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About The frontier. (O'Neill City, Holt County, Neb.) 1880-1965 | View Entire Issue (Dec. 5, 1901)
PHIS «i H l# (IK Governmental Problems Dwelt On at Length In the Document. URGES EXCLDSIOH OF IGF filIJIRGKISTS Czolgosz and His Ilk Enemies of the Human Race. THE MERITS OF RECIPROCITY. Froftldent Defend* the Workings of the PnHcelliro Tariff -Construction of the Nloaragaan Cunul Urged, and the Ray ing of a Cable to Hawaii and the Philippine*—Change* in the Present. Militia Raw* Recommended—The Nary. A comprehensive synopsis of President Roosevelt's message to Congress is given be low: To the Senate and House of Representatives: "Tho Congress assembles this year under the shadow of a great calamity. On the sixth of September. President McKinley was shot by an anarchist while attending the Pan American Exposition at Buffalo, nnd died in that city on the fourteenth of that month. “Of the last seven elected Presidents, ho is the third who has been murdered, and the bare recital of this fact Is sufficient to jus tify grave alarm among all loyal American citizens. Moreover, the circumstances of this, Use third assassination of an American Presi dent, have a peculiarly sinister significance. Both President Lincoln and President Gar field were kilted by assassins of types unfor tunately not uncommon in history. President Lincoln falling a victim to tho terrible pas sions aroused by four years of civil war, and President Garfield to tho revengeful vau Ity of a disappointed office-seeker President i McKinley was killed by an utterly depraved criminal belonging to that body of criminals who object to all governments, good and bad alike, who aro against any form of popular liberty If It is guaranteed by even the most just and liberal laws, and who are as hostile to tho upright expouent of a free people s aober will as to the tyrannical and irresponsi ble despot. “It is not too much to say that at the time of President McKinley’s death he was the most widely loved man in all the United States; while wo have never had any public i man of his position who has been so wholly free from tho bitter animosities incident to public life. There could be no personal i hatred of him. for he never acted with aught but consideration for the welfare of others. , No one could fail to respect him who knew him In public or private life. The defenders of thoao rmirdererous criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by asserting that it Is exercised for political ends, Inveigh against wealth and irresponsible power. But for this assassination even this base apology can not be urged." The President speaks in the highest terms of the personal and public virtues of Mr. Mc Kinley. Describing the nature of the assas sination and the motive that inspired It, the message continues: Motive of the Assassin. “The blow was aimed not at this Presi dent, but at all Presidents at every symbol of government. The anarchist, and especially ♦he anarchist In the United States, is mcroly one type of criminal, more dangerous than any other because he represents the same : depravity in a greater degree. Tho man who j advocates anarchy directly or Indirectly, in ! any shape or fashion, or tho man who apolo- ! gi'-cee for anarchists and their deeds, makes himself morally accessory to murder before the fact. The anarchist Is a criminal whose perverted instincts lend him to prefer oonfu \ slon and chaos to the most beneficent form )Of social order. Ills protest of concern for workingmen Is outrageous iu its Impudent falsity; for if the political institutions of this country do not afford opportunity to every honest nnd intelligent son of toil, then the door of hope is forever closed against him. The anarchist is everywhere not merely the onefny of system and progress, but the dead ly foe of liberty. If ever nuHrchy is triumph ant its triumph will last for but one red moment, to be succeeded for ages by the gloomy night of despotism. Would Kxclude Anarchists. “I earnestly recommend to the Congress that In the exercise of Its wire discretion it should take into consideration the coming to this country of anarchists or persona pro fessing principles hostile to all government ncd justifying the murder of those placed in authority. No matter calls more urgently for the wisest thought of the Congress. “The Federal courts should he given juris diction over any man who kills or attempts to kill the President or any man who by the Constitution or by-law is in line of succes , sion for the Presidency, while the punish m«nt for an unsuccessful attempt should be proportioned to the enormity of the offense against our institutions. ''Anarchy is a crime against the whole human race; and ail inankiud should band against the anarchist. His crime should be made an offense against the law of nations, like piracy and that form of mansteallng known as the slave trade for it is of far blacker infamy than either. It should be ho declared by treaties among all civilized pow er*. The Trust Problem. “The tremendous and highly complex industrial development which went on with >ver accelerated rapidity during the latter half of the nineteenth oeutury brings us face to face, at thT beginning of the twentieth, with very serious social problems. The oi l laws, and the old customs which had ulmost the binding force of law, were ouee quite sufficient to regulate the accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since the industrial changes which have so enormously Increased the productive power of mankind, they are no longer sufficient. “The creation of great corporate fortunes has not been due to the turlff nor to anv other governmental action, hut to natural causes In the business world, operating in other countries as they operate in our own. “It is not true that as the rich have grown richer the poor have grown poorer. On the contrary, never before bus the average man. the wage-worker, the farmer, the small trad er, Ixuui so well off as in this country and at the present time. There have been abusea connected with the accumulation of wealth; vet it remains true that a fortune accumu lated only on condition of conferring im mense incidental benefits upon others. Suc cessful enterprise, of the type which benefits all mankind, can only exist if the conditions are such as to offer great prizes as the re wards of success. “The captains of industry who have driven • the railway systems across this continent, who have built up our commerce, who have developed our manufactures, have on the whole done great good to our people. With out them the material development of which we are so justly proud could never have taken place. Moreover, we should recognize thp Immense importance to this material development of leavlug as unhampered as is compatible with the public good the strong and forceful men upon whom the success of business operations inevitably rests. Caution Is Urged. “An