little joker of the campaign. Wait nnd
see who plays her to win in November.
t>
s
p
I I
» mm****
BRYAN—“So you are: I’ve Just made your load a little lighter
-------— _
ORDER NO. 78
Which Judge Parker Will Not Have
a Chance to Kevoke.
Nothing in the Democratic quiver of
whereases against President Roosevelt
has failed so utterly as that arraigning
his pension order, No. 78, making the
proof of certain ages by old soldiers
evidential facts of certain degrees of dis
ability.
If the order had been cunningly de
vised to betray the great constitutional
lawyers of the Democracy into making
more than the usual kinds of continental
asses of themselves it could not have
succeeded more completely and ludicrous
ly. When the great “Parker Constitu
tion Club,” of New York, started in to
arraign Theodore Roosevelt for going
through the constitution as if it were
a paper hoop in a circus ring, It attack
ed his issuance of order No. 78 in these
words:
“We find that President Koosevelt de
liberately disregarded Article I, Section 9,
of the Constitution, providing “No money
shall be drawn from the Treasury, hut In
consequence of appropriations made by
law."
Now, what are the facts?
Order No. 78 assumes that an old
soldier who ia 62 years of age is prob
ably able to earn only one-half of the
support the statute provides in case of
total disability, at which stage he ar
rives when he is seventy, and says he
shall be entitled to the munificent sum
of $6 per month as a pension; and it
finds that at 65 he is two-thirds disabled
and entitled to $8.
There can be no serious objection to
the principle of the order, which is
based on the experience of mankind as
to the gradual decay of human powers.
By reason of strength many men are
as able to “earn a support” at seventy
as at thirty, but the vast majority at
sixty have passed the line where they
are fully capable of doing so in “the
performance of manual labor,” and the
evil days approach when “the grasshop
per shall be a burden and desire shall
fail.”
Order No. 78 merely recognizes the
course of nature, but it draws no money
out of the treasury without authority
of law. It was issued March 15, 1904.
to be effective April 13, 1904. Congress
being in session it was reported to that
body with the request that $1,500,000
be appropriated to carry it into effect.
The sum was embodied in the pending
deficiency bill, after free discussion the
money was voted, and in due order under
the Act of Congress, the pensions began
to issue, and not till then. Every cent
paid under Order No. 78 was drawn
from the treasury in consequence of “an
appropriation made by law,”
Exit the Parker Constitution Club, of
New York, with its constitutional ears
at half mast.
Now, mark the sequel: On September
19 last, $1,410,000 was covered back
into the treasury as the unexpended
balance of the appropriation of $1,500,
000, after paying $00,000 on 18,627
claims adjudicated in April, May and
June to the end of the fiscal year. Of
the certificates issued only 3,859 were
for original pensions to veterans who
had reached the age of sixty-two or
upward, and 14,768 were increases al
lowed to claimants who were receiving
pensions for disability less than the
amount to which they were entitled
under the pension for age.
Thus, it will be perceived, the dread
of a heaTy pension raid on the treasury
by reason of Order No. 78 has gone
glimmering along with the constitutional
hysterics of the Parker Constitution
Club of New York.
A Baseless Chares.
The charge that Mr. Roosevelt is “an
unsafe man” is disproved by history. He
was Governor of New York for a full
term and has been President three years.
These are the two highest executive
posts in the nation. In neither of them
did he ever do an executive act that has
turned out diisastigmsly for the country?
Where does the unsat'eness come in?
The pretended alarm of Democrats on
this score is really a great compliment
to Mr. Roosevelt. It is equivalent to
saying that he is an energetic Presi
dent. We Americans are an energetic
people, accustomed to doing things in
stead of sitting down and dreaming about
them, and why should not we have that
kind of a President? Mr. Roosevelt’s
energy is of the healthy American kind,
and it has had a wholesome effect upon
our own people and in other countries.
A President who has spent his life doing
things is greatly preferable to one who
has spent his life writing judicial opin
ions.
SOMETHING GROTESQUE.
Hill’s Impudent Attack Upon Presi
dent Roosevelt.
In a letter to Ferdinand Ziegel, Presi
dent of the Commercial Travelers’
league, David Bennett Inn assaults the
President in language which, to say the
least, is impertinent from the jKiint of
view of gentlemen. He accuses the Pres
ident of “brag and bluster,” and refers
to the “dignified and conservative gen
tlemau'the Democrats have nominated.”
This comes well from the New York
Democrat, generally admitted to be the
foxiest politician and the one most lack
ing in broad statesmanship in the Uni
ted States. There is a certain breezi
ness and impudence exhibited when he
compares his own creature and appointee
to the bench with a man like Theodore
Roosevelt, which commands attention,
if, at the same time, the very opposite
of respect. This one thiug may be, at
least, said ofJJavid Beunett Hill, who
is now the entire Democratic party in
the United States and whose creature is
the party’s candidate, that he has ever
the brazenness of his non-convictions.
