Nebraska Newspapers

    PHIS «i
H l# (IK
Governmental Problems
Dwelt On at Length In
the Document.
URGES EXCLDSIOH OF IGF filIJIRGKISTS
Czolgosz and His Ilk Enemies of
the Human Race.
THE MERITS OF RECIPROCITY.
Froftldent Defend* the Workings of the
PnHcelliro Tariff -Construction of the
Nloaragaan Cunul Urged, and the Ray
ing of a Cable to Hawaii and the
Philippine*—Change* in the Present.
Militia Raw* Recommended—The Nary.
A comprehensive synopsis of President
Roosevelt's message to Congress is given be
low:
To the Senate and House of Representatives:
"Tho Congress assembles this year under
the shadow of a great calamity. On the sixth
of September. President McKinley was shot
by an anarchist while attending the Pan
American Exposition at Buffalo, nnd died in
that city on the fourteenth of that month.
“Of the last seven elected Presidents, ho is
the third who has been murdered, and the
bare recital of this fact Is sufficient to jus
tify grave alarm among all loyal American
citizens. Moreover, the circumstances of this,
Use third assassination of an American Presi
dent, have a peculiarly sinister significance.
Both President Lincoln and President Gar
field were kilted by assassins of types unfor
tunately not uncommon in history. President
Lincoln falling a victim to tho terrible pas
sions aroused by four years of civil war,
and President Garfield to tho revengeful vau
Ity of a disappointed office-seeker President i
McKinley was killed by an utterly depraved
criminal belonging to that body of criminals
who object to all governments, good and bad
alike, who aro against any form of popular
liberty If It is guaranteed by even the most
just and liberal laws, and who are as hostile
to tho upright expouent of a free people s
aober will as to the tyrannical and irresponsi
ble despot.
“It is not too much to say that at the time
of President McKinley’s death he was the
most widely loved man in all the United
States; while wo have never had any public i
man of his position who has been so wholly
free from tho bitter animosities incident to
public life. There could be no personal i
hatred of him. for he never acted with aught
but consideration for the welfare of others. ,
No one could fail to respect him who knew
him In public or private life. The defenders
of thoao rmirdererous criminals who seek to
excuse their criminality by asserting that it
Is exercised for political ends, Inveigh against
wealth and irresponsible power. But for this
assassination even this base apology can
not be urged."
The President speaks in the highest terms
of the personal and public virtues of Mr. Mc
Kinley. Describing the nature of the assas
sination and the motive that inspired It, the
message continues:
Motive of the Assassin.
“The blow was aimed not at this Presi
dent, but at all Presidents at every symbol of
government. The anarchist, and especially
♦he anarchist In the United States, is mcroly
one type of criminal, more dangerous than
any other because he represents the same :
depravity in a greater degree. Tho man who j
advocates anarchy directly or Indirectly, in !
any shape or fashion, or tho man who apolo- !
gi'-cee for anarchists and their deeds, makes
himself morally accessory to murder before
the fact. The anarchist Is a criminal whose
perverted instincts lend him to prefer oonfu
\ slon and chaos to the most beneficent form
)Of social order. Ills protest of concern for
workingmen Is outrageous iu its Impudent
falsity; for if the political institutions of this
country do not afford opportunity to every
honest nnd intelligent son of toil, then the
door of hope is forever closed against him.
The anarchist is everywhere not merely the
onefny of system and progress, but the dead
ly foe of liberty. If ever nuHrchy is triumph
ant its triumph will last for but one red
moment, to be succeeded for ages by the
gloomy night of despotism.
Would Kxclude Anarchists.
“I earnestly recommend to the Congress
that In the exercise of Its wire discretion it
should take into consideration the coming
to this country of anarchists or persona pro
fessing principles hostile to all government
ncd justifying the murder of those placed
in authority. No matter calls more urgently
for the wisest thought of the Congress.
“The Federal courts should he given juris
diction over any man who kills or attempts
to kill the President or any man who by the
Constitution or by-law is in line of succes
, sion for the Presidency, while the punish
m«nt for an unsuccessful attempt should be
proportioned to the enormity of the offense
against our institutions.
''Anarchy is a crime against the whole
human race; and ail inankiud should band
against the anarchist. His crime should be
made an offense against the law of nations,
like piracy and that form of mansteallng
known as the slave trade for it is of far
blacker infamy than either. It should be ho
declared by treaties among all civilized pow
er*.
The Trust Problem.
“The tremendous and highly complex
industrial development which went on with
>ver accelerated rapidity during the latter
half of the nineteenth oeutury brings us face
to face, at thT beginning of the twentieth,
with very serious social problems. The oi l
laws, and the old customs which had ulmost
the binding force of law, were ouee quite
sufficient to regulate the accumulation and
distribution of wealth. Since the industrial
changes which have so enormously Increased
the productive power of mankind, they are no
longer sufficient.
“The creation of great corporate fortunes
has not been due to the turlff nor to anv
other governmental action, hut to natural
causes In the business world, operating in
other countries as they operate in our own.
“It is not true that as the rich have grown
richer the poor have grown poorer. On the
contrary, never before bus the average man.
the wage-worker, the farmer, the small trad
er, Ixuui so well off as in this country and
at the present time. There have been abusea
connected with the accumulation of wealth;
vet it remains true that a fortune accumu
lated only on condition of conferring im
mense incidental benefits upon others. Suc
cessful enterprise, of the type which benefits
all mankind, can only exist if the conditions
are such as to offer great prizes as the re
wards of success.
