I
—SUPPLEMENT TO—
THE FRONTIER
O'NEILL,_ JNEBRASKA
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 1904.
BOLD, MANLY AND HONEST
President Roosevelt’s Letter
of Acceptance Warmly
Praised by Travelers.
V v ~
MOT ONE ISSUE IS EVADED
Professional and Business Men Read
the Letter on a Train and.Unite
in Commending Its
Directness.
Boston, Mass., Sept. 22.—On thp day
gvheu President Roosevelt's letter accept
ing the nomination for the presidency
was issued through the newspapers, a
trainload of people were traveling from
Boston to New York. The train left
Boston quite early in the morning, and
every man in the parlor car settled him
self down to an uninterrupted study of
this'morning paper. With plenty of time
before them, with nothing to distract
their attention, with no business cares to
chine between them, it was quite natural
that every man in that ear should give
the letter an extraordinarily close read
ing. In point of fact, it was easy to
eee that every man in that car read that
letter through, practically from beginning
to end, and read it carefully, too. This
took up a considerable time, and but
little was heard in the car save the
rustling of the newspapers, as the train
sped on between the beautiful manufac
.. *1... r.1,1 Kl.l.
After a while the newspapers were
laid aside. One man after another drift
ed into the smoking room, and there fol
lowed the usual interchange of opinions
on current topics. The men in the car
were of the usual type of high grade,
prosperous American citizens. They rep
resented all sections of the country, and
all vocations as well. One was distinct
□ ly a minister of the gospel, quite a num
ber were bankers going on to attend
tlie big convention in New York, there ,
were several younger men who had their
golf -sticks with them, and the rest pre
sented a fair assortment of business and
professional men.
It was file man with the short white
mutton-chop whiskers who began the
smoke-talk, and as a matter of course, he
took for bis topic the President’s letter
of acceptance, which every busy man in
that car had just finished reading.
Poes Not Mince Words.
"There is one thing I like about Roose
velt." said he of the mutton-chops, "and
tbit is that you never have to guess
again as to what he is talking about, and
what he means. I have just finished
reading that long letter in the morning
paper, and I don’t believe there is an
evasive word in it. I haven’t been a
Roosevelt man. My business interests
are such that I got to paying a good deal
of attention to this talk about the Presi
dent 1 icing a dangerous man, a wild,
crazy, erratic fellow. I was opposed to
liis nomination at the outset, because I
believed all these stories. When McKin
ley died. 1 was fearful that Roosevelt's
hot blood would involve us in difficul
ties, and, like many other business men.)
I was extremely anxious about the,fu-;
ture. I have been cured of all that byl
the way things have moved in the last;
, three years. On the whole, however, I,
I thought this man Parker would make a;
V pretty good President, and it seemed to1
me. anyway, it was about time for a
change. I read Parker’s speech of ac
ceptance with a whole lot of interest, be
cause 1 wanted to see what he had to
say. He didn’t say anything at all. It
was the ljiost disappointing thing of that
kind I ever read. This letter of Roose
velt’s is exactly the opposite. It doesn't
leave you in doubt a single minute as
itu what the candidate believes in. It'is
thonest and straightforward, it does not
mince words, there is not the slightest
suspicion of trickery, and after reading
ar luruugii irum uegiuums w
. ©up cannot find a single line to which 1
could take exception, not a siugle argu
ment which seems to be that of a danger
ous or an ambitions man. It is bold and
brave, but it is not dishonest, and it is
not deceptive. After reading Parker’s '
speech and Roosevelt's letter. I tell you.
gentlemen, there is absolutely no choice
«t all as between the two men, and I am
a Roosevelt man from now on.”
Bold and Honest.
"What I like best about the letter,”
ca id the broad-shouldered young fellow, j
■whose brown face and strong hands gave
evidence of a summer largely spent in the
open air, "is the fact that he hits out
straight from the shoulder. I like that
sort of campaign literature. It's the let
ter of a man who looks you in the eye.