He has a certain clever wordiness, too.
But facts are facts, and facts are
stubborn things. David Bennett Hill is
practically directing the course of the
Democratic party. His own henchman,
his political manager in New York, Al
ton B. Parker, is the man installed by
him as the Democratic candidate for the
Presidency, a passable jurist, possibly,
a shrewd political manager; certainly, a
man unheard of generally until his own
er nominated him as the candidate for
the Presidency of a decadent party.
But to talk of him as a President is
absurd. David Bennett Hill is certainly
a “plunger” with his vassals in politics.
Democratic Contraction.
Oontractiouist would be a better name
than Democrat for the party that favors
anti-expansion. Favoring free silver,
which meant the contraction of money
and its purchasing power; the hauling
down of the stars and stripes in Hawaii,
the Philippines and other acquired ter
ritory is contraction of territory; advo
cating curtailment of appropriations by
Congress means, if carried out, the con
traction of the rural free mail delivery,
and of all other internal works and im
provements. The revision of the tariff
as favored by the Democratic platform
means contraction of markets, at home
and abroad, contraction of the demand
for labor, contraction of money in circu
lation, contraction of our bank accounts,
contraction of values, and contraction of
our belts to make our stomachs fit the
contracted supply of foodstuffs which ex
perience has taught we must get along
with under contracted Democratic ad
ministrations.
It is said in New York that if Judge
Herrick is elected governor this fall there
will be nothing voluntary abont the re
tirement of David B. Hill from active
participation in State politics on Jan.
1, 1005. There is no room on the same
mountain top at the same time for two
such organizers as Herrick and Hill.
DEMOCRACY’S PLIGHT.
Bill Bryan said he’d help them; he said
that he would talk;
He said that he would fix things so
they’d win in a walk;
He went to Colorado—they know they’ve
lost the State
Because Bill Bryan acted like he’s the
candidate.
They sent Bill home,
No more to roam,
For he couldn’t find a Denimy
with a fine-tooth comb.
Bill Sheehan said he’d do it; he said
he had a scheme;
He woke up at Esopus—he found ’twas
all a dream;
He boasted that his tactics had bottled
up New York—
They found the other fello'ws had come
and pulled the cork.
They sent Bill home
No more to roam.
For he couldn’t catch the voters
with a fine-tooth comb.
Dave Hill said it was easy, he’d fix the
thing up right,
He fretted and he figured with all his
main and might.
And when he’d led his trump card some
body covered it—
They whispered then to David: “We
think you’d better quit.”
They sent Dave home
No more to roam—
For he couldn’t find the voters
with a fine-tooth comb.
Tom Taggart had his innings—he
brought out all his guile,
His finger-pinching 'handshake, his oily,
spreading smile.
But up came Mr. Parker his morning
sleep to break
With: “Who has chloroformed yon?
And what is this—a wake?”
They sent Tom home
No more to roam
For he ^couldn’t find a voter with
a fine-tooth comb.
Then Arthur Pusey Gorman, as slick as
slippery elm.
Went on the deck as Captain, with no
one at the helm.
Democracy went drifting as far as far
coul4 be,
And now the craft is sinking somewhere
upon the sea.
They’ve all gone home
No more to roam—
For they couldn’t catch a voter
with a fine-tooth comb.
Parker FoCgetfnl.
Judge Parker is either too partisan,
too ignorant or too forgetful to be ac
curate in his statements. In alluding
to the “blessings” of the Cleveland ad
ministration he neglected to say that
the exports of the fiscal year 1S96, when
Cleveland was President, were only
$803,200,487, while last year, under
Roosevelt, they reached the enormous
total of $1.460,808.185._
“There ia a very broad dlatinction
batween the unlimited issue of sliver
ae a currency and ite limited uaet a
distinction which the advocates of un
limited coinage in their extraordinary
zeal seem to fall to perceive. The re
sult, sir, which would flow from the
two policies of limited and unlimited
coinage would be quite divergent.”—
Senator Fairbanks in the Senate, March 5, 1900.
There is no Republican apathy, for we
are exceedingly earnest this autumn, but
we must not be too blithesome iu ad
vance. It will be necessary to do some
thing in November. It will be neces
sary to turn out and vote.
7 \
AN ARTFUL DODGER
JUDGE PARKER’S DEXTERITV «N
THE ART OF EVASION.
A Few Reflections Upon the Demo
cratic Candidate's Letter of Accep
tance — Document that Does No*
Convince the Reader.
Few people outside of those politically
interested will be found who claim to
have waded through all of Alton B.