“The captains of industry who have driven
• the railway systems across this continent,
who have built up our commerce, who have
developed our manufactures, have on the
whole done great good to our people. With
out them the material development of which
we are so justly proud could never have
taken place. Moreover, we should recognize
thp Immense importance to this material
development of leavlug as unhampered as
is compatible with the public good the strong
and forceful men upon whom the success
of business operations inevitably rests.
Caution Is Urged.
“An additional reason for caution In deal
ing with corporations is to be found in the
international commercial conditions of to
day. The same business conditions which
have produced the great aggregations of cor
porate and individual wealth have made them
very potent factors in international commer
cial competition. America has only just
begun to assume that commanding position
In the international business world which we
beiievc will more and more be hers. It is
of the utmost importance that this position
be not jeoparded, especially at a time when
the overflowing abundance of our own natu
ral resources and the skill, business energy,
and mechanical aptitude of our people make
foreign markets essential. Under such con
ditions it would be most unwise to cramp
or to fetter the youthful streugth of our
Nation.
“Disaster to great business enterprises can
never have Its effects limited to tho men at
the top. It spreads throughout, and while it
is bad for everybody, it is worst for those
farthest down. The capitalist may be shorn
of his luxuries; but the wage-worker may
be deprived of even bare necessities.
“In facing new industrial conditions, the
nbole history of the world shows that legls
latlcn will generally !>« both unwise and in
effective udIds uad:r.ak«n r.fter ••aim inquiry
and v/lth sober aelf-rf r/ralnt. Much of tha
legislation directed at the treats would have
been exceedingly mischievous had ft not also
been entirely Ineffective. In dealing with
business Interests, for the government to un
dertake by crude and Ill-considered legisla
tion to do what may turn out to be bad,
would be to incur Che risk of such far-reacb
lug national disaster that it would be prefer
able to undertake nothing at all.
“All this Is true; and yet It Is also true
that there are real and grave evils, one of
the chief being over-capitallxatlon because
of Its many baleful consequences; and a reso
lute and practical effort must be made to
correct these evils.
Government Supervision.
“It is no limitation upon property rights
or freedom of contract to require that when
men receive from government the privilege of
doing business undor < orporate form, which
frees them from Individual responsibility,
and enables them to call into their enterprises
the capita) of the public, they shall do bo
upon absolutely truthful representations as to
the value of the property in which the capi
tal is to be Invested. Corporations engaged
In Interstate commerce should be regulated
If they are found to exercise a license work
ing to the public Injury. It should be an
much the aim of those who seek for social
betterment to rid the business world of
crimes of cunning as to rid the entire body
politic of crimes of violence. Great corpora
tions exist only because they are created
and safeguarded by our institution! and it
is therefore our right, and our duty to see
that they work in barniany v.ith those insti
tutions.
Publicity fCtmiedy for Trusts.
“The first essential in deter mining hov: lo
deal with the great industrial combinations
is knowledge or the facts—publicity. In the
Interest of the public, the government should
have the right, to inspect and examine the
workings of the great corporations engaged
in interstate business. Publicity is tho only
sure remedy which we can now invoke. What
further remedies tire needed In the way of
governmental regulation, or taxation, can
only be determined after publicity has been
obtained, by process of law, and In the course
of administration. Tho first requisite is
knowledge, full and complete—knowledge
which may be made public to the world.
“Artificial bodies, such as corporations and
joint stock or other associations, depcndtng
upon any statutory law for their existence or
privileges, should bo subject to proper gov
ernmental supervision, and full and accurate
information as to their operations should be
made public regularly at reasonable Intervals.
The largo corporations, commonly called
trusts, though organised In one state, always
do business in many states, often doing very
little business in the state where they are
Incorporated. There is utter lack of uniform
ity in the state laws about them; and as no
state lias any exclusive Interest In or power
over their acts, it has in practice proved im
possible to get adequate regulation through
state action. Therefore, in tho interest of the
whole people, the Nation should, without in
terfering with the power of the states in the
matter itself, also assume power of super
vision and regulation over all corporations
doing an interstate business. This Is espe
cially true where the corporation derives a
portion of its wealth from the existence of
some monopolistic element or tendency in Its
business. There would be no hardship in
such supervision banka are subject to It, and
In their case it is now accepted as a simple
matter of course. Indeed, It is probable that,
supervision of corporations by the National
government need not go so far as Is now the
case with tho supervision exercised over them
by so conservative a state as Massachusetts,
In order to produce excellent results.
‘ I believe that a lav/ can be framed which
will enable the National government to exer
cise control along the lines above indicated;
profiting by the experience gained through
the passage and administration of tho Inter
state-Commerce Act. If, however, the Judg
ment of the Congress is that it lacks the
constitutional power to pass such an act,
then a constitutional amendment should be
submitted to confer the power.
“There should bo created a Cabinet officer,
to be known as Secretary of Commerce and
Industries, as provided in the bill introduced
at the last session of the Congress. It should
bo his province to deal with commerce in its
broadest sense including among many other
things whatever concerns labor and all mat
ters sheeting the great business corporations
and our merchant marine.
Restriction on Immigration*
“With the sole exception of the farming
interest, no one matter Is of such vital mo
ment to our whole peoplo as the welfare of
the wage-workers. If the farmer and tho
wage-worker are well off, It is absolutely
certain that all others will bo well off, too.
It is therefore a matter for hearty congratu
lation that on the whole wages are higher
to-day in the United States than ever before
in our history, and far higher than In any
other country. Tho standard of living Is also
higher than over before. Every effort of log
islutor and administrator should be bent tv)
secure the permanency of this condition of
things and its improvement wherever possi
ble. Not ouly must our labor be protected
by the tariff, but it should also be protected
so far as it is possible from the presence in
this country of any laborers brought over by
contract, or of those who. coming freely,
yet represent a standard of living ho de
pressed that they can undersell our men In 1
tho labor market and drag them to a lower
level. 1 regard it as necessary, with this
end in view, to re-enact immediately the law
excluding Chinos© laborers and to strength
en it wherever necessary In order to make j
its enforcement entirely effective.