additional reason for caution In deal ing with corporations is to be found in the international commercial conditions of to day. The same business conditions which have produced the great aggregations of cor porate and individual wealth have made them very potent factors in international commer cial competition. America has only just begun to assume that commanding position In the international business world which we beiievc will more and more be hers. It is of the utmost importance that this position be not jeoparded, especially at a time when the overflowing abundance of our own natu ral resources and the skill, business energy, and mechanical aptitude of our people make foreign markets essential. Under such con ditions it would be most unwise to cramp or to fetter the youthful streugth of our Nation. “Disaster to great business enterprises can never have Its effects limited to tho men at the top. It spreads throughout, and while it is bad for everybody, it is worst for those farthest down. The capitalist may be shorn of his luxuries; but the wage-worker may be deprived of even bare necessities. “In facing new industrial conditions, the nbole history of the world shows that legls latlcn will generally !>« both unwise and in effective udIds uad:r.ak«n r.fter ••aim inquiry and v/lth sober aelf-rf r/ralnt. Much of tha legislation directed at the treats would have been exceedingly mischievous had ft not also been entirely Ineffective. In dealing with business Interests, for the government to un dertake by crude and Ill-considered legisla tion to do what may turn out to be bad, would be to incur Che risk of such far-reacb lug national disaster that it would be prefer able to undertake nothing at all. “All this Is true; and yet It Is also true that there are real and grave evils, one of the chief being over-capitallxatlon because of Its many baleful consequences; and a reso lute and practical effort must be made to correct these evils. Government Supervision. “It is no limitation upon property rights or freedom of contract to require that when men receive from government the privilege of doing business undor < orporate form, which frees them from Individual responsibility, and enables them to call into their enterprises the capita) of the public, they shall do bo upon absolutely truthful representations as to the value of the property in which the capi tal is to be Invested. Corporations engaged In Interstate commerce should be regulated If they are found to exercise a license work ing to the public Injury. It should be an much the aim of those who seek for social betterment to rid the business world of crimes of cunning as to rid the entire body politic of crimes of violence. Great corpora tions exist only because they are created and safeguarded by our institution! and it is therefore our right, and our duty to see that they work in barniany v.ith those insti tutions. Publicity fCtmiedy for Trusts. “The first essential in deter mining hov: lo deal with the great industrial combinations is knowledge or the facts—publicity. In the Interest of the public, the government should have the right, to inspect and examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in interstate business. Publicity is tho only sure remedy which we can now invoke. What further remedies tire needed In the way of governmental regulation, or taxation, can only be determined after publicity has been obtained, by process of law, and In the course of administration. Tho first requisite is knowledge, full and complete—knowledge which may be made public to the world. “Artificial bodies, such as corporations and joint stock or other associations, depcndtng upon any statutory law for their existence or privileges, should bo subject to proper gov ernmental supervision, and full and accurate information as to their operations should be made public regularly at reasonable Intervals. The largo corporations, commonly called trusts, though organised In one state, always do business in many states, often doing very little business in the state where they are Incorporated. There is utter lack of uniform ity in the state laws about them; and as no state lias any exclusive Interest In or power over their acts, it has in practice proved im possible to get adequate regulation through state action. Therefore, in tho interest of the whole people, the Nation should, without in terfering with the power of the states in the matter itself, also assume power of super vision and regulation over all corporations doing an interstate business. This Is espe cially true where the corporation derives a portion of its wealth from the existence of some monopolistic element or tendency in Its business. There would be no hardship in such supervision banka are subject to It, and In their case it is now accepted as a simple matter of course. Indeed, It is probable that, supervision of corporations by the National government need not go so far as Is now the case with tho supervision exercised over them by so conservative a state as Massachusetts, In order to produce excellent results. ‘ I believe that a lav/ can be framed which will enable the National government to exer cise control along the lines above indicated; profiting by the experience gained through the passage and administration of tho Inter state-Commerce Act. If, however, the Judg ment of the Congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to pass such an act, then a constitutional amendment should be submitted to confer the power. “There should bo created a Cabinet officer, to be known as Secretary of Commerce and Industries, as provided in the bill introduced at the last session of the Congress. It should bo his province to deal with commerce in its broadest sense including among many other things whatever concerns labor and all mat ters sheeting the great business corporations and our merchant marine. Restriction on Immigration* “With the sole exception of the farming interest, no one matter Is of such vital mo ment to our whole peoplo as the welfare of the wage-workers. If the farmer and tho wage-worker are well off, It is absolutely certain that all others will bo well off, too. It is therefore a matter for hearty congratu lation that on the whole wages are higher to-day in the United States than ever before in our history, and far higher than In any other country. Tho standard of living Is also higher than over before. Every effort of log islutor and administrator should be bent tv) secure the permanency of this condition of things and its improvement wherever possi ble. Not ouly must our labor be protected by the tariff, but it should also be protected so far as it is possible from the presence in this country of any laborers brought over by contract, or of those who. coming freely, yet represent a standard of living ho de pressed that they can undersell our men In 1 tho labor market and drag them to a lower level. 