■and then punches you good and hard. He:
doesn’t run away from the subject, and:
lie doesn’t dodge. His letter is like the;
man, bold and honest. I don't much
care whether he is dangerous or uot, but
I know he suits the young fellows iu this,
country, and it isn’t a question of poli
tics at all. I’m going to cast my first
presidential vote next November, and it’ll
(V’s Ire counted for Theodore Roosevelt, or
'■!►' I'll know the reason why. The young
.men of the country can understand
Roosevelt and they can understand this
letter. He talks of the tilings that have
been done in the last four years, and
•doesn’t waste any time on constitutional
law, or in sermons as to the duty of good
citizens. The Republican party lias done
certain tilings in tlie last four years, and
J Hoosevelt tells what they are. lie doesn’t
S lie about them, he only tells the facts.
and then he asks the people to vote for
him. if they believe that the government
of the country lias been run properly. 11
they don’t, I believe lie would rather
have them vote against him. He’s that
^ kind of a man. Ho fights out in the
open, and he’s always square, so it’s no
wonder that every young man I know is
going to vote for Roosevelt.”
Parker’s Blunder,
“That was an awful dig he gave mj
fvikud Parker,” said a well-known law
jot of Boston, who sat in the corner,
contentedly puffing at a very big. and
very black, and incidentally, a very ex
pensive cigar. “A lot of ns didn’t un
derstand when we read Parker’s speech
how he could have made such an awful
blunder as to have declared that the com
mon law would lie found sufficient to deal
with all the trust questions which come
up. Parker must have known, but he
probably forgot, that, from the very na
ture of things, you can’t apply the com
mon law in a national court. Our federal
courts derive all their power from the
Constitution of the United States. Con
gress can only legislate under the Consti
tution, and, while we apply general prin
ciples in interpreting the law, it is im
possible to secure any affirmative action
in the United States <ourt. except as the
result of a statute law duly passed by
Congress and approved by the President
of the United States. A man like Olney,
who has been interested in public af
fairs at Washington, would never have
made the blunder Parker made. He
seemed to have written bis s|>ceeh of ac
ceptance as if he were dealing entirely
in abstract questions which had been pre
sented for settlement by his own court.
His exposition of the general principles
of the Constitution was not bad from a
legal standpoint, but when he came to
deal with the question of trusts he seem
ed to have forgotten that he was respond
ing to a nomination from a national con
vention. which had selected him to act as
President of the United States, in which
capacity he would have to execute Unit
ed States laws only, and would have ab
solutely nothing to do with the common
law. This allusion of Parker to the
common law, as a means of attacking
the trusts, has been a source of surprise
and amazement to the profession all over
the country. Judge Parker’s decisions in
New York State have always taken high
rank, and it was this which made the
amazement all the greater. We could
not understand how it could possibly be
that any good lawyer could have made
such a blunder, and we have been forced
to the conclusion that Judge Parker ab
solutely forgot that lie was writing on
a national topic. This is only an in
stance going to show the unwisdom of
taking a man off the bench for a political
position, especially such a position as
that of President of the United States.
Experience Necessary.
“To administer the affairs of the gov- I
eminent successfully, experience is just j
ns necessary as it is to run a hotel or a
railroad. A lawyer in active practice is
necessarily thrown in to a large extent
with tlie ordinary business affairs of the
country, but with a judge on the bench
it is entirely different. He deals with
matters of abstract right and wrong,
and ail his training goes to remove him
from business problems. in point of
fact, tlie successful judge in a court of
last resort should be as far removed
from tlie influences of daily life as possi
ble. Tlie ideal judge is a legal machine,
settling abstract principles of law, where
is tlie ideal President is exactly the oppo
site. He executes tlie laws as be finds
them, suggests new ones to meet new
conditions, and acts as the personal rep
resentative of the people who make the
laws. It is not his business to interpret,
but to do, and the things which make a
man a good judge make him a bad Presi
dent. Anil vice versa. Parker would nevr.
cr have made that awful blunder if lie
had had any recent experience in Con
gress or in an executive position at
Washington, where he would have been
in touch with current opinion on this
subject. I don’t wonder that Roose
velt picked him up on this, and. .in my
opinion, the President’s paragraph about
the common law as applied to the federal
control of trusts is a most luminous ex
position of the powers and the limitations
of the federal government. But it’s cer
tainly a knockout blow for Parker.”
Th# Tariff Issue.
“I was glad to see,” said a successful
looking man, who explained later on that
he was a manufacturer in northern Ver
mont, “I was glad to see that the Presi
dent made such a poiut of the tariff
issue. We had a dose of Democratic free
trade theories up our way about ten
years ago, wliiyli we will never forget.