“So far as practicable under the conditions
of government work, provision should be
made to render the enforcement of the eight
hour law easy and certain. In all indus
tries carried on directly or Indirectly for the
United States government women and chil
dren should bo protected from excessive
hours of labor, from night work, and from
work under unsanitary, conditions.
“The most vital problem with which this
country, and for that matter the whole civ
ilized world, lias to deal, is the problem
which has for one aide the betterment of so
cial conditions, moral and physical, in large
cities, and for another side the efTort to doal
with (he tangle of far-reaching questions
which we group together when we speak of
“labor.’ Very great good has been and will
be accomplished by associations or unions of
wage-workers, when managed with fore
thought, and when they combine insistence
upon their own rights with law-abiding re
spect for the rights of others. The display of
those qualities In such bodies Is a duty to the
Nation no less than to tho associations them
selves. Finally, there must also in many
cases be actiou by the government In order
to safeguard the rights and Interests of all.
Under our Constitution there is much more
scope for such action by the state and the
municipality than by the Nation. But on
points such as those touched on above the
National government can act.
“Our present immigration laws are unsat
isfactory. We need every honest and effi
cient immigrant fitted to become an Ameri
can citizen, every Immigrant who comes hero
to stay, who brings here a strong body, a
stout heart, a good head, and a resolute pur
pose to do his duty well in every way and to
bring up his children as law-abiding and
God-fearing members of the community. But
there should bo a comprehensive law enact
ed with the object, of working a threefold im
provement over our present system. First,
we should aim to exclude absolutely not ouly
all persons who are known to be believers in
anarchistic principles or members of an
archistic societies, but also all persons who
are of a low moral tendency or of unsavory
reputation. This means that we should re
quire u more thorough system of inspection
abroad and a more rigid system of examina
tion at our immigration ports, the former be
ing especially necessary.
The second object of a proper immigra
tion law ought to be to secure by a careful
and not merely perfunctory educational test
some intelligent capacity to appreciate Amer
ican institutions and act sanely as Ameri
can citizens. This would not keep out all
anarchists, for many of them belong to the
intelligent criminal class. But it would do
wnat is also in point, that Is, tend to de
crease the sum of ignorance, so potent in
producing the envy, suspicion, malignant
passion, and hatred of order, out of which
anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs.
Finally, all persons should be excluded who
are below a certain standard of economic fit
ness to enter our industrial field as com
petitors with American labor. There should
be proper proof of personal capacity to earn
an American living and enough money to in
sure a decent start under American condi
tions. This would stop the influx of cheap
labor, and the resulting competition which
gives rise to so much of bitterness in Ameri
can industrial life; and it would dry up the
smings of tho pestilential social conditions
in our great cities, w'here anarchistic organ
izations have their greatest possibility of
growth.
Question of Reciprocity.
“There is general acquiesence in our pres
ent lariff system as a national policy. The
first requisite to our prosperity is the con
tinuity and stability of this economic policy.
.\othiug could be more unwise than to dis
turb the business interesls of the country by
any general tariff change at this time. Doubt,
apprehension, uncertainty are exactly whnt
wo wish to avoid in the interest of our com
mercial and material well-being. Our expert
I
enn in the past ba* shown that sweeping
revisions of the tariff are apt to aroduje
c-onditions closely approaching panic in the
business world. Yet it Is not only possible,
but eminently desirable, to combine with the
stability of our economic system a supple
mentary system of reciprocal benefit and obli
gation with other nations. Such reciprocity
is an incident and result of the firm estab
lishment and preservation of our present
economic policy. It waa specially provided
for in tbe present tariff law.
"Our first duty is to see that the protection
granted by the tariff in every case where it
is needed is maintained, and that reciprocity
b* sought for so far as it can safely be done
without injury to our home industries. Just
how far this is must be determined accord
ing to the individual case, remembering al
ways that every application of our tariff pol
icy to meet our shifting national needs must
bo conditioned upon the cardinal fact that the
duties must never be reduced below the point
that will cover the difference between the
labor cost here and abroad. The well-being
of the wage-worker is a prime consideration
of our entire policy of economic legislation.
“Subject to this proviso of the proper pro
tection necessary to our industrial well-being
at home, the principle of reciprocity must
command our hearty support. The pheno
menal growth of our export trade emphasizes
#the urgency of the need for wider markets
'and for a liberal policy in dealing with for
eign nations. Whatever is merely petty and
vexatious In the way of trude restrictions
should be avoided. The customers to whom
we dispose of our surplus products in the
! long run, directly or indirectly, purchase
I hone surplus products by giving us some
I thing In return. Their ability to purchase
! our products should aa far as possible be
| secured by so arranging our tariff as to en
able us to take from them those products
which we can use without harm to our own
industries and labor, or tho use of which will
be of marked benefit to us.
"We have now reached the point in the
development of our interests where we are
not only ablo to supply our own markets
hut to produce a constantly growing surplus
for which we must find markets abroad To
secure those markets we can utilize existing
duties in any case where they are no longer
reeded for tho purpose of protetion. or in any
case where the article is not produced hero
and the duty Is no longer necessary for
revenue, as giving us something to offer in
exchange for what we ask. The cordial re
lations with other nations which are so de
sirable will naturally be promoted by the
course thus required by our own Interests.