1 regard it as necessary, with this end in view, to re-enact immediately the law excluding Chinos© laborers and to strength en it wherever necessary In order to make j its enforcement entirely effective. “So far as practicable under the conditions of government work, provision should be made to render the enforcement of the eight hour law easy and certain. In all indus tries carried on directly or Indirectly for the United States government women and chil dren should bo protected from excessive hours of labor, from night work, and from work under unsanitary, conditions. “The most vital problem with which this country, and for that matter the whole civ ilized world, lias to deal, is the problem which has for one aide the betterment of so cial conditions, moral and physical, in large cities, and for another side the efTort to doal with (he tangle of far-reaching questions which we group together when we speak of “labor.’ Very great good has been and will be accomplished by associations or unions of wage-workers, when managed with fore thought, and when they combine insistence upon their own rights with law-abiding re spect for the rights of others. The display of those qualities In such bodies Is a duty to the Nation no less than to tho associations them selves. Finally, there must also in many cases be actiou by the government In order to safeguard the rights and Interests of all. Under our Constitution there is much more scope for such action by the state and the municipality than by the Nation. But on points such as those touched on above the National government can act. “Our present immigration laws are unsat isfactory. We need every honest and effi cient immigrant fitted to become an Ameri can citizen, every Immigrant who comes hero to stay, who brings here a strong body, a stout heart, a good head, and a resolute pur pose to do his duty well in every way and to bring up his children as law-abiding and God-fearing members of the community. But there should bo a comprehensive law enact ed with the object, of working a threefold im provement over our present system. First, we should aim to exclude absolutely not ouly all persons who are known to be believers in anarchistic principles or members of an archistic societies, but also all persons who are of a low moral tendency or of unsavory reputation. This means that we should re quire u more thorough system of inspection abroad and a more rigid system of examina tion at our immigration ports, the former be ing especially necessary. The second object of a proper immigra tion law ought to be to secure by a careful and not merely perfunctory educational test some intelligent capacity to appreciate Amer ican institutions and act sanely as Ameri can citizens. This would not keep out all anarchists, for many of them belong to the intelligent criminal class. But it would do wnat is also in point, that Is, tend to de crease the sum of ignorance, so potent in producing the envy, suspicion, malignant passion, and hatred of order, out of which anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs. Finally, all persons should be excluded who are below a certain standard of economic fit ness to enter our industrial field as com petitors with American labor. There should be proper proof of personal capacity to earn an American living and enough money to in sure a decent start under American condi tions. This would stop the influx of cheap labor, and the resulting competition which gives rise to so much of bitterness in Ameri can industrial life; and it would dry up the smings of tho pestilential social conditions in our great cities, w'here anarchistic organ izations have their greatest possibility of growth. Question of Reciprocity. “There is general acquiesence in our pres ent lariff system as a national policy. The first requisite to our prosperity is the con tinuity and stability of this economic policy. .\othiug could be more unwise than to dis turb the business interesls of the country by any general tariff change at this time. Doubt, apprehension, uncertainty are exactly whnt wo wish to avoid in the interest of our com mercial and material well-being. Our expert I enn in the past ba* shown that sweeping revisions of the tariff are apt to aroduje c-onditions closely approaching panic in the business world. Yet it Is not only possible, but eminently desirable, to combine with the stability of our economic system a supple mentary system of reciprocal benefit and obli gation with other nations. Such reciprocity is an incident and result of the firm estab lishment and preservation of our present economic policy. It waa specially provided for in tbe present tariff law. "Our first duty is to see that the protection granted by the tariff in every case where it is needed is maintained, and that reciprocity b* sought for so far as it can safely be done without injury to our home industries. Just how far this is must be determined accord ing to the individual case, remembering al ways that every application of our tariff pol icy to meet our shifting national needs must bo conditioned upon the cardinal fact that the duties must never be reduced below the point that will cover the difference between the labor cost here and abroad. The well-being of the wage-worker is a prime consideration of our entire policy of economic legislation. “Subject to this proviso of the proper pro tection necessary to our industrial well-being at home, the principle of reciprocity must command our hearty support. The pheno menal growth of our export trade emphasizes #the urgency of the need for wider markets 'and for a liberal policy in dealing with for eign nations. Whatever is merely petty and vexatious In the way of trude restrictions should be avoided. The customers to whom we dispose of our surplus products in the ! long run, directly or indirectly, purchase I hone surplus products by giving us some I thing In return. Their ability to purchase ! our products should aa far as possible be | secured by so arranging our tariff as to en able us to take from them those products which we can use without harm to our own industries and labor, or tho use of which will be of marked benefit to us. "We have now reached the point in the development of our interests where we are not only ablo to supply our own markets hut to produce a constantly growing surplus for which we must find markets abroad To secure those markets we can utilize existing duties in any case where they are no longer reeded for tho purpose of protetion. or in any case where the article is not produced hero and the duty Is no longer necessary for revenue, as giving us something to offer in exchange for what we ask. The cordial re lations with other nations which are so de sirable will naturally be promoted by the course thus required by our own Interests. "The natural line of development for a policy of reciprocity will be In connection with those of our productions which no long er require all of the support