AS THE FARMER SEES
REASONS WHY HE BELIEVES IN
AND TRUSTS REPUBLICANS
They Have Never Deceived Nor Be
trayed Hie Interests and Have Ag
gressively Favored Legislation for
His Benefit.
Bach national campaign emphasize*
the fact that the “farmer” vote must be
reckoned with and catered to, and all
parties put forth their best arguments
when addressing the farmer. Away from
the madding crowd, nntrammeled by the
prejudice* and false cries of the politi
cian, the farmer calmly reads ami thinks,
and thinks and reads, and decides the
question' with a discerning judgment that
leads to a decision which is honest and
right. .
In 18JHJ it was generally feared that
the farmer would be deceived by the
great promises made of the beneficent re
sults to be attained by voting for free
silver, but this was not so; the funner
might be deceived when away from home,
but at his own fireside, with plenty of
time to weigh the question, he decided
for the gold standard, AND TIIK DEM
OCRATIC PARTY AND ITS CANDI
DATES ON THE NATIONAL TICK
ET NOW SAY THAT THE FARMER
DECIDED RIGHT. In 1(100 the cry
•was imperialism, and with hi* love of
freedom it was said that the farmer
might be stampeded, but again lie allow
ed common sense and calm consideration
to decide the question, and, seeing tjo
danger of militarism or overthrow of the
established government bv the new order
of things, forced upon us by the war
with Spain, the farmer again east his
ballot for the Republican ticket, and
time has proved that his judgment was
good and his decision right.
Chaff Will Not Answer.
Ill the present campaign no new or
striking issue is presented. The Demo
crat* arraign the Republican party, vilify
the President and hold forth glittering
generalities, hut definiteness is lacking,
and what would lie gained by the elec
tion of a Democratic1 President is not ap
parent. A general "calamity howl" is
no argument, and to secure the farmer
vote it is necessury to present more than
chaff.
One term of a Democratic President,
two years only of absolute Democratic'
administration, was sufficient to jirnc
ticnlly paralyze business throughout the
nation, deprive the worker of the chance
to earn an honest living, depress values
' and prices and make us the laughing
stock and subject of ridicule of the na
tions of the world.
, McKinley was. elected, a Republican
Congress enacted a consistent protective
tariff, industry was revived, factories
started, unemployed given work at the
highest wages ever known, consumption
stimulated, values restored, Spain defeat
ed, Cuba freed, order established m the
Philippine Islands and the people given
civil liberty in its fullest sense and the
opportunity of becoming a creditable part
of the greatest nation on earth. The sta
, ■ toitity of the currency has been assured
by the action of the Republican admin
istration; the public debt reduced and
interest charges lowered; laws pasjsed
that will bring the arid lands under cul
' tivatlon, and that, too, without tax or
cost to any person except the one di
rectly benefited by the purchase of the
land from the government.
The securing of the rente for an isth
mian canal, the construction of which is
now nasnred, is a crowning triumph for
• a Republican President and the party,
end no ona class will receive a greater
benefit from the connection of the At
lantic and Pacific by this great waterway
than will the farmer.
The opposition to the Cuban reci
procity bill, on ueeount of the reduction
of the tariff on raw sugar, came largely
from a misconception of what the result
would be. Instead of retarding produc
tion and lowering the .price of sugar
, beets, the opposite has been the result,
•nd the production has been stimulated
•nd profits increased.
Benefits of Protection.