"The natural line of development for a
policy of reciprocity will be In connection
with those of our productions which no long
er require all of the support once needed
to establish them upon a sound basis, and
with those others where either because of
natural or of economic causes wo are beyond
the reach of successful competition.
“I ask the attention of the Senate to the
reciprocity treaties laid before it by my pre
decessor.
Our Merchant Marine.
“The condition of the American merchant
marine is such as to call for immediate
remedial action by the Congress. It is dis
creditable to us as a Nation that our mer
chant marine should be utterly insignificant
in comparison to that of other nations which
we overtop in other forms of business.
“American shipping is under certain great
disadvantages when put in competition with
the shipping of foreign countries. Many of
the fast foreign steamships, at a speed of
fourteen knots or above, are subsidized; and
all our ships, sailing vessels and steamers
alike, cargo carriers of slow speed and mall
carriers of high speed, have to meet the
fad that the original cost of building Ameri
can ships is greater than is the case abroad;
that the wages paid American officers and
Beamon are very much higher than those paid
the officers and seamen of foreign competing
countries; and that the standard of living
on our ships is far superior to the standard of
living on the ships of our commercial rivals.
“Our government should take such action
as will remedy these inequalities. The Amer
ican merchant marine should be restored to
the ocean.
“The Act of March 14, 1900, intended un
equivocally to establish gold as the standard
money and to maintain at a parity therewith
all forms of money medium in use with us,
has been shown to be timely and judicious.
The price of our government bonds in the
world’s market, when compared with the
price of similar obligations issued by other
nations, is a flattering tribute to our public
credit. This condition it is eminently desir
able to maintain.
“In many respects the National Banking
Law furnishes sufficient liberty for the proper
exercise of the banking function but there
seems to be need of better safeguards against
the deranging influence of commercial crises
and financial panics. Moreover, the currency
of the country should be made responsive
to the demands of our domestic trade and
commerce.
Redaction of Revenues.
“The collections from duties on imports and
internal taxes continue to exceed the ordi
nary expenditures. The utmost care should
be taken not to reduce the revenues so that
thre will be any possibility of* a deficit; bur,
after providing against any such contingency,
means should be adopted which will bring the
revenues more nearly within the limit of our
actual needs.
“I call special attention to the ueed of strict
economy in expenditures. The fact that our
national needs forbid us to be niggardly in
providing whatever is actually necessary to
our well-being, shpuld make us doubly care
ful to husband our national resources, aa
each of us husbands his private resouroes, by
scrupulous avoidance of anything like waste
ful or reckless ’expenditure.
Regulation of Railroads.
In 1887 a measure was enacted for the reg
ulation of interstate railways, commonly
known as the Interstate Commerce Act. The
cardinal provisions of that act were that
railway rates should be just and reasonable
anA that all shippers, localities, and commo
dities should.be accorded equal treatment. A
commission was created and endowed with
what were supposed to be the necessary pow
ers to execute the provisions of this act.
“That law was largely an experiment. Ex
perience has shown the wisdom of its pur
poses, but has also shown, possibly that some
of it3 requirements are wrong, certainly that
the means devised for the enforcement of its
provisions are defective.
“The act should be amended. The railway
is a public servant. Its rates should be Just
to and open to all shippers alike. The gov
ernment should see to it that within its juris
diction this is so and should provide a speedy,
inexpensive, and effective remedy to that end.
At the same time it must not be forgotten that
our railways are the arteries through which
the commercial lifeblood of this nation flows.
Nothing could be more foolish than the en
actment of legislation which would unneces
sarily interfere with the development and
operation of these commercial agencies. The
subject is one of great Importance and calls
for the earnest attention of the Congress.
The message points out the value of the
American forests and the necessity for their
i conservation, aud urges the construction and
maintenance of reservoirs and irrigating
systems for the reclamation of the arid lands
of the West. Of the water rights it says;
“In the arid states the only right to water
which should be recognized is that of use. Ln
irrigation this right should attach to the
land reclaimed and be inseparable therefrom.
Granting perpetual water rights to others
than users, without compensation to the
public, is open to all the objections whtch
apply to giving away perpetual franchises to
the public utilities of cities. A few of the
Western states have already recognized this
and have Incorporated in their constitutions
the doctrine of perpetual state ownership of
water.
Development of Hawaii.
“Our aim should be not simply to teclaim
the largest area of land and provide homes
for the largest number of people, but to
create for this new industry the best possible
social and Industrial conditions; and this re
quires that we not only understand the ex
isting situation, but avail ourselves of the
best experience of the time iu the solution
of its problems. A careful study should be
made, both by the nation and the states, of
the irigation laws and conditions here and
abroad. Ultimately it will probably be neces
sary for the nation to co-operatc with the
several arid states iu proportion as these
states by their legislation and administration
show themselves fit to receive it.
“In Hawaii our aim must be to develop the
territory on the traditional American lines.
We do not wish a region of large cities tilled
by cheap labor; we wish a healthy American
community of men who themselves till the
farms they own. All our legislation for the
islands should be shaped with this end in
view; the well-being of the average home
maker must afford the true test of the
healthy development of the islands. The
land policy should as nearly as possible be
modeled on our homestead system.
“It is ft pleasure to say that it is hardly
more necessary to report as to Porto Rico
than as to any state or territory within our
continental limits. The Island is thriving as
never before, and it is being administered
efficiently and honestly. Its people are now
enjoying liberty and order under the pro
tection of the United States, and upon this
fact wo congratulate them and ourselves.
Their material welfare must be aa carefully
and jealously considered as the welfare of
any other portion of ©ur country. Wc have
given them the great gift of free access for
their products to the markets of the United
States. I ask the attention of the Congress
to the need of legislation concerning the pub
lic lands of Porto Rico.
