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About The frontier. (O'Neill City, Holt County, Neb.) 1880-1965 | View Entire Issue (April 26, 1900)
ON THE VELDT A South African Love Story (Continued.) Here John Martin met him with an old-fashioned English welcome and Hendrick was ushered into the sitting room, where sat Nancy and her lover, Nancy greeted him heartily, if some what shyly: "I am glad to see you, Hendrick let me introduce you to Mr. Harvey. Dick, this is our friend, Henry Hoop stad.” “I am very glad to know you; we can’t have too many friends these troublous times. You look like a fighting man. I hope you are with us?” “I cannot fight against Miss Martin’s countrymen, and the blood in my veins is more English than Dutch. I am on my way now to volunteer.” “Then we are well met; I am enroll ing a body of volunteers to act as scouts. I saddle in a few hours, so if you are willing we go together." “I ask nothing better. But what of Miss Martin—surely she must not stay here. - “I am glad you add your entreaties to mine. I am trying to persuade Mr. Martin and Nancy to retire to the coast until danger is past." “That's all right, Dick," answered Mr. Martin. “I should like to persuade Nancy to go, but I am going to stick to the farm.” “You run great risk, Mr. Martin," said Hendrick. “If you stay here you will be commanded to Join the Boer army." “I am an Englishman, and my farm Is in Natal; that, I take it, is out of their Jurisdiction." “Possibly, but I hardly think they will draw so fine a line.” “Well, anyway, I stay here, and it •won’t be healthy for the commando that Interferes with me.” "Then, if you are so determined, I must ask you to be equally determined in insisting upon Miss Nancy going to Durban. My married sister lives there, and she would be quite safe.” After much discussion it was decid ed that Nancy should depart for Dur ban immediately, with Hendrick for an escort. Dick Harvey would accom pany them as far as Mool river, where he would have to leave them, and Hendrick was to rejoin Dick as soon as Nancy was safe on the coast. Hen drick knew now that Nancy could nev er be to him more than a friend, and in that friendship he determined that no sacrifice should be too great for him. The three rode together until Dick had to leave them; then, with a tender and almoBt heart-rending farewell, he passed her into the care of Hendrick and departed. They reached Durban without mishap, and Hendrick, hav ing handed Nancy to the care of his sister, prepared to return. “I thank you, Hendrick, for your care of me.” "I wish no thanks; to be or service to you is the aim and end of my life.” She looked at him curiously and seemed to penetrate his secret. “I am going to the war,” he contin ued, slowly, fixing his gaze upon the ground; "to fight for your countrymen and you. It may be that I shall not survive, and I should like you to think kindly of me. You are the only Eng lish woman I have been privileged to know with any degree of friendship, and the days have passed happily with me. A hope full of vanity was born within me that perhaps the caprice of fate might turn your heart towards me in love. Forgive me for saying this. I am only a fooling man, but I thought I would like you to know.” “Poor Hendrick!" “I have seen the man you love, and my vanity is dead. Good-bye. I should like—may I—er—I should like to kiss your hand to seal my vow that hence forth my life is consecrated to serving you and yours to the death.” The tears rolled down her cheeks as she gave him her hand. The strong man kissed it passionately and de parted. Hendrick made his way back to Dick Harvey, and was formally enrolled as a volunteer. News came soon after that the Boers had crossed the bor der and were invading Natal, and Cap tain Harvey began to have fears for the safety of John Martin. He con sulted Hendrick on the subject. “What do you think of it, Hoop stad?” ' “Bad, very bad. John Martin will have to join a commando, or be shot.” “So 1 fear, and I want you to start tonight and make your way to Cala don Farm. If you find John Martin there persuade him to come back with you; but if our worst fears are realiz ed, and he has disappeared, find out what has become of him.” “I will start in an hour, and I thank you for giving me the opportunity.” "Good luck go with you.” In an hour Hendrick took the road for John Martin’s farm. Numerous parties of Boers were about, and ex treme caution was necessary. This meant slow progress, and it was not until the second evening that he reach ed the homestead. Dismounting, he rapped on the door, but elicited no response, and it was soon evident that John Martin was absent. Upon look ing round, Hendrick discovered the frightened face of a Kaffir boy, peep ing at him over a fence. “Halloa, Cabbage! Where is your master?” “Baas! him dun gorn ’way.” "Where to?” "Baas Shlel Tm dun took *im 'way.’ “Shlel?” “Sarten, ’im ride up, big many, took Baas Mart'n, tied um hands, an’ dun gorn ’way.”, “Which way did they ride?” "Cabbage um follow Baas—Glencoe —then um come back here an’ wait to’ Baas.” And then Hendrick realized that the worst had come to pass, and John Martin was a prisoner in the hands of Commander Shlel. “I will not return with such meagre news,” he said to himself/ “I will push on toward Glencoe and learn more, even if I have to penetrate in their camp.” He accordingly made his way to wards Glencoe and found his progress more difficult every mile. Time after time he was stopped by bands of Boers, but always got away by saying that he was riding to Join Shlel’s com mando. As he had taken the precau tion to wear his own clothes, this ex planation was accepted as satisfactory. Nearing the heights of Glencoe, Hendrick thought it prudent to re main In hiding until evening. Teth ering his horse In a small wood, he concealed himself In some busnes ana endeavored to get some sleep. He was awakened some hours later by the sound of voices, and peering from hi3 place of concealment, he discerned a party of Boers on horseback about twelve yards away. “Do you think they will attack to night?” “Either tonight or tomorrow morn ing. Villjoen brought word.” “Well, he is a reliable scoundrel.” “A good spy. Well, if the cursed Rooineks storm Glencoe they will find our guns manned by their own coun trymen.” “Aye! manned by Rooineks with their bands tied behind their backs. Ha, ha, a good plan of Shiel’s to truss those who refuse to fight and make them targets for their friends. I’m sorry for John Martin, though—he was a good friend.” They moved away, and Hendrick realized from their conversation that Shlel had tied those who had refused to join his commando behind the Boer guns, so that there was every possi bility of their being killed should the English make an assault. Carefully picking his way he led his horse to within two miles of the Boer position. After making the animal se cure he proceeded r on foot. He ad vanced at first without any attempt at concealment, answering when chal lenged that he was on his way to Shiel with news of the enemy. The audacity of this proceeding was justified by its success, and Hendrick found himself well inside the Boer position almost without question. On the ridge where the guns were posted some twenty men were lying. Hen drick walked among them unsuspect ed. They could not tell whether he had just joined the commando or had been with them for weeks. New ar rivals were pouring in daily. Passing along the ridge Hendrick came to the guns, and there, with his hands tied behind him and secured to the gun carriage, lay John Martin. “Mr. Martin!” The captive looked at him wearily. “I am Hendrick—sst—make no noise—do not speak. Miss Nancy is safe at Durban. The English storm this position tomorrow, I will cut your bonds, but it is all I can do for you. If you can escape you will find my horse in the brush, two miles along the road to the right. Should you sec Nancy again, say I did my best to keep my promise." He hastily severed the captive's bonds, and bidding Martin hold his hands as if still tied, he left him the knife and passed along the ridge. He proceeded down the mountain and was just congratulating himself on hi3 lucky escape, when he was confronted by a band of armed men. They challenged him, and he gave niB usual reply tnat ne was on ms way to Commander Shiel. The band open ed out, and Hendrick was faced by a tall man on horseback. “I am Commander Shiel. Who are you and what do you want?” For a moment Hendrick was silent, and before he could speak a light was flashed on his face. “I know him—It is Hendrick Hoop stad,” cried a voice. “Hoopstad, the man who refused to obey the call of the government, and enlisted as a volunteer with the Eng lish! You see, we are well Informed, my brave spy. Dring him along, men, we will show him the reward we re serve for traitors." Hendrick was seized by rough and willing hands and hurried to the Boer camp. Without any delay he was sfen tenced to be shot at break of day, and as he was being taken from Shiel’s presence he heard a messenger an nounce the news that John Martin had made his escape and could not be traced. “Thank God!’ he exclaimed aloud. “I do not die in vain.” (To be continued.) Tnrk'alt Women Can Harry at Nine. The Turkish woman is marriageable at the age of 9 years, and by Turkish law, at that age, if married, she is competent to manage her property and dispose of one-third of her fortune. The law allows her to abandon her husband’s house for Just cause, and will protect her in so doing. She can not be compelled to labor for the sup port of her husband. THE BIGGrEKQUESTION CRAVE ISSUE INVOLVED IN THE PUERTO RICAN PROBLEM. It la Whether Oar Newly Acquired Poe* •eestone Are or Are Not Already In tegral Parte of the Bepabilc—ltepub lleane Are Bight. "Keep the real Issue in sight, and let the president and the party be judged by that," is the wise conclusion of a very able article In the Seattle Post