once needed to establish them upon a sound basis, and with those others where either because of natural or of economic causes wo are beyond the reach of successful competition. “I ask the attention of the Senate to the reciprocity treaties laid before it by my pre decessor. Our Merchant Marine. “The condition of the American merchant marine is such as to call for immediate remedial action by the Congress. It is dis creditable to us as a Nation that our mer chant marine should be utterly insignificant in comparison to that of other nations which we overtop in other forms of business. “American shipping is under certain great disadvantages when put in competition with the shipping of foreign countries. Many of the fast foreign steamships, at a speed of fourteen knots or above, are subsidized; and all our ships, sailing vessels and steamers alike, cargo carriers of slow speed and mall carriers of high speed, have to meet the fad that the original cost of building Ameri can ships is greater than is the case abroad; that the wages paid American officers and Beamon are very much higher than those paid the officers and seamen of foreign competing countries; and that the standard of living on our ships is far superior to the standard of living on the ships of our commercial rivals. “Our government should take such action as will remedy these inequalities. The Amer ican merchant marine should be restored to the ocean. “The Act of March 14, 1900, intended un equivocally to establish gold as the standard money and to maintain at a parity therewith all forms of money medium in use with us, has been shown to be timely and judicious. The price of our government bonds in the world’s market, when compared with the price of similar obligations issued by other nations, is a flattering tribute to our public credit. This condition it is eminently desir able to maintain. “In many respects the National Banking Law furnishes sufficient liberty for the proper exercise of the banking function but there seems to be need of better safeguards against the deranging influence of commercial crises and financial panics. Moreover, the currency of the country should be made responsive to the demands of our domestic trade and commerce. Redaction of Revenues. “The collections from duties on imports and internal taxes continue to exceed the ordi nary expenditures. The utmost care should be taken not to reduce the revenues so that thre will be any possibility of* a deficit; bur, after providing against any such contingency, means should be adopted which will bring the revenues more nearly within the limit of our actual needs. “I call special attention to the ueed of strict economy in expenditures. The fact that our national needs forbid us to be niggardly in providing whatever is actually necessary to our well-being, shpuld make us doubly care ful to husband our national resources, aa each of us husbands his private resouroes, by scrupulous avoidance of anything like waste ful or reckless ’expenditure. Regulation of Railroads. In 1887 a measure was enacted for the reg ulation of interstate railways, commonly known as the Interstate Commerce Act. The cardinal provisions of that act were that railway rates should be just and reasonable anA that all shippers, localities, and commo dities should.be accorded equal treatment. A commission was created and endowed with what were supposed to be the necessary pow ers to execute the provisions of this act. “That law was largely an experiment. Ex perience has shown the wisdom of its pur poses, but has also shown, possibly that some of it3 requirements are wrong, certainly that the means devised for the enforcement of its provisions are defective. “The act should be amended. The railway is a public servant. Its rates should be Just to and open to all shippers alike. The gov ernment should see to it that within its juris diction this is so and should provide a speedy, inexpensive, and effective remedy to that end. At the same time it must not be forgotten that our railways are the arteries through which the commercial lifeblood of this nation flows. Nothing could be more foolish than the en actment of legislation which would unneces sarily interfere with the development and operation of these commercial agencies. The subject is one of great Importance and calls for the earnest attention of the Congress. The message points out the value of the American forests and the necessity for their i conservation, aud urges the construction and maintenance of reservoirs and irrigating systems for the reclamation of the arid lands of the West. Of the water rights it says; “In the arid states the only right to water which should be recognized is that of use. Ln irrigation this right should attach to the land reclaimed and be inseparable therefrom. Granting perpetual water rights to others than users, without compensation to the public, is open to all the objections whtch apply to giving away perpetual franchises to the public utilities of cities. A few of the Western states have already recognized this and have Incorporated in their constitutions the doctrine of perpetual state ownership of water. Development of Hawaii. “Our aim should be not simply to teclaim the largest area of land and provide homes for the largest number of people, but to create for this new industry the best possible social and Industrial conditions; and this re quires that we not only understand the ex isting situation, but avail ourselves of the best experience of the time iu the solution of its problems. A careful study should be made, both by the nation and the states, of the irigation laws and conditions here and abroad. Ultimately it will probably be neces sary for the nation to co-operatc with the several arid states iu proportion as these states by their legislation and administration show themselves fit to receive it. “In Hawaii our aim must be to develop the territory on the traditional American lines. We do not wish a region of large cities tilled by cheap labor; we wish a healthy American community of men who themselves till the farms they own. All our legislation for the islands should be shaped with this end in view; the well-being of the average home maker must afford the true test of the healthy development of the islands. The land policy should as nearly as possible be modeled on our homestead system. “It is ft pleasure to say that it is hardly more necessary to report as to Porto Rico than as to any state or territory within our continental limits. The Island is thriving as never before, and it is being administered efficiently and honestly. Its people are now enjoying liberty and order under the pro tection of the United States, and upon this fact wo congratulate them and ourselves. Their material welfare must be aa carefully and jealously considered as the welfare of any other portion of ©ur country. Wc have given them the great gift of free access for their products to the markets