Progress in Cuba.
“In Cuba such progress has been made to
ward putting the independent government of
the island upon a firm footing that before the
present session of the Congress closes this
will be an accomplished fact. Cuba will then
start as her own mistress; and to the, beauti
ful Queen of the Antilles, as she unfolds this
new page of her destiny, we extend our
heartiest greetings and good wishes. Else
where I have discussed the question of reci
procity. Tn the case of Cuba, however, there
are weighty reasons of morality and of na
tional Interest why the policy should be held
to have a peculiar application, and I most
earnestly ask your attention to the wisdom,
indeed to the vital need, of providing for a
substantial reduction in the tariff duties on
Cuban imports Into the United States. Cuba
has in her constitution affirmed what we de
sired, that she should stand, in international
1 matters, in closer and more friendly relations
with us than with any other power; and we
are bound by every consideration of honor
and expediency to pass commercial measures
in the interest of her material well-being.
The Philippine Problem.
“In the Philippines our problem is larger.
They are very rich tropical islands, inhabi
ted by many varying tribes, representing
widely different stages of progress toward
civilization. Our earnest effort is to help
these people upward along the stony and dif
ficult path that leads to self-government. We
hope to make our administration of the is
lands honorable to our nation by making it
of the highest benefit to the Filipinos them
selves; and as an earnest of what we intend
to do, we point to what we have done. Al
ready a greater measure of material prosper
ity and of governmental honesty and effici
ency has been attained in the Philippines
than over before in their history.
“In dealing with the Philippine people we
must show both patience and strength, for
bearance and steadfast resolution. Our aim
is high. We do not desire to do for the is
landers merely what has elsewhere been done
for tropic peoples by even the best foreign
governments. W hope to do for them what
has never before been done for any people
of the tropics—to make them fit for self
government after the fashion of the really
free nations.
“To leave the islands at this time would
mean that they would fall into a welter of
murderous anarchy. Such desertion of duty
on our part would be a crime against hu
manity. The character of Governor Taft and
of his associates and subordinates is a proof,
if such bo needed, of the sincerity of our ef
fort to give the islanders a constantly in
creasing measure of self-governmeut, exactly
as fast as they show themselves fit to exer
cise it. Since the civil government was es
tablished not an appointment has been made
in the islands with any reference to consider
ations of political influence, or to aught else
save the fitness of the man and the needs
of the service.
"There ure still troubles ahead in the is
lands. The insurrection has become an affair
of local banditti and marauders, who deserve
no higher regard than the brigands of por
tions of the old world. Encouragement, di
rect or indirect, to these insurrectos stands
on the same footing as encouragement to hos
tile Indians in the days when we still had In
dian wars. As we will do everything in our
power for the Filipino who is peaceful, we
will take the sternest measures with the
Filipinos who follow the path of the insur
reoto and tho ladrone.
"Tho time has come when there should be
additional legislation for the Philippines.
Nothing better can be done for the islands
than to introduce industrial enterprises.
Nothing would benefit them so much as
throwing them open to industrial develop
ment. It is therefore necessary that the
Congress should pass laws by which the re
sources of the islands can be developed: so
that franchises (for limited terms of years)
can be granted to companies doing business
in them, and every encouragement be given
to the Incoming of business men of every
kind.
"I call your attention most earnestly to the
crying need of a cable to Hawaii and t,he
Philippines, to be continued from the Phil
ippines to points in Asia. We should not
defer a day longer than necessary the con
struction of such a cable. It Is demanded
not merely for commercial but for political
and military considerations.
"Either the Congress should Immediately
provide for the construction of a govern
ment cable, or else an arrangement should
be made by which like advantages to those
accruing from a government cable may be
secured to tho government by contract with
a private cable company.
Recommends Nicaraguan Canal.
"No single great material work which re
mains to be undertaken on this continent is
of such consequence to the American people
as the building of a canal across the Isthmus
connecting North and South America. While
Its beneficial effects would perhaps be most
marked upon the Pacific coast and the gulf
and South Atlantic states, it would also
greatly benefit other sections. It Is em
phatically a work which it is for the iuterest
of the entire country to begin and complete
as soon as possible; it is one of those great
works which only a great nation can under
take with prospects of success, and which
when done are not only permanent assets
In the nation's material Interests, but Stand
ing monuments to its constructive ability.
I am glad to be able to announce to you
that our negotiations on this subject with
Great Britain, conducted on both sides in a
spirit of friendliness and mutual good will
and respect, have resulted in my being able
to lay before the Senate a treaty which if
ratified will enable us to begin preparations
for an Isthmian canal at any time, and which
guarantees to this nation every right that
It has ever asked in connection with the
canal. In this treaty, the old Clayton-Bul
wer treaty, so long recognized as inadequate
to supply the base for the construction and
maintenance of a necessarily American ship
canal, is abrogated. It specifically provides
that the United States alone shall do the
work of building and assume the responsi
bility of safeguarding the canal <and shall
regulate its neutral use by all nations on
terms of equality without the guaranty or
Interference of any outside nation from any
quarter. The signed treaty will at once be
laid before the Senate, and if approved the
Congress can then proceed to give effect to
the advantages it secures us by providing for
the building of tho c anal.