We are so near the Canadian border
that we get the worst of every reduction
in the tariff rates. .We have to enter
into competition with the cheap labor
of Canada. When the Wilson tariff hill
Went into operation, just ten years ago,
it shut up my factory inside of six
months, and I tell you, gentlemen. I
didn’t open again until after McKinley
was elected and the Dingley tariff law
went into operation. It was a time of
panic, as you know, thousands of labor
ing men were glad to work for any
wages, and yet, at the same time, I could
not run my factory and compete with the
Canadians, who flooded our part of the
country with goods made by the cheapest
labor, such as I could not secure even
in those times of starvation. There are
some places far in the interior where
freight rales protect them from foreign
competition in times of free trade, but
those of us who are near the border are
the first to feel this competition. I got
it in the neck ten years ago, and got it
good and hard. If there weren’t any
other issue between' the two parties, I
would vote for Roosevelt, because he and
the Republican^ generally stand for the
protection of American manufactures
against the competition of the cheap la
bor, not only of Canada, but of the
world at large. We all believe in reci
procity which is reciprocal, and not in
free trade under the guise of reciprocity.
Roosevelt’s story of the disastrous effects
of the Wilson tariff of 1894 is not over
drawn in the slightest particular, and I
am glad to see that he has kept the
tariff issue to the front, because in all
this talk of imperialism and extrava
gance and the trusts, and one thing and
another, people seem to forget that the
Republican party is pledged to protec
tion, and that the Democratic party is
pledged to free trade. We haven't for
gotten that up our way, however, and I
tell you, gentlemen, that the big Repub
lican vote in Vermont was largely, if not
entirely, produced by the determination
of our people to put themselves on rec
ord again*t the free trade principles and
platform of the Democrats.”
"It's frank, it’s honest, and it's fair,"'
said tile clergyman to a seat-neighbor in
the interior of the car, when they were
discussing the same letter of accept
ance "I'm not much of a politician my
self. but 1 havejM'Pii very much impress
ed with the extraordinary honesty and
the tenacity of purpose shown by the
President in his letter of acceptance.
Comparing it with the speech of Judge
Parker, in accepting his nomination, I
cannot see liow the people can hesitate
very long in making their choice.”
THE CAMPAIGN.
■vidence that Popular Opinion Favora
Kepublican Success.
Although election day is still some
weeks off, it is not too early to review
the progress of the campaign and take
note of the drift of popular opinion. To
[loulg that the latter is setting strongly
in favor of the Kepublican ticket would
seem almost to question the capacity of
the American people to choose between
approved competence in government and
wobbling incompetence along every line
o£ administrative and legislative policy.
From the day when the Republican
convention adjourned after adopting a
positive platform and nominating posi
tive candidates upon it, the Republicans
have proceeded to organize their cam
paign with the unhesitating confidence
in themselves and their principles that
goes so far to assure success. Uulike
their adversaries, they have had no in
ternal differences to patch up before tak
ing the field.
The Republicans have simply gone be
fore the American voters on the party’s
record, which is not a document artfully
•oneoeted for campaign purposes, but a
scroll of splendid achievements written
in the life of the republic during the past
forty-four years. The scroll stretches
from 1800 to 1904 and covers a period
if national development unparalleled in
the annals of the world. The story of
this development and the promise of its
continuance under the leadership of a
man who is the incarnation of American
energy, courage and achievement, has
constituted the Republican appeal to
American voters.
The elections in Vermont, Arkansas
jnd Maine have shown the natural re
sponse to an appeal based on things ac
complished.
In the meantime, the Democrats have
t'Oen trying to hml out exactly where
[hey are at.” All efforts to bury the
intehet between the gold and silver
wings of the parly have merely resulted
n burying it in the heads of the leaders
rf the respective factions. William
Jennings Bryan has no more affection for
Alton B. Parker now than he had the
sight when lie denounced the nominee
jr the floor of the convention.
The brief enthusiasm created among
sold Democrats and in conservative
jusiness circles by Judge Parker’s gold
standard telegram has entirely subsided
ts the conviction has become general that
t was a brick artfully gilded to com
mit hjs party to the appearance of re
pudiating free and unlimited silver. The
subsequent utterances of the Democratic
-andidate have entirely dissipated any
Favorable impression made by his tele
iram, and proved him to be a juggler
with obscure and meaningless phrases.