Intelligencer on the Puerto Rican ques tion. Obviously this excellent editorial treatment of a much discussed subject is the product of some knowledge and some thinking. Unfortunately the same cannot be said of a vast volume of matter that has found its way Into print relative to the Puerto Rican topic. No writer has stated the Issue more clearly or more intelligently than It is stated by the Post-Intelligencer thus: It is not a Question whether we ought to impose a duty of 25 per cent or one of 15 per cent or none at all upon commerce between that Island and the United States. It is whether this government has constitutional power to levy such a tax under any • circumstances; whether Puerto Rico Is territory to be governed as all other territory added has been, by the dis position of congress, or whether its people, acquired by the treaty of Paris, constitutional rights within the United States that compel recognition by us and leave us no choice but to acknowl edge the new possessions as an integral part of the nation under the constitu tion, and finally to admit them as states.” Rightly " the Post-Intelligencer In sists that the contest is not waged on the question whether Puerto Rican trade should be free or untaxed. The opposition to the pending bill is based upon no such consideration. It cares nothing about the question either of tariff or revenue. Engineered by clev er free-trade and anti-imperialist strategists, the movement, intended solely to “put the administration in a hole,” has secured the adhesion of a considerable number of Republicans who seem to be unable to discover the use that is being made of them. They are apparently blind to the fact, so clearly pointed out by the Post-Intelll gencer, that— “The constitutional question Is the veal bone of contention. The Republic an party cannot abandon its position upon that without reversing all our precedents and destroying the practi cal possibility of building up a mighty commerce In the far east by exchang ing for the open door in the Philip pines the open door in the vast portion of Asia under European control. "We believe that those who have differed honestly from the party’s poli cy in this particular will agree with It When they come to see what Is in volved; and how cunningly the advo cates of retirement from the Philip pines have sought to make that neces sary by a pretended fight over the Puerto Rican tariff.” If only the army of dissenters from the policy of the Republican adminis tration and the Republican party could once grasp the idea that a much bigger and more pretentious question than that of 25 per cent, 15 per cent, or no tariff at all is involved in the Puer to Rican proposition, it would mighti ly help to clear up the situation. MUST STAND BY PROTECTION. Wanted, a Binging Declaration In Fa ▼or of the American Policy. A danger signal which may well be heeded by thoughtful Republicans, in contemplating the approaching presi dential campaign, is the unfaithfulness of many Republicans to the protective principle. There are many Republican papers and not a few prominent men who seem to seize every opportunity to discredit the policy which has car ried the party to victory in the past and which lifted the country out of the slough of despond of business depres sion as the result of the Republican triumphs of 1894 and 1896. "Speak well of the bridge that car ries you safe over," salth the old ad age; but the Republicans to whom we refer, while, as a rule, supporting the tariff plank of the Republican plat form in national elections, do and say everything in their power between times to undermine protection to American Industries. How eagerly, for Instance, they seize upon the complaints against the trusts to demand the abolition of the tariff upon trust manufactured goods—over looking the fact that there are trusts in free trade England as well as in the United States. And then in the Puerto Rican discussion they, have given unlimited aid and comfort to the political enemy demanding the defeat of the policy recommended by the vast majority of the Republican members of congress. If the Republican party deserves well of the country as a business party it is largely because of its consistent rec ord upon the tariff. In showing a di vision of sentiment now upon that is sue it is playing into the hands of the Democrats. If the Republican party is to cease to be a consistent protec tionist party it will lose its hold upon the element which has heretofore giv en it its chief strength. It is time to draw the lines. The next Republican national convention must make a clear and ringing dec laration upon the subject of protection to American industry, and those who cannot Indorse the prilnciple should cease to be active in the party’s affairs. For every vote lost by such a declara tion we believe two would be gained from men whose experience of the benefits of protection during the past three or four years has convinced them that It is the only policy upon which the general prosperity of this country can be maintained.