The policy of protection which guards
•nd develops the industries of our coun
try, cardinal with the Republican party,
Is necessary to the prosperity of the
farmer. A tariff on agricultural products
may not increase the price if the de
mand does not equal the supply, but a
tariff which protects American labor and
home industries insures work at high
wages, plenty of money and increased
consumption, iuauring high prices for
‘ farm products. »
The farmer is indebted to the Repub
lican party for the rural free delivery
system. First suggested by the editor
of a leading farm paper, himself a Re
publican, the idea was reported upon and
recommended by a Republican Tostmas
ter General, adopted and enlarged upon
by the Republican party, appropriation
made by a Republican (’ongress for an
investigation and trial of the proposed
VIC1U. A DTUIWIIUV f VSIUIUBICI vjrru*
*ral, supported by a Democratic Presi
dent, refused to expend the appropria
tions and reported not only adversely to
the system, but that the scheme was
Impracticable. Not until the Republi
cans were again in full power was the
system given a fair trial, aud its entire
practicability, as well as the great benefit
to be derived by the rural population,
* fully demonstrated. Prom a $10,000 ap
propriation for the trial of the system
It has grown to an appropriation of over
920,000,000 under the friendly encour
agement and aggressive business frollcy
•f Republican administrations. No other
ene thing could have been of such great
benefit to the farmer; it has placed him
In daily communication with the world,
' and from the seclusion of farm life he
emerges and becomes a part and parcel
«f this great nation and is not only able
to read of the doings throughout the
world, but the facilities u (forded for
■frequent aud prompt communication en
able him to take part in its affairs. The
farmer is now recognized as a big, broad
| winded business man. and the discovery
Is due to the rural free delivery system,
established and fostered by the Itepub
lican party.
BSi The Republican party has always been
aggressively in favor of legislation foi
:* the benefit of farmers, aud the record
3 will be considered and remembered when
the farmer casts his vote.
The platforms of the Republican ami
& ■ Democratic parties are so similar oi
important subjects that the conclusion is
inevitable that the latter followed tin
former for vote-catching purposes, ant
that the Democratic party is insisceri
BN. I1"'"; -~f ~r ■ ■ ...— ■ •
and asking support under false repre
sentations, and the farmer never favor*
or supports insincerity or fraud.
"MUD-SLINGING.”
Democrat!* Newspaper* Ar* Horri
fied When Fact# Are Stated.
[New York Tribune.]
To charge that the Preaident of the
United States is so reckless and un
scrupulous that ‘he means, if elected, to
grasp Mexico, the West Indies, Central
America and South America, and 'con
solidate all in one huge American em
pire—that is moderate and proper polit
ical discussion. “The candidate is the
issue."
To recite, with scrupulous moderation,
the historic farts concerning the entry
into public life of the opposing candi
date—facts that no man disputes or
dare dispute-—that is “mud-throwing!”
To mention that his first political
friends and creators were the ballot-box
stutters of fitony Hollow and Jockey
Hill; that his debut as a political man
ager was, while n surrogate judge, as
the State chairman for and personal
representative of David B. Hill, who in
gratitude made him a Supreme Court
Justice: and that, when he needed a
close friend to intrust with his bid to
Bryanites for the Chief Judgeship of
tlie Court of Appeals on the ground that
he had voted for Bryan, he chose as
suck confidential representative the elec
tion thief Danforth—to mention these
undisputed and indisputable facts, it
seems according to the horrified Demo
cratic organs, is “mud-slinging.”
Well, shivering souls, if those facts
imply “mud,” then that is the sort of
“mud” your candidate lives in. You in
voke in vain a cast-off judicial robe to
hide it. “The candidate is the issue.”
■ ROOSEVELT GOOD ENOUGH.
The People Like the Preeldent’a Dam*
ocretlc Way*.
[John S. Wise, of Virginia.]
The people have seen more of Roose
velt—now as youth and cowboy and
sportsman and naval secretary and po
lice commissioner and soldier and gov
ernor and President to think themselves
fair judges of his ingrain democratic and
republican personality. They believe lie
would spring at and grapple with a
usurper or a monarchist as fiercely as
he would lasso a wild broncho or fight
a Spaniard. And they like his demo
cratic ways, more democratic far in ac
tion than the aristocratic and exclusive
ness of Parker, with his colorless demo
cratic platitudes.
Talk does not settle popular estimates
of public men. Thousands—nay, hun
dreds of thousands—of Democrats see
more real democracy in the vigorous, ag
gressive, wideawake Theodore Roosevelt
than in the colorless, secretive Alton B.
Parker. The platforms are mighty near
together. The men are going to lie a
more decisive feature of this campaign
than usual. And with my knowledge
of the American people arid the things
which please their taste and fancy and
HU their Ideals of what real American
manhood is I would, if I were a betting
man, stake all I had that Rooseve't will
he an easy winner.
Cheap Barricade*.