of the United States. I ask the attention of the Congress to the need of legislation concerning the pub lic lands of Porto Rico. Progress in Cuba. “In Cuba such progress has been made to ward putting the independent government of the island upon a firm footing that before the present session of the Congress closes this will be an accomplished fact. Cuba will then start as her own mistress; and to the, beauti ful Queen of the Antilles, as she unfolds this new page of her destiny, we extend our heartiest greetings and good wishes. Else where I have discussed the question of reci procity. Tn the case of Cuba, however, there are weighty reasons of morality and of na tional Interest why the policy should be held to have a peculiar application, and I most earnestly ask your attention to the wisdom, indeed to the vital need, of providing for a substantial reduction in the tariff duties on Cuban imports Into the United States. Cuba has in her constitution affirmed what we de sired, that she should stand, in international 1 matters, in closer and more friendly relations with us than with any other power; and we are bound by every consideration of honor and expediency to pass commercial measures in the interest of her material well-being. The Philippine Problem. “In the Philippines our problem is larger. They are very rich tropical islands, inhabi ted by many varying tribes, representing widely different stages of progress toward civilization. Our earnest effort is to help these people upward along the stony and dif ficult path that leads to self-government. We hope to make our administration of the is lands honorable to our nation by making it of the highest benefit to the Filipinos them selves; and as an earnest of what we intend to do, we point to what we have done. Al ready a greater measure of material prosper ity and of governmental honesty and effici ency has been attained in the Philippines than over before in their history. “In dealing with the Philippine people we must show both patience and strength, for bearance and steadfast resolution. Our aim is high. We do not desire to do for the is landers merely what has elsewhere been done for tropic peoples by even the best foreign governments. W hope to do for them what has never before been done for any people of the tropics—to make them fit for self government after the fashion of the really free nations. “To leave the islands at this time would mean that they would fall into a welter of murderous anarchy. Such desertion of duty on our part would be a crime against hu manity. The character of Governor Taft and of his associates and subordinates is a proof, if such bo needed, of the sincerity of our ef fort to give the islanders a constantly in creasing measure of self-governmeut, exactly as fast as they show themselves fit to exer cise it. Since the civil government was es tablished not an appointment has been made in the islands with any reference to consider ations of political influence, or to aught else save the fitness of the man and the needs of the service. "There ure still troubles ahead in the is lands. The insurrection has become an affair of local banditti and marauders, who deserve no higher regard than the brigands of por tions of the old world. Encouragement, di rect or indirect, to these insurrectos stands on the same footing as encouragement to hos tile Indians in the days when we still had In dian wars. As we will do everything in our power for the Filipino who is peaceful, we will take the sternest measures with the Filipinos who follow the path of the insur reoto and tho ladrone. "Tho time has come when there should be additional legislation for the Philippines. Nothing better can be done for the islands than to introduce industrial enterprises. Nothing would benefit them so much as throwing them open to industrial develop ment. It is therefore necessary that the Congress should pass laws by which the re sources of the islands can be developed: so that franchises (for limited terms of years) can be granted to companies doing business in them, and every encouragement be given to the Incoming of business men of every kind. "I call your attention most earnestly to the crying need of a cable to Hawaii and t,he Philippines, to be continued from the Phil ippines to points in Asia. We should not defer a day longer than necessary the con struction of such a cable. It Is demanded not merely for commercial but for political and military considerations. "Either the Congress should Immediately provide for the construction of a govern ment cable, or else an arrangement should be made by which like advantages to those accruing from a government cable may be secured to tho government by contract with a private cable company. Recommends Nicaraguan Canal. "No single great material work which re mains to be undertaken on this continent is of such consequence to the American people as the building of a canal across the Isthmus connecting North and South America. While Its beneficial effects would perhaps be most marked upon the Pacific coast and the gulf and South Atlantic states, it would also greatly benefit other sections. It Is em phatically a work which it is for the iuterest of the entire country to begin and complete as soon as possible; it is one of those great works which only a great nation can under take with prospects of success, and which when done are not only permanent assets In the nation's material Interests, but Stand ing monuments to its constructive ability. I am glad to be able to announce to you that our negotiations on this subject with Great Britain, conducted on both sides in a spirit of friendliness and mutual good will and respect, have resulted in my being able to lay before the Senate a treaty which if ratified will enable us to begin preparations for an Isthmian canal at any time, and which guarantees to this nation every right that It has ever asked in connection with the canal. In this treaty, the old Clayton-Bul wer treaty, so long recognized as inadequate to supply the base for the construction and maintenance of a necessarily American ship canal, is abrogated. It specifically provides that the United States alone shall do the work of building and assume the responsi bility of safeguarding the canal <and shall regulate its neutral use by all nations on terms of equality without the guaranty or Interference of any outside nation from any quarter. The signed treaty will at once be laid before the Senate, and if approved the Congress can then proceed to give effect to the advantages it secures us by providing for the building of tho c anal. "The true end of every great and free peo ple should be self-respecting peace; and this nation most earnestly desires sincere and cordial friendship with all others. Over the entire world, of recent years, wars between the great civilized powers have become less and less frequent. Wars with barbarous or srai-barbarous peoples come in an entirely different category, being merely a most re grettable but neces.