PRES, ROOSEVELT’S FORMAL ACCEPTANCE Replies to the Announcement of the Committee on His Nomination. °ARTY’S ACHIEVEMENTS Chief Executive Briefly Reviews the Works of His and Previous Ad ministrations—Points to Re sults, Not Promises. . Oyster Bay, July 27.—In reply to hjs (notification of his nomination for presi 'dent, Mr. Roosevelt said: ifu i I am deeply sensible of the high honor M ’conferred upon me by the representatives ^ 'pf the republiena party assembled in con vention and I accept the nomination for 'the presidency with solemn realization of the obligations I assume. 1 heartily .approve the declaration of principles 'which the republican national convention ‘has adopted, and at some future day I •shall communicate to you. Mr. Chairman, ■more at length and In detail a formal written acceptance of the nomination. Three years ago I became president because of the death of my lamented ipredecessor. I then stated that it was ‘my purpose to carry out his principles and policies for the honor and the inter . / jest of the country. To the best of my }S ability i have kept the promise thus made. V * I f next November my countrymen con firm at the polls the action of the con vention you represent, I shall, under Prov dence, continue to work with an eye single to the welfare of all our people. The Claims of a Party. A party is of worth only in so far as it promotes the national interest, and every official high or low, can serve his (party best by rendering to the people •the best service of which lie is capable. Effective government comes only as the result of the loyal co-operation of many different persons. The members of a legislative majority, the oflicers in the various departments of the administra tion. and the legislative and executive branches as towards each other, must work together with subordination of self to the common end of successful govern ment. We who have been entrusted with power as public servants during the past seven years of administration and legis lation now come before the people content ,to be judged by our record of achieve ment. In the years that have gone by ; we have made the deed square with the word; and If we are continued in power! * we shall unswervingly follow' out the \ • great lines of public policy which the rc- : publican party has already laid down- a! public policy to which vve are giving, and shall give, a united, and therefore an j ;efficient support. I no L/cmw^iaii'w i u ji uuiii In all of this we are more fortunate than our opponents, who now appeal for 'confidence on the ground, which, some express and some seek to have con fidentially understood, that if triumphant •they may be trusted to prove false to every principle which in the last eight years ■they have laid down as vital, and to leave ■undisturbed those very acts of the ad iminstration because of which they ask jthat the administration itself be driven (from power. Seemingly their present at Atilde as to their past record is that some >>r them were mistaken and others in sincere. We make our appeal in a wholly •different spirit. WTe are not constrained to keep silent on any vital question; we •are. divided on no vital question; our pol iicy is continuous, and is the same for all sections and localities. There is nothing experimental about the government we ask the people to continue in power, for our performance in the past, our proved governmental efficiency, is a guarantee as to our promises for the future. Our opponents, either openly or secretly, ac cording to their several temperaments, now ask the people to trust their pres ent promises in consideration of the fact that they intend to treat their past prom ises as null and void. We know our own minds and we have kept of the same mind for a sufficient length of time to give ■i'\ our policy coherence and sanity. In Mgrh a fundamental matter as the en w ement of the law we do not have to rVjypend upon promises, but merely to ask that our record be taken as an earnest of what we shall continue to do. Enforcement of Trust Laws. Tn dealing with the great organizations .known as trusts, wo do not have to ex plain why the laws were not enforced, but to point out that they actually have been enforced and that legislation has ’.been enacted to increase the effectiveness iof their enforcement. We do not have do propose to “turn the rascals out,” for we have shown in very deed that when ever by diligent investigation a public official can b« found who has betrayed 'his trust, he will be punished to the full extent of the law without regard to whether he was appointed under a re publican or a democratic administration. This is the efficient way to turn the ras jcala out and to keep them out, and it has 1 the merit of sincerity. Moreover the he ir trayals of trust in the last seven years JL have, been insignificant in number when * compared with the extent of the public service. Never has the administration of the government been on a cleaner and 'higher level; never has the public work of •the nation been done more honestly and •efficiently. Assuredly it is unwise to fhange the policies which have worked so well and [which are now working so well. Pros perity has come at homo. The national lionor and interest have been upheld abroad. We have placed the finances of •the nation upon a sound gold basis. We have done this with the aid of many who were