It is droll, the attitude of the Demo
cratic party in the present campaign.
It has nominated candidates of mod
erate talents as figure-heads for the ven
tures of the discredited party, and ex
pects the people to support them, while
the Democratic National Committee and
Tammany are expected to buy or steal
success.
The Democratic party, with its un
sound views, financial and economic, lies
hopefully behind Parker and those un
named expectancies voiced by Williams,
Bryan and other Democrats.
And Bryan promises to reorganize the
party after the election! How? Evi
dently on lines of socialism, government
and municipal ownership of telegraph
rind railroad lines, with all the sequence.
What a vagueness of thought and prom
ise! How may so-called leaders of any
paety expect to get the votes of sensi
ble men upon a proposition so dim as
t his 1 The fault with the Democratic
party, this year, is that it does not even
furnish a good dissolving view.
Take Tour Choice.
David B. Hill, the sponsor of the
Democratic candidate for the Presidency,
said at St. Louis that he "did not know
bow Parker stood on the money ques
tion.” For thirty years Hill and Park
er have been intimately associated, so
cially and politically. If the statement
made by Hill is to be believed, then
Parker is too secretive a man to elect
to the Presidency; if false, then it was
evidently made for the purpose of mis
leading the people; and if the people are
to tie deceived in one thing, why not in
all the acts of the Democratic leaders?
Would It Be WiM?
It is conceded that the Democrats are
not on record on the tariff question. This
being the case, would it not be unwise
to trust,tariff revision to the-party op
posed to the principle of protection, the
result being practically free trade, bring
ing industrial depression, hard times and
the Inevitable lowering of prices on farm
products?
Tom Watson acknowledges that, the
condition of American workingmen is
now vastly improved, and that id their
homes they enjoy conveniences of life
which a king could not command some
hundred years ago. If the Democracy
had its way we would reverse the wheels
of progress so that the workingmen
might enjoy the privations of life that
were the common lot ill the grand old
days of Jeffersonian scarcity of bath
tubs.
The helpfulness of ths Germans to
ward each other has bsen one sf the
splendid lessons they have taught.
Fidelity is always an admirable trait.
The fidelity of Germans toward each
other haa been to me alwaye one of
their striking and admirable charac
teristics.—Senator Fairbanks at Indianapolis,
September S, 1899.
Under the Republican policy of pro
tection our home market affords our
manufacturers and producers, the best
mnrket in the world, oven if we did not
sell any of our products abroad. But
protection has also made us the greatest
exporting nation in the world.
China and India are “cheap” countries.
Human inbor is held very low in these
lauds and the result is that the masses
are constantly steeped in poverty and
menaced by starvation. In spite of the
so-called cheapness the people do not get
things.
THE PHILIPPINE ISSUE.
Harktd Modification of Jadge Parkar'a
Position.
Nothing in the conduct of the Demo
cratic party is more conducive to the
public weal than the ease with which
t abandons untenable issues after pledg
ng eternal fealty to them.
For eight years it was indissolubly
wedded to the free and unlimited coin
ige of silver at an arbitrary ratio—only,
it the telegraphic behest of its candidate,
:o accept the gold standard ns “firmly
md irrevocably established” by the Re
publican party.
From lime beyond the memory of the
>ldest voter the Democracy has been ful
ninating against “protectionism as a
-obbery”—only to have David B. Hill
wuive the tariff issue into the back yard
md abysm of time, "because it is a ques
tion on which very few of us (Demo
crats) agree.”
Nothing could have been “more beau
tiful to see” than the sham frenzy with
which Democrats and “anti-imperialists”
lenounced the prompt action by whicli
[he United States seized the opportunity
mid became possessed of the authority to
lig and control the Isthmian canal—ex
cept the avidity with which the Demo
cratic convention swallowed all its vo
ciferous scruples and resolved that,
•when entrusted with power it will con
struct the Panama canal speedily, hon
estly and economically.” No wonder the
mocking echo, “when entrusted with
power," reverberated through the repub
lic.
Aiul now comes Alton B. Parker and
Jraws the pen of ante-election expediency
through the Philippine plank of his par
ty. “We insist,” reads that sibillant doc
ument, “that we ought to do for the Fili
pinos what we hare done already for
the Cubans, and it is our duty to make
that promise NOW.”