‘5ary international police duty which must be performed for the sake of the welfare of mankind. Peace can only be kept with certainty where both sides wish to keep it; but more and more the civilized peoples are realizing the wicked folly of war and ore attaining that condition of just and intelligent regard for the rights of others which will in the end, as we hope and be lieve, make world-wide peace possible. The peace conference at The Hague gave definite expression to this hope and belief and mark ed a stride toward their attainment. The Monroe Doctrine. I "This same peace conference acquiesced in our statement of the Monroe doctrine ns compatible with the purposes and alms of I the conference. "The Monroe doctrine should be the car dinal feature of the foreign policy of all the nations of the two Americas, as it is of the United States. The doctrine is a declara tion that there must be no territorial ag grandizement by any non-American power at the expense of any American power on Amer ican soil. It is in no wise intended as hostile to any nation In the old world. Still less is it intended to give cover to any aggression hv one new world power at the expense of any other. It is simply a step, and a long step toward assuring the universal peace of the world by securing the possibility of per manent peace on this hemisphere. "This doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial relations of any American power, save that it in truth allows each of them to form such as it desires. In other words, it Is reallv a guaranty of the commercial in dependence of the Americas. We do not ask under this doctrine for any exclusive com mercial dealings with any other American state We do not guarantee any state against punishment if it misconducts itself, pro vided that punishment does not tuke the form of the acquisition of territory by any non-American power. "Our attitude in Cuba is a sufficient guar anty of our own good faith. We have not the' slightest desire to secure any territory at the expense of any of our neighbors. We wish to work with them hand in hand, so that all of us may be upltfted together, and wa rejoice ever the good fortune of any of tnem we gladly hail their material prosper ity and political stability, and arc concerned and alarmed if auy of them fall into Indus trial or political chaos. We do uot wish to see any old world military power grow up on this continent, or to be compelled to become a military power ourselves. The peoples of the America* can prosper best if left to work our tbeir own salvation in their own way. Powerful Navy Urged. “The work of upbuilding tho navy must be steadily continued. Whether we desire It or not, we must henceforth recognise that we have international duties no less than inter national rights. Even if our flag were haul ed down in the Philippines and Porto Rico, even if we decided not to build the Isthmian '•anal, we should need a thoroughly trained navy of adequate size, or else be prepared definitely and for ail time to abandon the idea that our nation is among those whose sons go down to the sea in ships. Unless our commerce is always to be carried In for eign bottoms, we must have war craft to protect it. “So far from being in any way a provoca tion to war, an adequate and highly trained navy is the beat guaranty against war, the cheapest and most effective peace Insurance. The cost of building and maintaining such a navy represents the very lightest premium for insuring paece which this nation can possibly pay. “Probably no other great nation in the world is so anxiouB for peace as we are. There is not a single civilized power which has anything whatever to fear from ag gressiveness on our part. All we want is peace; and toward this end we wish to be able to secure the same respect for our rights in return, to iusuro fair treatment to us commercially, and to guarantee the safety of the American people. “Our people intend to abld© by the Mon roe doctrine and to Insist upon it as the one sure means of securing the peace of the Western hemisphere. The navy offers us the only means of making our insistence upon the Mo:'-oe doctrine anything but a sub ject of derision to whatever nation chooses to disregard it. We desire the peace which comes as of right to the just man armed; not the peace granted on terms of ignominy to the craven and the weakling. “It is not possible to improvise a navy after war breaks out. The ships must be built and the men trained long in advance. In the late war with Spain the ships that dealt the decisive blows at Manila and San tiago had been launched from two to four teen years, and they wore able to do as they did because the men in the conning towers, the gun turrets and the engine-rooms had through long years of practice at sea learned how to do their duty. “It was forethought and preparation which secured us the overwhelming triumph of 1898. If we fail to show forethought aiul prepara tion now, there may come a time when dis aster will befall us instead of triumph; and should this time come, the fault will rest primarily, not upon those whom the acci dent of events puts in supreme command at the moment, but upon those who have failed to prepare in advance. “There should be no cessation in the work of completing our navy. It is unsafe and unwise not to provide this year for several additional battleships and. heavy armored cruisers, with auxiliary and lighter craft in proportion; for the exact numbers and char acter I refer you to the report of the Secre tary of the Navy. But there is something we need even more than additional ships, and this is additional officers and men. To pro vide battleships and cruisers and then lay them up, with the expectation of leaving them unmanned until they are needed in actual war, would be worse than folly; it would be a crime against the nation. “To send any warship against a competent enemy unless those aboard it have been trained by years of actual sea service, in cluding incessant gunnery practice, would be to invite not merely disaster, but the bitter est shame and humiliation. Four thousand additional seamen and oue thousand addi tional marines should bo provided; and an increase in the officers should be provided by making a large addition to the classes a't Annapolis. Our Present Naval Force. “We now have seventeen battleships ap propriated for, of which nine are completed and have been commissioned for actual serv ice. The remaining eight will be ready in from two to four years, but it will take at least that time to recruit and train the men to fight them. It is of vast concern that we have trained crews ready for the vessels by the time they are commissioned. Oocd ships and good guns are simply good weapons, and the best weapons are useless save in the hands of men who know how to fight with them. The men must be trained and drilled under a thorough and