"The true end of every great and free peo
ple should be self-respecting peace; and this
nation most earnestly desires sincere and
cordial friendship with all others. Over the
entire world, of recent years, wars between
the great civilized powers have become less
and less frequent. Wars with barbarous or
srai-barbarous peoples come in an entirely
different category, being merely a most re
grettable but neces.‘5ary international police
duty which must be performed for the sake
of the welfare of mankind. Peace can only
be kept with certainty where both sides wish
to keep it; but more and more the civilized
peoples are realizing the wicked folly of war
and ore attaining that condition of just and
intelligent regard for the rights of others
which will in the end, as we hope and be
lieve, make world-wide peace possible. The
peace conference at The Hague gave definite
expression to this hope and belief and mark
ed a stride toward their attainment.
The Monroe Doctrine.
I "This same peace conference acquiesced in
our statement of the Monroe doctrine ns
compatible with the purposes and alms of
I the conference.
"The Monroe doctrine should be the car
dinal feature of the foreign policy of all the
nations of the two Americas, as it is of the
United States. The doctrine is a declara
tion that there must be no territorial ag
grandizement by any non-American power at
the expense of any American power on Amer
ican soil. It is in no wise intended as hostile
to any nation In the old world. Still less is
it intended to give cover to any aggression
hv one new world power at the expense of
any other. It is simply a step, and a long
step toward assuring the universal peace of
the world by securing the possibility of per
manent peace on this hemisphere.
"This doctrine has nothing to do with the
commercial relations of any American power,
save that it in truth allows each of them to
form such as it desires. In other words, it
Is reallv a guaranty of the commercial in
dependence of the Americas. We do not ask
under this doctrine for any exclusive com
mercial dealings with any other American
state We do not guarantee any state against
punishment if it misconducts itself, pro
vided that punishment does not tuke the
form of the acquisition of territory by any
non-American power.
"Our attitude in Cuba is a sufficient guar
anty of our own good faith. We have not
the' slightest desire to secure any territory
at the expense of any of our neighbors. We
wish to work with them hand in hand, so
that all of us may be upltfted together, and
wa rejoice ever the good fortune of any of
tnem we gladly hail their material prosper
ity and political stability, and arc concerned
and alarmed if auy of them fall into Indus
trial or political chaos. We do uot wish to
see any old world military power grow up on
this continent, or to be compelled to become
a military power ourselves. The peoples of
the America* can prosper best if left to work
our tbeir own salvation in their own way.
Powerful Navy Urged.
“The work of upbuilding tho navy must be
steadily continued. Whether we desire It or
not, we must henceforth recognise that we
have international duties no less than inter
national rights. Even if our flag were haul
ed down in the Philippines and Porto Rico,
even if we decided not to build the Isthmian
'•anal, we should need a thoroughly trained
navy of adequate size, or else be prepared
definitely and for ail time to abandon the
idea that our nation is among those whose
sons go down to the sea in ships. Unless
our commerce is always to be carried In for
eign bottoms, we must have war craft to
protect it.
“So far from being in any way a provoca
tion to war, an adequate and highly trained
navy is the beat guaranty against war, the
cheapest and most effective peace Insurance.
The cost of building and maintaining such a
navy represents the very lightest premium
for insuring paece which this nation can
possibly pay.
“Probably no other great nation in the
world is so anxiouB for peace as we are.
There is not a single civilized power which
has anything whatever to fear from ag
gressiveness on our part. All we want is
peace; and toward this end we wish to be
able to secure the same respect for our
rights in return, to iusuro fair treatment to
us commercially, and to guarantee the safety
of the American people.
“Our people intend to abld© by the Mon
roe doctrine and to Insist upon it as the one
sure means of securing the peace of the
Western hemisphere. The navy offers us the
only means of making our insistence upon
the Mo:'-oe doctrine anything but a sub
ject of derision to whatever nation chooses
to disregard it. We desire the peace which
comes as of right to the just man armed;
not the peace granted on terms of ignominy
to the craven and the weakling.
“It is not possible to improvise a navy
after war breaks out. The ships must be
built and the men trained long in advance.
In the late war with Spain the ships that
dealt the decisive blows at Manila and San
tiago had been launched from two to four
teen years, and they wore able to do as they
did because the men in the conning towers,
the gun turrets and the engine-rooms had
through long years of practice at sea learned
how to do their duty.
“It was forethought and preparation which
secured us the overwhelming triumph of 1898.
If we fail to show forethought aiul prepara
tion now, there may come a time when dis
aster will befall us instead of triumph; and
should this time come, the fault will rest
primarily, not upon those whom the acci
dent of events puts in supreme command at
the moment, but upon those who have failed
to prepare in advance.
“There should be no cessation in the work
of completing our navy. It is unsafe and
unwise not to provide this year for several
additional battleships and. heavy armored
cruisers, with auxiliary and lighter craft in
proportion; for the exact numbers and char
acter I refer you to the report of the Secre
tary of the Navy. But there is something we
need even more than additional ships, and
this is additional officers and men. To pro
vide battleships and cruisers and then lay
them up, with the expectation of leaving
them unmanned until they are needed in
actual war, would be worse than folly; it
would be a crime against the nation.
“To send any warship against a competent
enemy unless those aboard it have been
trained by years of actual sea service, in
cluding incessant gunnery practice, would be
to invite not merely disaster, but the bitter
est shame and humiliation. Four thousand
additional seamen and oue thousand addi
tional marines should bo provided; and an
increase in the officers should be provided
by making a large addition to the classes a't
Annapolis.
Our Present Naval Force.
“We now have seventeen battleships ap
propriated for, of which nine are completed
and have been commissioned for actual serv
ice. The remaining eight will be ready in
from two to four years, but it will take at
least that time to recruit and train the men
to fight them. It is of vast concern that we
have trained crews ready for the vessels by
the time they are commissioned. Oocd ships
and good guns are simply good weapons, and
the best weapons are useless save in the
hands of men who know how to fight with
them. The men must be trained and drilled
under a thorough and well-planned system
of progressive instruction, while the recruit
ing must be carried on with still greater
vigor.