At the first opportunity Judge Parker
was given to unburden his soul over the
wrong perpetrated in substituting Ameri
can justice, liberty and security for Span
ish cruelty, extortion and oppression in
the Philippines, he modified the “now”
in the above quotation with these Eso
pean words:
“The accident of war brought the Phil
ippines into our possession and we are
not nt liberty to disregard the responsi
bility which thus came to us, but that
responsibility will be best subserved by
preparing the islanders as rapidly as pos
sible for self-government and giving to
them assurances that it will come as
soon as they are reasonably prepared
for it.”
When interrogated by John G. Mil
burn of Buffalo as to whether the Del
phic phrase, “self-government,” in the
foregoing sentence was to be construed
as “identical with independence political
and territorial,” he replied: “I am in
hearty accord with that plank in the
Democratic platform which advocates
treating the Filipinos precisely as we did
the Cubans; and I also favor making
the promise to them NOW to take such
action AS SOON AS IT CAN PRU
DENTLY BE DONE.”
Aye, there's the rub! Give the prom
ise, and a Democratic promise at that,
now, and redeem it “as soon ns it can
prudently be done.”
Was there ever a more flagrant case of
that juggling with words that gives the
word of promise to the e;y, but puts its
fulfillment beyond the pule of living
hope? Why promise now what in the
expediency and wisdom of the future it
may never be prudent to fulfill?
No wonder the Democratic New York
Times scornfully declares that “the only
perceptible difference between the Demo
cratic position and the Uepublican posi
tion is that Judge Parker would tell the
Filipinos now what is in store for them,
and President Roosevelt would not. * * *
There is nothing either in his speech or
in his letter to Mr. Milburu which would
in any other than a heedless anti-impe
rialist mind lead to the conclusions that
were he in the White House he would
pursue toward our possessions in the far
East a policy different from that pursued
by President Roosevelt.”
The Times further expresses the opin
ion that “If the American people were
asked to vote to-duy upon the question
of immediately granting independence to
the Philippines, they would vote the
proposition down ten to one, perhaps
twenty to one, certainly by an exemplary
majority. They would vote it down be
cause they are not insane and because
they are not heartless. If they were
asked to vote upon the question whether
we should ‘make the promise now’ they
would laugh in the faces of those who
asked them to take the trouble to express
their will upon ja mere question of expe
diency.”
A promise now to do something which
it may be prudent to do fifty or two hun
dred years hence, possibly never, would
seem to almost reach the unscalable
heights of Democratic folly. Certainly
Judge barker’s promise now with its “as
soon as it can prudently be done” condi
tion, eliminates the Philippine issue from
the Democratic category of Republican
transgressions.
Imperialism of Steel.
When the great irbu and steel indus
try of the United States thrives, othei
American industries thrive. The Dem
ocratic party could not legislate to de
stroy the protection to the iron and steel
industry without legislating to destroy
the prosperity of the United States.
The millions of additional profit ami
wages that have come to the iron and
steel industry under Republican rule
would have been earned, if at all, by
foreign nations, had Democratic policies
prevailed during the last eight years
The gigantic rise of this industry dur
lug the last eight years added enormous
ly to the wealth of the United States
and every branch of American industry
and agriculture has been stimulated by
it. “Prosperity at home and prestigi
abroad” has indeed been intimately con
nected with tihe increasing imperialism ol
steel, which once was Pauper hut now
is King
Prosperity at Home, Prestige Abroad
“Prosperity at Home and Prestigi
Abroad”—was a campaign phrase thn
appealed with great force to the Amer
lean people in 1SK)0. It should appea
to them with still greater force in liKM
for during the last four years of fur
ther Republican rule there have beet
still further great gains in the prosper
ity of the United States, #nd still fur
ther great increase in the respect enter
tained for the United States by all th
nations of the world.
Democratic Party Divided.