well-planned system of progressive instruction, while the recruit ing must be carried on with still greater vigor. “The naval militia forces are state organ 1 ations, and are trained for coast service, and in event of war they will constitute the inner line of defense. They should receive hearty encouragement from the general government. “But in addition we should at once pro vide for a National Naval lieserve. organized and trained under the direction of the Navy Department, and subject to the call of the Chief Executive whenever war becomes immi nent. It should be a real auxiliary to the naval seagoing peace establishment, and of fer material to be drawn on at once for manning our ships in time of war. It should be composed of graduates of the Naval Acad emy, graduates of the Naval Militia, officers and crew’s of coast-line steamers, longshore schooners, fishing vessels and steam yachts, together with the coast population about such centers as life-saving stations and light houses. Need for Powerful Navy. “The American people must either build and maintain an adequate navy or else make up their minds definitely to accept a sec ondary position in international affairs, not merely in political, but in commercial, mat ters. It has been well said that there Is no surer way of courting national disaster than to be 'opulent, aggressive, and unarmed.’ “It is not necessary to increase our army beyond its present size at this time. Rut it. is necessary to keep it at the highest point of efficiency. “Every effort should be made to bring the army to a constantly Increasing state of ef ficiency. When on actual service no work save that directly in the line of such service should be required. The paper work in the army, as in the navy, should be greatly re duced. What is needed is proved power of command and capacity to work well in the field. Constant care is necessary to prevent dry rot in the transportation and commis sary departments. “The Congress should provide means where by it will be possible to have field exercises by at least a division of regulars, and If possible also a division of national guards men, once a year. “Only actual handling and providing for men in masses while they arc marching, camping, embarking, and disembarking, will it be possible to train the higher officers to perform their duties well and smoothly. “A great debt is owing from the public to the men of the army and navy. They should be so treated as to enable them to reach the highest point of efficiency, so that they may be able to respond instantly to any demand made upon them to sustain the interests of the nation and the honor of the flag. The individual American enlisted man is prob ably on the whole a more formidable fighting man than the regular of any other army. Every consideration should bo shown him, and 'in return the highest standard of use fulness should be exacted from him. It is well worth while for the Congress to con sider whether the pay of enlisted men upon second and subsequent enlistments should not be increased to correspond with the in creased value of the veteran soldier. Militia laws Obsolete. “Action should be taken in reference to the militia and to the raising of volunteer forces. Our militia law is obsolete and worthless. The organization and armament of the Na tional Guard of the several states, which are treated as militia in the appropriations by the Congress, should be made identical with those provided for the regular forces. The obligations and duties of the Guard in time of war should be carefully defined, and a system established by law under which the method of procedure of raising volunteer forces should be prescribed in advance. It is utterly impossible in the excitement and haste of impending war to do this satisfac torily if the arrangements have not been made long beforehand. Provision should be I made for utilizing in the first volunteer or ganizations called out the training of those citizens who have already had experience un der arms, and especially for the selection in advance of the officers of any force which may be raised; for careful selection of the kind necessary is impossible after the out break of war. “That the army is not at all a mere in strument of destruction has been shown dur ing the last three years. In the Philippines, Cuba and Porto Rico it has proved itself a great constructive force, a most potent im plement for the upbuilding of a peaceful civ ilization. Eulogy of Veterans. “No other citizens deserve so well of the republic as the veterans, the survivors of those who saved the union. They did the one deed which if left undone would have meant that all else in our history went for nothing. But for their steadfast prowess la the greatest orisls of our history, all our annals would be meaningless, and our great experiment in popular freedom and self-gov ernment a gleotdy failure. Moreover, they not only left us a united nation, but they left us also as a heritage the memory of the mighty deeds by which the nation was kept united. We are now indeed one nation, one in fact as well as in name; we are united in our devotion to the flag which is the sym bol of all national greatness and unity; and the very completeness of our union enables us all, in every part of the country, to glory in the valor shown alike by the sons of the North and the sons of the South la the times that tried men's souls. Merit System Endorsed. “The merit system of making appointments is in its essence as democratic and American as the common schools system itself. It sim ply means that in clerical and other positions where the duties are entirely non-political, all applicants should have a fair field and ' no favor, each standing on his merits as he 5 is able to show them by practical test. Writ ! ten competitive examinations offer the only available means in many cases for applying this system. In other cases, as where la borers are employed, a system of registra tion undoubtedly can be widely extended. There are, of course, places where the writ ten competitive examination cannot he ap plied, and others where it offers by no means an ideal solution, but where under existing political conditions It is, though an imperfect means, yet the best present means of get ting satisfactory results. It is important to have this system ob tain at home, but It is even more important to have it applied rigidly in our Insular pos sessions. The administration of these islands should be as wholly free from the suspicion of partisan politics as the administration of the army and nary. All that we ask from the public servant in the Philippines or Porto Rico is that he reflect honor on his oountry by the way in which he makes that coun try’s rule a benefit to the peoples who have come under it. This is all that we should ask, and wo cannot afford to be content with less.” Treatment of Indians* i Tlie message points out the defects In our present consular service, and