—Minneapolis Tri bune. A DIRECT RESULT. Why Wages Hava Increased So Enor mously In the United States. In the current news of the day occur two announcements of more than ordinary significance. In a dispatch from Charleston, S. C., of March 25, we are told that— “The York cotton mills of Yorkvllle, this state, yesterday announced that they would on next pay day chip 3 per cent from the annual dividend and add it to the wages of operatives. The wages - of some of the employes had recently been increased 33 per cent. These were not included in the in crease yesterday. President Ashe says: “ ‘We cannot help foresee that there must be an end of the present boom some day, and if we ever get back to the depression of a few years ago, just as we voluntarily increase wages now we will be compelled to reduce them then.’ ” On the same date the following state ment is made in a telegram from Philadelphia: “In accordance with .their notice posted shortly after Jan. 1, 1900, prom ising an advance to their employes, to take effect April 1, 1900, the Berwind-' White Coal Mining company today notified all their miners of a' general average advance of 20 per cent. The miners are now placed upon a basis of 60 cents per gross ton, and all day la bor Increased accordingly. This ad vance will make the wages paid the highest during the past thirty years, and in some instances the highest that have ever existed by nearly 7 per cent.” This is what is aimed at in the sys tem of protection to American labor and industry—namely, that those who work for wages shall be the gainers through the profits accruing to their employers. As a direct result of tho great prosperity which has come to the country since the election of Will iam McKinley, and the consequent re instatement of the thoroughly Ameri can policy of first taking good care of Americans and of regarding the for tunes of foreigners as a secondary con sideration, wages and employment have increased enormously In the United States, and the general rate of wages is in nearly all lines of indus try the highest ever known. A Fatuous Poller* That something is needed for the re habilitation of our merchant marine has been evident for a long time, and grows more alarmingly evident as our needs of commercial expansion be come more pressing. In 1873-4 our merchant marine, though ridiculously small, represented a little more than 11 per cent of the steam tonnage of the seas; last year it represented a very little more than 4 per cent. In the same space of time the steam tonnage of Germany has risen from about 4 per cent to more than 8 per cent. Within the last century the steam ton nage of Europe has increased in these proportions: Norway, 1,410 per cent; Germany, 693; Italy, 395; Great Brit ain, 311; France, 200; Spain, 275; Russia, 430; Holland, 399. The in crease of the steam tonnage of the United States in the same period has been but 65 per cent, though our in crease of exports and imports has been phenomenal. The United States now pays more money for the transit of goods across the seas than any other nation, Great Britain alone excepted, and is pressing hard upon that coun try in the race for commercial su premacy. But we alone, of all trading countries, have been negligent of the obvious economy of paying our own countrymen for the shipment of our own goods. The fatuous policy should be reversed at once, and the bill under contemplation provides for its re versal.—Chicago Inter Ocean. The Folly of It. We can understand an American tar iff, but neither we nor our lawmakers can predict the effect of the intricate system of individual treaties which, if ratified, would be a reversion to the commercial methods of the middle ages. The American policy has hither to been the enactment of plain and uniform laws for the American people to which all doing business with us must conform. We have prospered under this system and it is utter folly to depart from it.—San Francisco Chronicle. One of the Essential*. The manufacturing Jewelers of the United States are strongly for protec tion. This is amply proved by their protests against any lowering of pro tective rates on their goods. In fact, among nine-tenths of all practical Americans protection is considered one of the essentials of business pros perity. THE PRESIDENT IS RIOHT. Common* Sena* View of the True In wardness of the Puerto Blenn Natter. The men who have rushed wildly Into criticism of the administration and the Republican party because of the Puerto Rican tariff bill, including some Republicans who spoke before the facts were all within their knowl edge, are commended to the expression of opinion by President McKinley. It is Identical with the editorial view of the question taken by the Post-Intelll gencer, and Is absolutely unassailable In principle and In fact. Mr. McKinley prefers, as the Post Intelligencer prefers, entire free trade