The Democratic campaign manager
•re trying to hoodwink' the mass of th
party by saying all Democrats are work
ing earnestly Mr the election of Parke:
The truth is, there is now more dis
affection in the Democratic party than
there was when Bryan was nominated
the first time. Neither Bryan Demo
crats nor friends of W. R. Hearst will
support Parker. In New York State the
Bryanites have put a State Populist
ticket in the field and will vote for Wat
son, the Populist nominee for the Presi
dency. In New Jersey the Hearstitee
have organized the "People’s Demo
cratic party” and will fight the regular
organization. In Indiana and other
States the free silver and Bryan Demo
crats are in arms and will worry the
Parker party.
THE WORKINGMAN’S FRIEND.
Kailway Firemen Pay a Notable Trib
ute to President Roosevelt.
No President ever received a more
notable tribute from a labor organiza
tion than Theodore Roosevelt did at the
convention of the Brotherhood of Loco
motive Firemen held in Buffalo. A pub
lic meeting was held on the night of
Sept. 13. Fully 5,000 persons were in
attendance.
Grand Master Hannahan, in conclud
ing an address, called attention to the
fact that a New York newspaper had
criticised the President because he had
accepted an honorary membership in the
Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen.
“Let me say,” said Mr. Hannahan, “that
if the President of the United States or
any other of its citizens does nothing
worse than accept membership in this
organization he will neither merit the ill
miii inn uroci vr uic tcusuic ui uuj ux
his fellow-men. (Cheers.)
“If the rest of the public, and particu
larly those who are intrusted with the
direction of our government and the
management of the nation’s greatest en
terprises would do as the President and
meet us upon a common level, there
would be fewer strikes and less strife
and more of peace and good-will in the
industrial world.”
“What has the President done for
you?” shouted an intoxicated man, who
stood near the stage door-on the right.
“What has the President done?” re
peated Grand Master Ilannahan. “The
President has proven to the organized
workingmen of this country that he has
an interest in their welfare by accepting
an honorary membership in an organiza
tion of men whose faces are begrimed
by smoke and dust, and who daily and
hourly face the gravest dangers.”
The monster audience burst into
deafening cheers. The tumult rolled
from wall to wall and back again. Men
stood up on the benches, wildly waving
their hats and cheering for the Presi
dent. The demonstration was spon
taneous and was general all over the hall.
Finally it died down and some one in
the audience shouted:
“Hurrah for Theodore Roosevelt!”
And again the crowds burst into
cheers and when the second demonstra
tion died out the intoxicated man was
nowhere to be seen.
During the demonstration the men on
the stage sat silent and made no effort
either to check or urge on the remark
able ovation which the President had re
ceived. The Brotherhood does not per
mit politics to influence its action, but
its members, regardless of party, enter
tain a high opinion of President Roose
velt and will stand by him as firmly as
he stands by them.
MR. DAVIS’ CONTRIBUTION
Democratic Vice-Presidential Candi
date Draws the Line at $50,000.
A press telegram dated Cumberland,
Md., Sept. 7, says:
“It is stated on reliable authority from
Elkins that the campaign contribution
of Henry G. Davis will not be anything
like the amount the Democratic manag
ers had expected. He has fixed the
amount for all purposes at $5d,000 and
his brother, Col. Thomas B. Davis of
Keyser, W. Va., gave a similar amount.
"Mrs. Elkins and Mrs. Arthur Lee,
daughters of Mr. Davis, are known to
have objected to their father contribut
ing large sums, and this son, John T.
Davis, is said to have done likewise.
“Four years ago John T. Davis spent
a large sum in four counties when his
Uncle Tom was a candidate for Con
gress, but no results were obtained. Col.
Davis being defeated by a large vote.
Since then the Davises have little faith
in politicians’ judiciously expending
money.”
There’s some sense in the Davis fam
ily, it appears. The ex-Senator himself
has always succeeded in hanging on to
his dollars.
How much better it will be to use
some of papa’s money to buy pretty bon
nets and gowns with, than to throw them
to the mocking-birds of the Democratic
campaign committee!
And all for nothing, too!
Handicapped.
Marshall P. Wilder’s most successful
joke of the season has a political tang
to it that is calculated to make even
a Democrat with any sense of its eternal
aptness laugh. He tells of a teacher wlia
asks a class of boys whether they would
like to be President of the United
States. Observing that amid the gen
eral enthusiasm of assent one boy was
silent and disconsolate, she said:
“What’s the matter, Willie? Don’t
you wish to be President?”