“The naval militia forces are state organ 1
ations, and are trained for coast service, and
in event of war they will constitute the inner
line of defense. They should receive hearty
encouragement from the general government.
“But in addition we should at once pro
vide for a National Naval lieserve. organized
and trained under the direction of the Navy
Department, and subject to the call of the
Chief Executive whenever war becomes immi
nent. It should be a real auxiliary to the
naval seagoing peace establishment, and of
fer material to be drawn on at once for
manning our ships in time of war. It should
be composed of graduates of the Naval Acad
emy, graduates of the Naval Militia, officers
and crew’s of coast-line steamers, longshore
schooners, fishing vessels and steam yachts,
together with the coast population about
such centers as life-saving stations and light
houses.
Need for Powerful Navy.
“The American people must either build
and maintain an adequate navy or else make
up their minds definitely to accept a sec
ondary position in international affairs, not
merely in political, but in commercial, mat
ters. It has been well said that there Is no
surer way of courting national disaster than
to be 'opulent, aggressive, and unarmed.’
“It is not necessary to increase our army
beyond its present size at this time. Rut it.
is necessary to keep it at the highest point
of efficiency.
“Every effort should be made to bring the
army to a constantly Increasing state of ef
ficiency. When on actual service no work
save that directly in the line of such service
should be required. The paper work in the
army, as in the navy, should be greatly re
duced. What is needed is proved power of
command and capacity to work well in the
field. Constant care is necessary to prevent
dry rot in the transportation and commis
sary departments.
“The Congress should provide means where
by it will be possible to have field exercises
by at least a division of regulars, and If
possible also a division of national guards
men, once a year.
“Only actual handling and providing for
men in masses while they arc marching,
camping, embarking, and disembarking, will
it be possible to train the higher officers to
perform their duties well and smoothly.
“A great debt is owing from the public to
the men of the army and navy. They should
be so treated as to enable them to reach the
highest point of efficiency, so that they may
be able to respond instantly to any demand
made upon them to sustain the interests of
the nation and the honor of the flag. The
individual American enlisted man is prob
ably on the whole a more formidable fighting
man than the regular of any other army.
Every consideration should bo shown him,
and 'in return the highest standard of use
fulness should be exacted from him. It is
well worth while for the Congress to con
sider whether the pay of enlisted men upon
second and subsequent enlistments should
not be increased to correspond with the in
creased value of the veteran soldier.
Militia laws Obsolete.
“Action should be taken in reference to the
militia and to the raising of volunteer forces.
Our militia law is obsolete and worthless.
The organization and armament of the Na
tional Guard of the several states, which are
treated as militia in the appropriations by
the Congress, should be made identical with
those provided for the regular forces. The
obligations and duties of the Guard in time
of war should be carefully defined, and a
system established by law under which the
method of procedure of raising volunteer
forces should be prescribed in advance. It
is utterly impossible in the excitement and
haste of impending war to do this satisfac
torily if the arrangements have not been
made long beforehand. Provision should be
I made for utilizing in the first volunteer or
ganizations called out the training of those
citizens who have already had experience un
der arms, and especially for the selection in
advance of the officers of any force which
may be raised; for careful selection of the
kind necessary is impossible after the out
break of war.
“That the army is not at all a mere in
strument of destruction has been shown dur
ing the last three years. In the Philippines,
Cuba and Porto Rico it has proved itself a
great constructive force, a most potent im
plement for the upbuilding of a peaceful civ
ilization.
Eulogy of Veterans.
“No other citizens deserve so well of the
republic as the veterans, the survivors of
those who saved the union. They did the
one deed which if left undone would have
meant that all else in our history went for
nothing. But for their steadfast prowess la
the greatest orisls of our history, all our
annals would be meaningless, and our great
experiment in popular freedom and self-gov
ernment a gleotdy failure. Moreover, they
not only left us a united nation, but they left
us also as a heritage the memory of the
mighty deeds by which the nation was kept
united. We are now indeed one nation, one
in fact as well as in name; we are united
in our devotion to the flag which is the sym
bol of all national greatness and unity; and
the very completeness of our union enables
us all, in every part of the country, to glory
in the valor shown alike by the sons of the
North and the sons of the South la the
times that tried men's souls.
Merit System Endorsed.
“The merit system of making appointments
is in its essence as democratic and American
as the common schools system itself. It sim
ply means that in clerical and other positions
where the duties are entirely non-political,
all applicants should have a fair field and
' no favor, each standing on his merits as he
5 is able to show them by practical test. Writ
! ten competitive examinations offer the only
available means in many cases for applying
this system. In other cases, as where la
borers are employed, a system of registra
tion undoubtedly can be widely extended.
There are, of course, places where the writ
ten competitive examination cannot he ap
plied, and others where it offers by no means
an ideal solution, but where under existing
political conditions It is, though an imperfect
means, yet the best present means of get
ting satisfactory results.
It is important to have this system ob
tain at home, but It is even more important
to have it applied rigidly in our Insular pos
sessions. The administration of these islands
should be as wholly free from the suspicion
of partisan politics as the administration of
the army and nary. All that we ask from
the public servant in the Philippines or Porto
Rico is that he reflect honor on his oountry
by the way in which he makes that coun
try’s rule a benefit to the peoples who have
come under it. This is all that we should
ask, and wo cannot afford to be content with
less.”