between the United States and Puerto Rico. He has not changed his mind on this subject nor have we. We do not regard the difference between free trade with our new possession and a duty of 15 per cent of the rates carried by the Dingley act as vital either way. It will make no great difference to us nor to the Puerto Ricans, except that it will put money into their treasury and none into ours. But free trade be tween us is the ideal condition. The party In the house was forced from this position by the radicals on the other side, re-enforced by a few of its own extremists. By the speeches of these men another Issue than expedi ency was introduced. It was contended by them that Puerto Rico must have absolute free trade, not in fairness, but as a legal right. It was held to be the due of those people under the con stitution; and acquiescence in this uocirine wouia nave Douna us ror an time to come with reference to the Philippines as well as to Puerto Rico. It was Impossible to ratify this the ory. Yet the course of the debate and the attitude of the press were such that there was only a choice left between two extremes. Either we must Impose some trifling duty, or we must an nounce that all territory acquired came within all of the provisions of the con stitution as applied to the states of this union, reverse the policy and precedents of a century, and tie our hands in the important work that we have to do in the far east. This is the argument which constrains President McKinley, as it has constrained us, to agree to the imposition of a slight tax to vindicate a general principle rather than to hold free trade with Puerto Rico at the price of conceding the new false and fatal theory of the constitu tion which the Democratic party have bound up with It. It is still possible that the senate may find a way out of this choice be tween evils. It would seem practicable to amend the house bill by abolishing the duty, if there were incorporated in it a clause denying in the strongest terms any constitutional compulsion, and asserting the unimpaired right of congress to legislate at its will on all matters relating to new territoy. Or, if this is not done, a decision of the Supreme court will settle the question presently, and the Puerto Rican tariff may be repealed without danger. As matters stand today, however, the president is right and he is consistent. We suggest that those Republican newspapers in the state of Washing ton that have complained of his course and the policy of the party before all the facts were clearly stated should study the subject anew In the light of his utterances and of the explanations that have appeared in our columns.— Seattle Post-Intelligencer. Fault- Finder and Growler. The Democrats are giving them selves a great deal of unnecessary un easiness over the alleged Republican differences as to a tariff for Puerto Rico. The Republican party thinks for itself, and usually to some purpose and with the result of settling fairly and satisfactorily the great questions with which it has to deal. When it gets through with Puerto Rico the people of that island will have no reason to complain. The Democratic party, which never yet enacted a piece of constructive legislation, is occupy ing the usual position of fault finder and growler in general, with not a practical idea to suggest.—Troy (N. Y.) Times. Howling B17unite Free-Traders. In 1896 Bryanites yowled and screeched that prices were too low, and that if Bryan were elected higher prices would most surely prevail. But if McKinley were elected the prices of everything would fall and business and the nation would be ruined. Yet now that prices are higher, but mostly because higher wages prevail and everybody can have work, the Bryanites are howling like wolves about high prices. Nothing on earth can ever satisfy Bryanite free traders except low prices of foreign goods for genteel idlers, with one or two million wage earners looking In vain for Jobs while our cod fish aristocracy can buy things awful cheap, and everything will be as nice as can be, don’tcher know? He Docked. While speaking in New York the other night Mr. Bryan said: “A dollar that rises in purchasing power is just as dishonest as the dollar that falls in purchasing power. We want a stable dollar.” A gruff voice in the back of the ball asked: “Well, how do you think you’re going to get it?” Mr. Bryan failed to answer. He ducked. His gas bag was punctured. The ad mission that the silver dollar falls in purchasing power was fatal to Bryan’s argument.—Benton (111.) Republican. Senator Pettigrew Ashamed. Senator Pettigrew declares that he is ashamed that he was born in New Eng land'.—Providence News. And New England, by the way of reciprocity, is thoroughly ashamed that Pettigrew was born at all. PORTO RICO GOVERNOR Making Preparation to Leave for His Post of Duty WILL BF. INAUGURATED MAY IS1 She Maw Oovarnment to Ba bat Up. Aftet Which the Governor Will Temporarily Return to the United States—The Oc casion to Ba Marked With Befitting Ceremonies. WASHINGTON, D. C., April 18.