“Yes’m, but I can’t,” replied the boy.
“How do you know you can’t?” she
asked.
“Because I’m a Democrat.”
That let him out.
Republican vs. Democratic Policy.
Organization does much to maintain
the wages of labor, but organization of
wage-earners does not provide consum
ers. Consumption of coal is always
greatest when mills and factories are run
ning fnll time. It is the policy of the
Republican party to protect all indus
tries by wise and beneficent laws, while
it has been the policy of the Democratic
party, as evidenced by the last Cleveland
administration, to provide as much work
i as possible for the artisans of other coun
tries by removing the protection the tar
. iff affords American workingmen.
1 -:
i The Democratic party has been fatally
■ wrong on every phase of the money ques
i tion from the resumption of specie pay
- ments after the war to the establish
■ ment of the gold standard, both of which
- it opposed. It is constitutionally unfit
« to deal with financial questions.
i
The story of the struggle on the edge
of the arid belts is a record of heart
, breaking disappointments and of failure
> for cause* utterly beyond individual con
- trol. Under national irrigation these
. will occur happily no more.
NOTHING TO TAKE BACK.
How Will Brria Bxplaln His Hos
tility to Porker?
William Jennings Bryan has been offi
L’ially engaged by the Democratic Na
tional Committee to make speeches is
New York, Indiana and other places
1'he former candidate for the president's
has something of a reputation as ar
agile political contortionist, but he wil
have the time of his life explaining his
record during the present campaign. Mr
Bryan has been on a good many sides ol
a good many different questions, and ye!
he lives to tell the tale. But just how
he proposes to advocate the election ol
Parker is a mystery.
Bryan was opposed to Parker before
the convention met at St. Louis. He was
opposed to Parker every day during thf
sessions of that inharmonious gathering
When Parker sent his telegram supple
menting the Democratic platform Mr
Bryan rose from a bed of sickness to de
nousce the nominee as a traitor and a
dictator, and his dramatic appearance on
that Saturday night was one of the most
extraordinary episodes of an extraordi
nary convention. Bryan lashed l’arkei
and ihe dared the convention to send a
telegram to the nominee demanding his
honest opinion on other well-known Dem
ocratic principles.
Later on Mr. Bryan, in his own paper
the Commoner, while the events in tilt
convention were fresh before him, open!}
charged that Judge Parker was a part}
to a corrupt attempt -to deceive the con
vention and that his nomination had beet
secured by improper means. It was thei
that the former candidate for the presi
dency put himself on record by saying ir
tlie Commoner of July 13, less than a
week after the nomination: “I have noth
ing to take back.”
ii seems a curious ailing 10 nuu u.mm
who has “nothing to take back,” appear
ing on the stump favoring the election ol
Alton B. Parker for the presidency. Ii
Mr. Bryan has “nothing to take back,’
ho should in common honesty when hi
appears on the stump in Indiana anc
elsewhere, repeat fo his audiences exaetl)
what he said in the Commoner of Julj
13, which was printed exactly one wee!
after tfye Democratic convention was
called to order and only four days aftei
Judge Parker was nominated for th<
presidency and had seat his telegrau
repudiating the Democratic platform.
In this issue of the Commoner Mr
Bryan said:
“It was a plain and deliberate attemp;
to deceive the party. The New York
platform was vague and purposely so
because the advocates of Judge Parkei
were trying to secure votes from amon*
the people who would have opposed hi;
views had they known them. The uom
illation was secured, therefore, by crook
ed and indefensible methods.”
As an exhibition of political gyiniias
tics Bryan’s campaign speech for Par
ker ought to be worth going miles t(
hear. If, as he says, he has “nothin!,
to take back,” how will he explain mat
ters to the people? What did be mear
when he said in the Commoner: *"TI*
nomination of Judge Parker virtual!)
nullifies the anti-trust plank?” Was ii
true on July 13 that Parker’s uominatioi
had been secureil “by crooked means”'
If it was true then is it not true-now?