Treatment of Indians*
i
Tlie message points out the defects In our
present consular service, and recommends the
passage of bills now before Congress that
will increase its efficiency. Of the Indian
problem it says
“In my Judgment the time has arrived
when we should definitely make up our minds
to recognize the Indian as an individual and
not ao a member of a tribe. The General
Allotment Act is a mighty pulverizing engine
to break up the tribal mass. It acts direct
ly upon the family of the individual. Under
its provisions some sixty thousand Indians
have .already become citizens of the United!
States. We should now break up the tribal
funds, doing for them what allotment does
for the tribal lands; that is, they should be
divided into individual holdings. A stop
should be put upon the Indiscriminate per
mission to Indians to lease their allotments.
The effort should be steadily to make the
Indian work like any other man on his own
ground. The marriage laws of the Indians
should be made the same as those of the
whites.
“In dealing with the aboriginal races few
things are more important than to preserve
them from the terrible physical and moral
degradation resulting from the liquor traf
fic. We are doing all we can to save our own
Indian tribes from this evil. Wherever by
international agreement this same end can be
attained as regards races where we do not
possess exclusive control, every effort should
be made to bring it about.
“I bespeak the most cordial support from
the Congress and the people for the St. Louis
Exposition to Commemorate the One Hun
dredth Anniversary of the Louisiana Pur
chase. This purchase was the greatest in
stance of expansion in our history. It def
initely decided that we were to becoms a
great continental republic, by far the fore
most power in the Western Hemisphere. The
national government should be represented*
at the exposition by a full and complete set
of exhibits.
“The people of Charleston, ’tfith great en
ergy and civic spirit, are carrying on a* ex
position which will continue throughout most
of the present session of the Congress. I
heartily commend this exposition to the good
will of the people. It deserves all the en
couragement that can be given it. .
* For the sake of good administration, sound
economy, and the advancement of eejenoe, the
Census Office as now constituted should be
made a permanent government bureau. This
would insure better, cheaper and more sat
isfactory work, in the interest not only of
our business but of statistic, economic and
social science.
Growth of Postal Service.
“The remarkable growth of the postal eer^
vice is shown in the fact that ite revenues
have doubled and its expenditures have near
ly doubled within twelve years. Its progres
sive development compels constantly increas
ing outlay, but in this period of business en
ergy and prosperity its receipts grow so much
faster than its expanses that tho annual de
ficit has been steadily reduced from $11,411,
779 in 1897 to $3,923,727 in 1901. Among recent
postal advances the success of rural free
delivery wherever established has been so
marked, and actual experience has made its
benefits so plain, that the demand for its ex
tension is general and urgent.
“It is just that the great agricultural popu
lation should share in the improvement of the
service. The number of rural routes now in
operation is 6,009, practically all established
within three years, and there are 6,000 appli
cations awaiting action. It is expected that
the number in operation at the close of the
current fiscal year will reach 8,600. The mail
will then be daily carried to the doors of
5,700,000 of our people who have heretofore
been dependent upon distant offices, and one
third of all that portion of the country which
is adapted to it will be covered by this kind
of service.
Second-Class Mail Matter. »
“The full measure of postal progress which
might be realized has long been hampered
and obstructed by the heavy burden imposed
on the government through the intrenched
and well-understood abuses which have
grown up in connection with second-class
mail matter. The extent of this burden ap
pears when it is stated that while ths sec
ond-class matter makes nearly three-fifths of
the weight of all the mail, it paid tor the
last fiscal year only $4,294.445 of the aggre
gate postal revenue of $111,631,193. If the
pound rate of postage, which produces the
large loss thus entailed, and which was fixed
by the Congress with the purpose of encour
aging the dissemination of public Informa
- tion, were limited to the legitimate news
papers and periodicals actually contemplated
by the law, no just exception could be taken.
That expense would be the recognized and
accepted .cost of a liberal public policy de
liberately adopted for a justifiable end. But
much of the matter which enjoys the privi
leged rate is wholly outside of the intent of
the law. and has secured admission only
through an evasion of its requirements or
through lax construction. The proportion of
such wrongly included matter is estimated
by postal experts to be one-half of the whole
volume of second-class mail. If It be only
one-third or one-quarter, the magnitude of
the burden is apparent. The Postofflce De
partment has now undertaken to remove the
abuses so far as is possible by a stricter ap
plication of the law: and it should be sus
tained in its effort.”
•We view with lively Interest and keen
hopes of beneficial results the procedlngs of
the Pan-American Congress, convoked at the
invitation of Mexico, and now sitting at the
Mexican capital. The delegates of the United
States are under the most liberal instructions
to co-operate with their colleagues in all
matters promising advantage to the great
family of American commonwealths, as well
in their relations among themselves as in
their domestic advancement and in their
intercourse with the world at large.
The occurrences arising from the “Boxer'*
outbreak in China are reviewed In detail, and
the steps taken to secure to the United States
its share of the trade of the Orient are ex
plained. The message concludes:
“The death of Queen Victoria caused the
people of the United States deep and heart
felt sorrow, to which the government gave
fill expression. When President McKinley
died, our nation in turn received from every
quarter of the British empire expressions of
grief and sympathy no less sincere. The
death of the Empress Dowager Frederick of
Germany also aroused the genuine sympathy
of the American people: and this sympathy
was cordially reciprocated by Germany when
the President was assassinated. Indeed, from
every quarter of the civilized world we re
ceived, at the time of the President's death,
assurances of such grief and regard as to
touch the hearts of our people. In the midst
of our affliction we reverently thank the Al
mighty that we are at peace with the nation*
of mankind; and we firmly intend that our
policy shall be such as to continue unbroken
these International relations of mutual re
spect and good will.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT*
White House, December 3, 1901.