— Mr. Allen, the newly chosen governor of Porto Rico, is arranging to leave Washington for San Juan toward the end of the present week. He will be accompanied by Mrs. Allen and their daughter. The trip will be made on the United States ship Dolphin, Cap tain Southerland, which is now lying at the navy yard. It is Governor Al len's intention to make this a flying visit. He will set up the new civil gov ernment and inside of three weeks will return to the United States and ar range his private affairs. The president and Secretary Long have determined that the inauguration of the civil government in Porto Rico shall be marked with as much pomp as is befitting an event of that magni tude. Therefore, the United States will see to it that there is at San Juan on the occasion of the inauguration of the first American governor a digni fied and Impressive ceremony that will fix the event in the minds of the peo ple. The United States ship Dolphin, which will carry Mr. Allen to San Juan, will enter the harbor there, es corted by the entire North Atlantic squadron under the command of Rear Admiral Farquhar on his flagship New York. The squadron is now at Ber muda and will time its movements so as to arrive off the north coast of Porto Rico about the time the Dolphin is sighted. Governor Davis will he inaugurated at San Juan on May 1, and General Davis, the military governor, will turn out all of the United States troops un der his command in honor of the occa sion. The ships of the squadron will fire salutes, which will be answered by the shore batteries. There will be some speeches and at night the fleet will use their electric lights and there will be general illuminations. ROBERTS READY TO ADVANCE Boer Taetlca Force the Hand of the British Commander. LONDON, April 18.—At last Roberts seems to be on tne eve of making nis main advance towards Pretoria. Un less all the usually reliable sources of information and ail the indications smuggled past the censor are at fault the British army within a few days will be marching northward. After many premature and unrounded re ports that have purported to tell of this move there is naturally, even in the best informed quarters, considerable hesitancy in definitely settling upon the day Lord Roberts is likely to leave Bloemfontein, but there is a settled im pression that it will occur either at the end of tnis week or tae beginning of next Largest In the World. NEW LONDON, Conn., April 18.— The Eastern Shipbuilding company to day took possession of the land at Groton on which will be established its plant and at once set a gang of men at work clearing the land. With in three months the keels of two steamers, the largest in the world, will be laid. The steamers are for the trans-Pacific fleet of the Great North ern railway, and are to be of 34,000 tons displacement. Sustains Democratic Officials. FRANKFORT, Ky., April 18.—In the circuit court today Judge Cantrill over ruled the demurrers to the petitions filed by the democratic officers and sustained demurrers to the answers of the republican officers. The result ?s in favor of the democrats and the re publicans can appeal now by refusing to plead further or may ask leave to amend their answer, which will only • delay matters a few days. Soldiers Speedily Rally. MANILA, April 18—Twelve hun dred Tagalos attacked Case’s battalion, headquarters of the Fortieth regiment at Cagayan, island of Mindanao, on the 7th. The Americans had fifteen casualties, while of the attacking force fifty were killed and thirty wounded or taken prisoners. Close Down All Plants. CHICAGO, 111., April 18.—Labor troubles in the building trades are stated by President John W. Lambert of the American Steel and Wire com pany as the reasons for orders issued today closing down all the plants of the concern in the vicinity of Chicago; all those at Joliet, 111., excepting the Rockdale mill and the evtensive plant at Anderson,Ind. Twelve plants were ordered closed. Thousands of skilled workmen were temporarily suspended by the action of the wire magnates. Iowa Man Kills Himself. DES MOINES, la., April 18—Frank Jaquit, secretary of the Des Moines Sprinkling company and prominent in social and business circles, was found dead today with a bullet hole over his heart. Despondency was the cause as* signed for the suicide. Miss French Dead. AMHERST, Mass., April 18—Miss Mary Field French, aged 75 years, a cousin of the late Eugene Field, and for a number of years his guardian, died suddenly at her home today. She had the care of Eugene Field from his 7th to his 18th year. In after years Mr. Field was accustomed to visit the town frequently to see his cousin, of whom he was very fond. First of the Exposition Fetes. PARIS, April 18.—The first of the series of official fetes to be given in connection with the exposition took place tonight at the Eiysee palace. ^