Mr. Bryan in the Commoner said: "1
shall not appeal for votes for the tickc
on false grounds.” How can he appeal
on the stump, therefore, and seriouslj
ask the workingman of the country t<
vote for the De mocratic nominee aftei
the Commoner had declared that “Tin
labor plank as prepared by Judge Par
ker's friends on the subcommittee wai
a straddling, meaningless plank?”
Was Mr. Bryan lying when he said ir
his paper, “A Democratic victory wii
mean very little, if any, progress so lonj
as the party is under control of the Wat
street element?”
If the party was under the control oi
the Wall street element when Mr. Bryat
wrote that editorial, is it not just a:
much under the same control while he ii
on the stump?
Perhaps Mr. Bryan can explain awn;
these things. Perhaps he can answei
these questions.
Perhaps not.
TAMMANY ‘‘TAR WATER.”
Will It Prove an Acceptable Beveragi
to Respectable Democrats?
Judge Parker's “admonition,” ad
dressed to his waning supporters, in hi:
speech to the visiting editors, has in it
for all its rhodomontade, a shadow o
the pathetic.
It is little wonder that there are dis
sensions in the Democratic camp, a:
staid gentlemen from the South, Eas
and West, men who have certain tradi
tions of respectability to reckon with
find that their candidate is and alwa.v:
has been cheek by jowl with Davit
Bennett Hill and hand in glove witl
Tammany.
Judge Parker, recognizing the danger:
of his position, but unable to shake of
the political associates and methods bj
which he has risen, pleads fervently fo
“the elimination of personal, factiona
and unimportant differences involving ni
surrender of principle.” Such elimina
tion, he declares, "is essential to sue
cess.”
But will the Democrats drink thi
Tammany “tar water?”
There is something to be said—o
there WAS—in favor, even, of “ta:
water.” Bishop Berkeley in 'his famou:
eulogy upon that old-fashioned but un
pleasant mixture declared: “IT IS OI
A NATURE SO MIDI) AND BE'NIG>
AND PROPORTIONED TO THI
HUMAN CONSTITUTION AS TC
WARM WITHOUT HEATING, T(
CHEER BUT NOT INEBRIATE.”
Still, tar water went out of fashion
A man who ia weak enough to pnt hh
candidacy in their (Hill’e and Bel
mont’a) hands before the coaventioi
would not be strong enough to reals:
their Influence after election, if hi
were by any possibility successful.
William J. Bryan.
Forty years of practical control of th
government by the Republican part;
covers the whole period of modern prog
ress. The only intervals of renc
tion or failure to progress were whci
the Democratic party was in power.
History shows that a Democrat!
tariff has alw ays been#followed by busi
ness adversity and a Republican tarif
by business prosperity. Why not ac
cept the verdict of history?
The Democratic party is like the mai
who was in favor of prohibition bu
“agin” the enforcement. It favors
Panama Canal, but opposes the measure
necessary to obtain it.
“AS MAINE GOES.”
Iii each campaign
They look to Maine
To make the future outcome plain.
For each one knows
That as Maine goes
The tide of public judgment flows.
One time Maine “went
- bent for Kent,”
And every one knew what that meant.
This year the State
Has struck a gait
That sets Republicans elate.
At Esopus
There is a fuss.
Because the votes are going thus;
And Oassaway.
So blithe and gay.
Must write checks till election day.
The Texans shout
And jeer and flout
Because their State is not in doubt;
But D. B. Hill
Has had a chill
And thinks that he had best keep stilt
Much pain is felt
Beneath the belt
Of those opposed to Roosevelt;
They have the blues
At this great news—
They know that Roosevelt oan’t los*
Tlie record shows
That as Maine goes
The tide’ of public judgment flows—<
The fight is vain,
For all explain
That they will have to vote witlfc
Maine.
PENSION ORDER, NO. 78.
President Roosevelt’s Action Is la*
Line with Law and Precedent.
The groundless character of the charge
that President Roosevelt has exceeded;
his constitutional powers is shown clear
ly by examination of the facts and ih*
laws concerned in the executive action
known as the “age pension order” issued
last March by direction of the President.