recommends the passage of bills now before Congress that will increase its efficiency. Of the Indian problem it says “In my Judgment the time has arrived when we should definitely make up our minds to recognize the Indian as an individual and not ao a member of a tribe. The General Allotment Act is a mighty pulverizing engine to break up the tribal mass. It acts direct ly upon the family of the individual. Under its provisions some sixty thousand Indians have .already become citizens of the United! States. We should now break up the tribal funds, doing for them what allotment does for the tribal lands; that is, they should be divided into individual holdings. A stop should be put upon the Indiscriminate per mission to Indians to lease their allotments. The effort should be steadily to make the Indian work like any other man on his own ground. The marriage laws of the Indians should be made the same as those of the whites. “In dealing with the aboriginal races few things are more important than to preserve them from the terrible physical and moral degradation resulting from the liquor traf fic. We are doing all we can to save our own Indian tribes from this evil. Wherever by international agreement this same end can be attained as regards races where we do not possess exclusive control, every effort should be made to bring it about. “I bespeak the most cordial support from the Congress and the people for the St. Louis Exposition to Commemorate the One Hun dredth Anniversary of the Louisiana Pur chase. This purchase was the greatest in stance of expansion in our history. It def initely decided that we were to becoms a great continental republic, by far the fore most power in the Western Hemisphere. The national government should be represented* at the exposition by a full and complete set of exhibits. “The people of Charleston, ’tfith great en ergy and civic spirit, are carrying on a* ex position which will continue throughout most of the present session of the Congress. I heartily commend this exposition to the good will of the people. It deserves all the en couragement that can be given it. . * For the sake of good administration, sound economy, and the advancement of eejenoe, the Census Office as now constituted should be made a permanent government bureau. This would insure better, cheaper and more sat isfactory work, in the interest not only of our business but of statistic, economic and social science. Growth of Postal Service. “The remarkable growth of the postal eer^ vice is shown in the fact that ite revenues have doubled and its expenditures have near ly doubled within twelve years. Its progres sive development compels constantly increas ing outlay, but in this period of business en ergy and prosperity its receipts grow so much faster than its expanses that tho annual de ficit has been steadily reduced from $11,411, 779 in 1897 to $3,923,727 in 1901. Among recent postal advances the success of rural free delivery wherever established has been so marked, and actual experience has made its benefits so plain, that the demand for its ex tension is general and urgent. “It is just that the great agricultural popu lation should share in the improvement of the service. The number of rural routes now in operation is 6,009, practically all established within three years, and there are 6,000 appli cations awaiting action. It is expected that the number in operation at the close of the current fiscal year will reach 8,600. The mail will then be daily carried to the doors of 5,700,000 of our people who have heretofore been dependent upon distant offices, and one third of all that portion of the country which is adapted to it will be covered by this kind of service. Second-Class Mail Matter. » “The full measure of postal progress which might be realized has long been hampered and obstructed by the heavy burden imposed on the government through the intrenched and well-understood abuses which have grown up in connection with second-class mail matter. The extent of this burden ap pears when it is stated that while ths sec ond-class matter makes nearly three-fifths of the weight of all the mail, it paid tor the last fiscal year only $4,294.445 of the aggre gate postal revenue of $111,631,193. If the pound rate of postage, which produces the large loss thus entailed, and which was fixed by the Congress with the purpose of encour aging the dissemination of public Informa - tion, were limited to the legitimate news papers and periodicals actually contemplated by the law, no just exception could be taken. That expense would be the recognized and accepted .cost of a liberal public policy de liberately adopted for a justifiable end. But much of the matter which enjoys the privi leged rate is wholly outside of the intent of the law. and has secured admission only through an evasion of its requirements or through lax construction. The proportion of such wrongly included matter is estimated by postal experts to be one-half of the whole volume of second-class mail. If It be only one-third or one-quarter, the magnitude of the burden is apparent. The Postofflce De partment has now undertaken to remove the abuses so far as is possible by a stricter ap plication of the law: and it should be sus tained in its effort.” •We view with lively Interest and keen hopes of beneficial results the procedlngs of the Pan-American Congress, convoked at the invitation of Mexico, and now sitting at the Mexican capital. The delegates of the United States are under the most liberal instructions to co-operate with their colleagues in all matters promising advantage to the great family of American commonwealths, as well in their relations among themselves as in their domestic advancement and in their intercourse with the world at large. The occurrences arising from the “Boxer'* outbreak in China are reviewed In detail, and the steps taken to secure to the United States its share of the trade of the Orient are ex plained. The message concludes: “The death of Queen Victoria caused the people of the United States deep and heart felt sorrow, to which the government gave fill expression. When President McKinley died, our nation in turn received from every quarter of the British empire expressions of grief and sympathy no less sincere. The death of the Empress Dowager Frederick of Germany also aroused the genuine sympathy of the American people: and this sympathy was cordially reciprocated by Germany when the President was assassinated. Indeed, from every quarter of the civilized world we re ceived, at the time of the President's death, assurances of such grief and regard as to touch the hearts of our people. In the midst of our affliction we reverently thank the Al mighty that we are at peace with the nation* of mankind; and we firmly intend that our policy shall be such as to continue unbroken these International relations of mutual re spect and good will. THEODORE ROOSEVELT* White House, December 3, 1901.