formerly our opponents, but who would neither openly support nor silently acquiesce In the heresy of unsound finance; and we have done it against the convinced and violent opposition of the mass of our present opponents who still refuse to recant the unsound opinions which for the moment they think it in expedient to reassert. We know what we mean when we speak of an honest and stable currency. We moan the same thing from year to year. We do not have to • avoid a definite and conclusive committal on the most important issue which has .recently been before the people, and whieh may at any time in the near future be before them again. Upon the principles which underlie this issue the convictions of half of our number do not clash with •those of the other half. So long as the •republican party Is in power the gold istandard is settled, not as a matter of .‘temporary political expediency, not be yjf cause of shifting conditions in the pro auction of gold in certain mining centers, '^i"it in accordance with what we regard as 'the fundamental principles of national morality and wisdom. Under the financial legislation which we “have enacted there is now ample circu lation for every busines need; and every dollfir of this circulation is worth a dollar in gold. We have reduced the interest hearing debt and in still larger measure the interest on that debt. All of the war raxes imposed during the Spanish war have been removed with a view to relieve the people and to prevent the accum ulation of an unnecessary surplus. The resuU, is that hardly ever before have the expe ditures and income of the govern mei^tjjgp closely corresponded. In the fiscal yea/^Vtat has just closed the excess of .income over the ordinary expenditures was nine millions of dollars. This does not take account of the fifty millions ex pended out of the accumulated surplus for the purchase of the Isthmian canal. It is an extraordinary proof of the sound financial condition of the nation that in stead of following the usual course In such matters and throwing the burden upon posterity by an issue of bonds, we were able to make the payment outright and yet after it to have in the treasury a surplus of one hundred and sixty-one millions. Moreover, we were able to pay .this fifty'millions of dollars out of hand! •without causing tho slightest disturbance j to business conditions. The Tariff Law. have enacted a tariff law under' which during tho past few years the coun try has attained a height or material well being never before reached. Wages are higher than ever before. That whenever the need arises there should he a read justment of the tariff schedules is un doubted; but such changes can with safety be made only by those whose devotion to the principle of a protective tariff is be yond question: for otherwise the changes would amount not to readjustment, but to repeal. The readjustment when made must maintain and not de stroy the protective principle. To the farmer, the merchant, and manufacturer this is vital: but perhaps no other man is so much interested as the wage-worker in the maintenance of our present economic system, troth as regards the finances and the tariff. The standard of living of our wage-workers is higher than that of any other country, and it can not so remain unless we have a protective tariff which shall always keep as a .minimum a rate of duty sufficient to cover the difference be tween the labor cost here ami abroad. Those who. like our opponents, “denounce protection as a robbery” thereby explicitly commit themselves to the proposition that if they were to revise the tariff no heed would he paid to the necessity of meeting this difference between the standards of living for wage-workers here and in other countries; and therefore on this point their antagonism to our position is fundamen tal. Here again we ask that their prom ises and ours be judged by what has been done in the immediate past. Wo ask that sober and sensible men compare the work ings of the present tariff law, and the conditions which obtain under it. with the workings of the proceeding tariff law of 1893 and the conditions which tho tariff of 1903 helped to bring about. McKinley’s Kind of Reciprocity. We believe in reciprocity with foreign nations on the terms outlined in President McKinley’s last speech, which urged tin* extension of our foreign markets by reci procal agreements whenever they could be made wdthout injury to American industry and labor. It is a singular fact that the only great reciprocity treaty recently adopted—that with Cuba—was finally ojv. posed almost alone by the representatives of the very party which now states that it favors reciprocity. And here again we ask that the worth of our words be judged by comparing their deeds with ours. On this Cuban reciprocity treaty there were at the outset grave differences of opinion among ourselves; anti the notable thing in the negotiation and ratification of the treaty, and in the legislation which carried it into effect, was the highly practical manner in which without sacrifice of principle these differences of opinion were reconciled. There was no rupture of a great party, but an excellent practical outcome, the result of the harmonious co-operation of tw'o successive presidents and two suces sive congresses. This is an illustration of the governing capacity which entitles us to the