Anyone who will take the trouble to
lead the act of June 27, 1890, as amend
ed May 9, 1900, will find a clear basis
to begin with. It directs who shall have
pensions, and how the amount of the
pension, in each case, shall be determin
ed, as follows:
All persons who served 90 days or more
in the military or naval service of the
United States during the late war of the
rebellion and who have been honorably dis
charged therefrom, and who are now or
who may hereafter be suffering from a
mental or physical disability of a perma
nent character, not the result of their owns,
vicious habits, which incapacitates them
.from the performance of manual labor in. ”
such a degree as to render them unable to,
earn a support, shall, upon making due
proof of the fact according to such fnles
and regulations as the Secretary of the
Interior may provide, ho placed upon the
list of Invalid pensioners of the United
States and he entitled to receive a pen
sion not exceeding $12 per month, and not:
less than $t> per mouth, proportioned to tb>
degree of inability to earn a support, audt
In determining such Inability each and ev
ery disability shall be duly considered, and
the aggregate of the disabilities shown shall,
be rated.
Thus, as plain as words can make it,
is authority given to the Secretary of th*
Interior to determine what pension shall,
he paid to any applicant for pension who
served ninety days in the War of Re
bellion, was honorably discharged, ami
who is disabled for the performance of
manual labor by any cause other than
the results of his own vicious habits.
The Supreme Court has decided that
upon the point of establishing the rate of.
pension to be paid, within the limits pre
scribed by the law the Secretary of the
Interior has entire control. The only
check or supervision upon him is from
the President of the United States, whom
the general laws specifically direct shall
have control of the Commissioner of Pen
sioijs and the administration of the pen
1 sion system.
Therefore, it was directly in line with,
the duties imposed upon him according
to section 471, U. S. Revised Statutes,
that President Roosevelt gave the cele
brated order which -has been called an
evidence of “usurpation,” /‘imperialism,'*
“a desire to override the constitution,”
a “looting of the treasury,” and other
hard names, by excitable Democrats. The
seetion of the Revised Statutes referred
, to reads as follows:
“The Commissioner of Pensions shall
perform, under the direction of the Sec
retary of the Interior, such duties in the
execution of the various pension and.
bounty-land laws as may he prescribed,
by the President.”
President Roosevelt, in his pension or
der, did no more than his plain duty, act
ing strictly within the powers conferred
upon him by the Congress of the United
States.
Parker’s Election Would Unsettle
Business.
Eugene A. Merrill, president of the
Minnesota Loan and Trust Company of
Minneapolis, in an interview in the Com
! mereial West of Minneapolis says:
’ “Much has been said concerning the in
slgnlflcance of thp coming election so far
as It relates to business. It has been urged)
that the maintenance of the gold stand
ard Is assured, etc., but, while the theory
of the ense Is excellent, yet as a matter
of fact the man with money to Invest (loon
not want to be monetarily involved in
unsettling of conditions through a change
of administration. The policy of the party
i In power Is pretty well known and Its con
tinuance In office will precipitate no diffi
i cultles. The policy of the opposition may
be ever so clearly conjectured, but Its ac
cession to control would, I think, cause
; some contraction iu business and financial
enterprises, at least temporarily until the
' safety and conservatism now talked of
> should be more substantially demonstrat
ed.”
i
Taggart Ie Fascinated.
Tom Taggart is so fascinated by the
inscrutable mystery behind Judge Par- H
ker’s speech of acceptance that he can
not lay it aside long enough to take his
i meals. He pores over it from morn till
dewy eve. He reads it in his bath at
French Tick .Springs and drops to sleep
readiug it in bed. He declares that the
> elusive mystery of what it all means
' becomes clearer with every perusal, and
that by the close of the campaign he con
• fidently expects that it will be as clear
1 as the water of his own Pluto spring.
A Sure llgn.
: Now we know that David B. Hill in
' tends to quit polities next -January, for
f foe has disclaimed calling President
Roosevelt "a fraud.” That a little in
nocuous fling like that when he has ex
hausted the vocabulary of vituperation
1 upon the Republican half of the Ameri
1 can peoiple for “nigh on 40 years” is
1 surely a sign that David is setting hie
' house in order and wants to depart po
litical Ufa »♦ naaca with *11 man.