HiP proffer of a comparison of govern
mental expenditures under Republican
ind Democratic administrations lias dis
posed that he was ill informed as to
lie details of those expenditures and
he marvelous national expansion that
ms come during the past twenty years.
But the most marked feature of the
Democratic campaign has been its in
stability and infirmness of purpose. One
ssue after another has lieen taken up
inly to be dropppd, until now it looks as
f the party would have to fall back on'
lie tariff and the trusts, on both of
which issues it has been tried and found
wanting mi legislative, courage and ad
ministrative effectiveness.
American voters know that Hie pro
active tariff is not “robbery,” and they
lave more faith in the American anti
rust statute than in any curbing of mod
•rn trusts under the old common law.
The Democratic cajnpaign started with
David B. Hill as its sponsor und boss,
:mt recently Judge Parker sought to
•ecOIistruct its mauagedient, going to
Sew York City and holding a number of
mm-shoe conferences at the Astor
House with Senator Dorman and several
l'ammany leaders. It is reported that
ic succeeded in placating Tammany and
lmt Senator Dorman will supplant Tom
l’aggart as the real director of the Deino
•ratie campaign. What was the con
sideration promised for the loyal sup
oort of Tammany has not transpired.
T — ___—
But if there is one thing necessary to
the success of the Republican ticket, it
is that the Democratic candidate shall
deserve and get the loyal support of
Tammany Hall.
Viewing the situation broadly, never
in the history of campaigns between Re
publicans and Democrats were the dis
tinguishing characteristics of the two
parties so strongly emphasized ns in
this one. Tile Republicans face the
problems of the day without flinching
from either the opportunities or the re
sponsibilities of action. They have the
necessary convictions, courage and re
sources to remove mountains.
jj On the other hand, the Democrats ex
hibit all their old failings of irresolu
tion, theoretical vagaries, lack of set
tled convictions and conflicting councils
that render them unfit to be entrusted
with the control of the government.
At this stage of the campaign there
seems not the slightest reason to doubt
that the popular drift is with the party
that marches forward rather than that
which stands still or marks time in the
footprints the other has left in the path
way of national progress. The best
proof of this is in the fact that the
American people are going about their
daily business without any perplexing
doubts as to what will happen in No
vember.
Beat of Alt Markets.
The best of all markets for American
manufacturers and farmers is the home
market. The internal commerce of the
United States aggregates each year more
than $23,000,000,(KM) and is far greater
than the international commerce of ail
the world. This vast market is at our
doors. It is among our own people. Why
should we surrender it to foreigners, as
the Democratic policy of free trade
would do, and pay to foreign manufac
turers and workmen the money that
xhnulil frn tn \mnfinoiwV
“We have known no party in dealing
with offender*, and hava hunted down
without mercy every wrong-doer- in
the service of the Nation whom it was
possible by the ntmost vigilance to de
tect) for the public 'servant who be
trays his trust and the private indi
vidual who debauches him stand as
the worst of criminals, because their
crimes are crimes against the entire
community, and not only against this
generation but against the genera
tions that are yet to be.”—Roosevelt’s let
ter of acceptance. ,
Must Trust Roosevelt.
(Western Laborer (Omaha.)
In a former issue of this paper we said
we must trust Roosevelt and we will
trust him and in our judgment every
workingman, skilled or unskilled, of
whatever race or creed, should at once
make up his mind to trust him and vote
For him instead of indulging in vain re
grets that they had not when they see
Parker'® “hand,” if by chance or fraud
lie is elected. WE MUST TRUST
ROOSEVELT.
“The prime reason why the expenses
of the Government hnve increased of
recent years is to be found in the fact
that the people, after mature thought,
have deemed it wise to have certain
new forms of work for the public un
dertaken by the public, This necessi
tates such expenditures, for instance,
as those for rural free delivery, or for
the inspection of meats under the De
partment of Agriculture, or for irri
gation. ”—Roosevelt's letter of acceptance.
Bourke Cockran, the hired orator of
Tammany Hall, says that “every line in
President Roosevelt’s letter breathes the
spirit of triumphant plunder.” Cockran
ought to know, for he has been hot on
the scent 6f plunder -all bis career. Un
fortunately, what Cockran knows he does
not tell, and he tells what he does not
know.