confidence of the people not only in our purposes but in our practical ability to achieve those purposes. Judging by the history of the Iasi twelve years, down to this very month. Is there justification for believing that und-'r similar circumstan ces and with similar initial differences of opinion, our opponents would have achieved any practical result? We have already shown in actual fact that our policy is to do fair and equal Jus tice to all men, paying no heed to whether a man is rich or poor; paying no heed to his race, his creed, or his birthplace. The Right to Organize. We recognize the organization of capital and the organization of labor as natural outcomes of our industrial system. Each kind of organization Is to be favored so long as it acts in a spirit of Justice and of regard for the rights of others. Each is to be granted the full protection of the law, and each in turn is to he held to a strict obedience to the law; for no man is above it and no man below It. The humblest individual ks to have his rights safe guarded as scrupulously as those of tho strongest organizatization, for each is to receive justice, no more and no less. The problems with which we have to deal in our modern industrial and social life aro manifold; hut the spirit in which it is necessary to approach their solution is simply the spirit of honesty, of courage* and of common sense. Ever since this continent was discovered the need of an isthmian canal to connect the Pacific and the Atlantic has been rec ognized; and over since the birth of our nation such a canal has been planned. At last the dream has become a reality. The isthmian canal is now oeing built by tho government of the United States. We conducted the negotiation for its con struction with the nicest and most scrup ulous honor and in a spirit of tho largest generosity toward those through whoso territory it was to run. Every sinister ef fort which could he devised by the spirit of faction or the spirit of self-interest was made in order to defeat the treaty with Panama and thereby prevent the consum mation of this work. The construction of the canal is now an assured fact; hut most certainly it is unwise to intrust the carrying out of so momentous a policy to those who have endeavored to defeat, the whole undertaking. Foreign Policy. Our foreign policy has been so conducted thai, while not one of our just claims has been sacrificed, our relations with all for eign nations are now of the most peaceful kind; there is not a cloud on the horizon. The last cause of Irritation between us and any other nation was removed by tho settlement of the Alaska boundary. In the Caribbean sea we have made good our promises of independence to Cuba and have proved our assertion that our mis sion in the island was one of justice and not of self-aggrandizormnit; and thereby no less than by our action in Venezuela and Panama we have shown that the Monroe doctrine is a living reality, de signed for the hurt of no nation, hut for th<‘ protection of civilization on the west ern continent and fcr the peace of the world. Our steady growth in power has gone hand in hand with a strengthening disposition to use this power with strict regard for the lights of others, and for the cause of international justice and good-will. America in me r'aciric. American interests in the Pacific have rapidly grown. American enterprise has laid a cable across this, the greatest of oceans. We have proved in effective fash ion that we wish the Chinese empire well and desire ltS integrity and independence. Our foothold in (in Philippines greatly strengthens our position in the competi tion for the trade of the east; but we are governing the Philippines in the interest of the Philippine people themselves. We have already given them a large share in their government, and our purpose it to increase this share as rapidly as they give evidence of increasing fitness for the task. The great majority of the officials of the islands, whether elective or ap pointive, are already native Filipinos. We are now providing for a legislative as sembly. This is the first step to be taken in the future; and it would be eminently unwise to declare what our next step will be until this first step has been taken ana the results are manifest. To have gone faster than we have already gone in giv ing riie islanders a constantly increasing measure of self-government would have been disastrous. At the present moment to give politcal independence to the islands would result in the immediate loss of civil rights, personal liberty and public order, as regards the mass of th<* Filipinos, for the majority of the islanders have been given these great boons by ns, and only keep them because we vigilantly safe guard and guarantee them. To withdraw our government from the islands at tills time would mean to the average native the loss of his barely-won civil freedom. We have established in the islands a gov ernment by Americans assisted by Fili pinos. We are steadily striving to trans form this into self-government by the Fili pinos assisted by Americans. Party's Lofty Aim. The principles which wo uphold should appeal to all our countrymen, in all por tions of our country. Above all they should give us strength with the men and women who are the spiritual heirs of those who upheld the hands of Abraham Lin coln; for we are striving to