Parker’s letter of acceptance. Those
who 'have performed the feat must ad
mit fatigue. Although the tone of the
letter is more clear and emphatic than
that of the nerveless and insipid speech
of acceptance, it is without that supreme
quality which fixes attention. As one
reads the mind wanders. The perforati
on in short, is not convincing.
some passages there is marked evi
dence of the foxy cleverness of David
Bennett Hill. Here is the voice of
Jacob indeed, but the hand is the hand
of Esau. But, even with the injection
of Hill there is little in the document
to ward off the gentle influences of
slumber-land.
In his remarks upon ' “Imperialism,”
intended to be impressive, the judicial
candidate succeeds only in being solemn
and dull, and his long words and long
sentences lead nowhere, for he gives no
instances of the violation of the liber
ties and constitutional rights he is so
anxious to uphold. He merely winds
’round and ’round the subject he has
introduced with a flourish, as “Consti
tutional vs. Imperialism,” and ends
abruptly with a general and scattering
fire upon an imaginary “determined, am
bitious and able executive,” who might,
could, would or should do something
“real devilish” some day, if the Repub
licans are retained in power.
Will Not Follow Democrats. ;
And the statesman of Esopus forgets
a good many things, or, possibly he
doesn’t forget. Perhaps he never knew
much about the history of the people of
the United States.
N “SHALL WE FOLLOW THE
FOOT-STEPS OF OUR FATHERS
ALONG THE PATHS OF PEACE,
PROSPERITY, AND CONTENT
MEN?” he asks.
NOT UNDER THE LEADERSHIP
OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY,
comes a many-voiced reply.
When has the Democratic party ever
led among the pleasant fields of peace,
along the streams of prosperity where
fed the fat flocks of contentment?
PEACE!
What party plunged this nation into
such a war of Rebellion as the world
has never seen, and kept it there, at
untold expense of blood and tears and
treasure for four long years?
PROSPERITY!
What party undermined the wealth
and productive force, the credit and the
industrial life of the United" States to
the appalling conditions of 1893, con
ditions which so worked upon the minds
of men as to render'them easy victims
to the schemes and visions of the silver
craze of 1893.
CONTENTMENT!
What party has fostered within its
bosom all the tireless agitators, the dis
turbers, cranks and misanthropic pessi
mists, who have had a full hand in a
full country!
Save us from the Democratic version
of peace, prosperity and contentment!
Further Evasions.
In iiis utterances upon the “Imperial’*
bogy Mr. Parker is gushing. When it
gets to the tariff he settles down into
the jog-trot of party dullness and fog.
In his discussion of pension order, No.
78, he begins dodging questions with
neat dexterity, and he keeps this up,
with varying success throughout the let
ter, executing a grand summersault when
whizzing by the trusts.
The amusing assumption of Republi
can ideas on the Panama Canal, the
irrigation of arid lands, foreign relations
and American citizenship need no com
ment. They constitute what is an old
story to Republicans, but may conie
as a revelation to Democrats.
Following President Roosevelt’s ex
ample, Mr. Parker winds up his, letter
with eight or ten questions, but in select
ing the questions Mr. Parker departed
from the excellent model at first chosen
and asks only questions which answer
themselves.
It ds comforting to be assured that
the Democratic candidate and his asso
ciates await the people’s verdict “with
calmness and confidence.”
So do the people themselves, especial
ly the Republicans among them. There
is really nothing to get flurried about;
nothing to scare the most timid Demo
crat in the bunch of scary brethren.
TaBBart and Illinois.
As between the Democratic National
Committee Chairman Thomas Taggart
and the Democratic leaders of Illinois,
the situation is, to put it mildly, more
than melancholy.
Chairman Taggart came to Chicago
and went away again leaving behind him
a trail of blasted hopes. The Illinois
Democrats expected to get some money
from the Democratic party, affluent for
the first time in many years, because the
trusts are with the Democracy. But
Chairman Taggart has no money to give
to Illinois. Whatever else may be said
of Chairman Taggart—who is a fine fel
low—it has never been said of him that
he was a fool. He knows better than
to waste money on Illinois in this cam
paign, and has practically, so expressed
himself.
This makes one sympathize and regret
somewhat the condition of the Democra
tic leaders in Illinois, but exalts one’s
esteem of Chairman Taggart's .good
sense.
Auent the Democratic desire to haul
down the flag in the Philippines, it may
be said the Stars and Stripes has never
been lowered where it has been raised v
as an emblem of sovereignty, except in
Hawaii, where it was hauled down by
Grover Cleveland, a Democrat. The
Philadelphia Press says the proposal to
lower the flag in the Philippines is' the
first proposal of the kind that any Amer
ican party lias ever dared to make.
There is an army of over 1.300,000
railway employes in the United States
who are not dependent on any system
of campaign statistics to tell them they
are better off in these years of Republi
can fatness than during the lean years
that followed President Cleveland’s sec
ond inauguration.