The effort to galvanize the New York
Democratic campaign into the sem
blance of life by nominating District At
torney Jerome has failed because Jerome
refused to confine himself to half truths
on the stump.
i
SONG OF DEMOCRATS.
Sing a song of Democrats,
And note their poignant pain;
They find no halm in Gilead,
No hope in this campaign;
Vermont has gone Republican,
And now, just look at Marine.
Sing a song of Democrats,
Their spirits sadly droop.
As Parker mounts the scaffolding
To do his loop-the-loop.
For well they know hen lie comes down
He’ll land right in the soup.
—Chicago Conservator.
ILLEGAL CORPORATIONS.
President's Action in Enforcing; Laws
Airalntt Them.
(Northwestern Christian Advocate, Sept. 20.)
In holding large corporations to strict
accountability to the law the President
is serving the best interests of those
corporations as well as conserving the
welfare of the country. AlL-eorporation*
which are operating on an unlawful basis
should be compelled to conform to the
law. If they cannot or will not they
should go out of business. This, some
have been.forced by the lawless conduct
of their promoters and operators to do.
to the great loss of their stockholders.
Many formerly wealthy men are now
broken in fortune because corporations
with which they were connected were
formed and operated in violation of law.
The action of the President in enforc
ing the law would prevent, not promote,
such losses.
One of the crying needs of America
to-day is such respect for the laws of
the nation as the President has shown,
lie did not make the laws, but it is his
duty to obey them. He has set an ex
ample which every citizen should follow.
If that be done, we shall hear no more
of mobs breaking intif jails, defying po
lice and militia, and hanging or burning
prisoners suspected or convicted of
crime, and burning property in a wild
frenzy of disorder and lawlessness.
The bitterness of its irony over the
unassailable strength of President
Roosevelt's letter ol' acceptance, the New
York Times exclaims, “has done abso
lutely the right thing, tile very best
thing upon every government occasion,
and with assured confidence lie promises
to keep on so doing. He lias made no
mistakes; he will make none." This is
meant for irony of the red hot kind that
comes from gnawing on a file. But the
question is not whether President Roose
velt's course lias always been absolute
ly impeccable, but whnt different course
could tlie Democrats have pursued on
these government occasions that would
not have landed us in the fogs, fens and
mazes of national demoralization and
impotence.
What has become of that grand array
of 18-karat Democrats Judge Parker
summoned from the cabinets of Cleve
land's two terms for purposes of com
parison with Hay. and Taft, and Shaw,
and Root? Are Gluey and Carlisle and
Fairchild anil Harmon and Vilas wast
ing their powers in behalf of llie man
who flung his nil at the feet of Senator
Gorman, the sleek, crying. “Save me.
Arthur, or I sink.”
President Roosevelt is a sincere friend
of labor, and labor admires and respects
him. He is an honorary member of
the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen,
nnd the esteem in which he is held by
its member^ was fittingly shown, at the
convention of the Brotherhood in Buf
falo, when 5.000 persons wildly cheered
the President’s name in the Course of an
address by Grand Master Haunahan.
Like the Indian, who, when unable to
find his cijmp and it was suggested lie
was lost, replied. “Me no lost, wigwam
lost,” so the Democratic party insists,
notwithstanding its constant change of
front, that the country, not tile party,
is lost. The Democratic party, without
a fixed policy, would be as safe a guide
as the Indian in a strange wilderness,
i i
DISTORTION OF THE TRUTH
Effort to Show that President
Roosevelt Is a Lover
of War.
INSTEAD, HE IS FOR PEACE
* $ *
Would Not Encourage or Bring About
War and Its Destructive Forces,
Except to Maintain the
Country’s Honor.
The attempt to make a bogey man
out of President Roosevelt, by misrep
resenting him as a lover of war, and
therefore dangerous to the peace of
the country, is doomed to ignominious
failure. The American people are ae
euatomed to "size up" their public men
with an accuracy unknown in the na
tional life of other countries. They have
had President Roosevelt under their
gaze for year*, and they know him well.
More than that, knowing him well as
they do. they admire, respect and lov*
him.
When public opinion bad ..forced the
war with Spain upon the American
nation Theodore Roosevelt, then assist
ant secretary of the navy, was one of
llje officials of the United States who
\\us prepared for the inevitable. Like
every other keen observer, Mr. Roosevelt
had seen from the incipiem-y of the
agitation for American interference in
Cuba that the nation must prepare for
war. In his own office be did all that
was within his power to get the navy
ready for the part it must play. WUfti
the navy did is a part of the imperish
able history of our country. No oil*
claims more titan is due to Mr. Roose
velt in this connection, but to ignore his
services in the office of the secretary of
the navy iu the early days of 1808 would
be an act of ingratitude. These serv
ices have been recognized from the be
ginning and will never be forgotten.
Ilia war Career.
The war opened. The one high pub
lie official who resigned his office at the
National Capital To take up arms for
his country was Theodore Roosevelt.
He raised his volunteer regiment and
went with it to Santiago de Cuba. Tha
rest is history. ■,
Colonel Itoosevelt entered upon tha
duties and hardships of war with alt
the enthusiasm of a brave and generous
nature. He took t^sl care of his men f
and fought at their aead when the time
of battle came. After the war was
over he came home the idol of the Arner- *
icon people. We had known him as a
sterling citizen, as a city official work
ing for the upholding of the laws, as a
national official urging ami enforcing the
merit system in tile I'nited States Civil
Service, as assistant secretary of _ the
navy preparing ships, ammunition and
men for the chances of war, and now he
had volunteered for the army, had led
his men in soldierly fashion, had with- ,
stood the baptism of battle and proved
his right to lie called a hero of war in
defense of his country's word and honor.
That is ull there is to the war story.
Colonel Roosevelt was elected Gov
ernor of New York, and in that position
he again demonstrated to bis country
men his common sense, his true; democ
racy of feeling, his justice, honor Mid bis
genius for affairs. When he was urged
for the Vice Presidency he demurred,
naturally enough, but. when the voice
of the people became loud and insistent,
he obeyed.
Trusted a* President.
When he -came to the Presidency the
people withheld, but only for a moment
of time, their full allegiance. From the
lirst President Roosevelt was trusted.
Never once, by* word or net since he sat
hi the presidential clmir'has President
Itoosevelt encouraged or fostered the
most remote idea of war. lie has been
intiii'uutiul lit iliiniNtrintr utul of mn irt Itnu.
ins our army and navy, and in all ways
tins shown himself to he a loyal Ameri
can to his country, hut by no chance has
he shown any love of or desire for war,
because lie lias no leauing that way. He
loves his country—he hives mankind.
By what twisting of statements and
distortion of facts, by what destruction
of truth and letting go of all' decency,
the opposition to President Roosevelt
has raised the charge against him that
lie is likely to,foster war no one who
is acquainted with the man and his life
can imagine. The scriptural mystery of
the way of the serpent on the rock is
nothing to this puzzle of the passing mo
ment.
Every word and act of Theodore
Roosevelt’s life makes against the false
views now set afloat as to the possibili
ties of his character. Tile President is
a man who loves his country as only
that man can love it who has endured
the storm of war for its sake. For no
possible or imaginable cause, save alone
t|ie honor of the country itself, and then
but at the stern bidding of Congress,
could or would President Roosevelt in
voke tile ruin and misery of war. It is
i slander upon a mau of humane nature,
strong and cultivated intellect and
proved patriotism to foster and circulate
the idle vaporihgs of political enemies
to the effect that he is likely to bring
about or encourage war. There is no
foundation for the slander. It is shame
ful that it should exist, or, once exist
ing. should be continued by repetition.
Let us have an end to the silly clniuor
ings of the mendacious tricksters upou
this bugaboo.
A Striking Contrast,
From 189:2 to 1895, inclusive, under *
Democratic administration and a low
tariff, the total exports of American man
ufactures were $024,85S,500. From 1900
to 1903, inclusive, under a Republican
administration and a protective tariff,
they were $1,055,951,840. The export
of manufactures in any one year of Re
publican administration was considera
bly more than in any two years of Dem
ocratic administration.
“’Tie the Slogan!”
As to the President’s letter of accept
ance, the Republican party and the think
ing men of the country—those who have
read and can understand—have but one
comment:
"Diana ys hear irt ’Ti» tha alogaal**