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About The frontier. (O'Neill City, Holt County, Neb.) 1880-1965 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 14, 1899)
FALSE POLITICAL TALE Bryan Preaching Doctrines that He Dees Not Btlicve. AT It MPT TO HOODWINK VOTERS. Kno«™ that Fr» and I'nllmllitd Coinage I* a Dmil I««ie -That Labor la Hotter Paid Than Kver— That Oppremion of the Filipino* a Not lntendo«l — T.ie Pop Candidate for Suprxni* Judge of Nrbnik*. Kansas City Journal: Mr. William Jennings Bryan may have believed once that the free and unlimited coin age of silver would be a good thing for the United States, and that the adherence to the gold standard through the administration of the re publican party, would result in indus tria land financial disaster; at least that is what he preached. But Mr. Bryan does not believe in thpse things now. Neither does any other man of Intelligence. Yet Mr. Bryan and his staff of boomers would give the im pression of tills belief by Keeping alive the silver issue, and especially by re affirming the Chicago platform in its entirety. Mr. Bryan does not believe that the United States government is bent on a system of oppression in the Philip pines, determined to make poor, servile dependents of the Filipinos. He does not believe that the Filipinos would be better ofT if left to their own guidance than if they would submit to the pro tection, the government and the en couragement of the United States. Yet Mr. Bryan would lead his hearers to believe that the United States gov ernment has discarded its boasted poli cy of liberty to all and adopted in its place a policy of despotism, so far as the Philippines are concerned. Mr. Bryan does not believe that the condition of wage-earners in this coun try Is deplorable; that labor is crushed and warped after the manner pictured in ‘The Man With the Hoe;” on the contrary, he knows that labor is better paid than for years past, and that the price of labor will purchase more of the necessities of Ilfs at present than at any other time within a decade or more. Yet Mr. Bryan persistently tries to con vice the people that he be lieves these things. Mr. Bryan does not believe that one class in this country is planning the destruction of another class, and that it has already more than half way succeeded; yet he makes representa tions seemingly based on this belief, and Incites one class against another. Mr. Bryan does not believe that the democratic party is better able to cope with the abuses of trusts than is the republican party, yet he would have the people understand that the only salvation from complete and grinding monopoly is the return to power of the democratic party. Mr. Bryan does not believe that his own course as the leader of a party is consistent or honest, in its relation to the masses; yet he poses as the great friend and advocate of the people. It maybe that Mr. Bryan believes that all things are fair in politics, as in love and war, but he will learn by and by that the people expect sincerity and honesty of the man who aspires to the presidency, and that, if given an opportunity to do so, they will re sent more forcibly than they did in 189G his transparent misrepresenta tions and fallacies. TakM Crow, Feather* anil All. The Howells Journal, a democratic paper which threatened fusion success in the state it Silas A. Holcomb was thrust upon the democratic party as a candidate for judge of the supreme court, takes its dose of crow, says the Fremont Tribune. It does it with some grimaces, it is true, but it docs it just the same. It gulps itH fowl in the fol lowing way, the feathers still sticking to Us teeth and the passage of the bird down the editorial oesophagus being plainly marked by the sliding protu berance and evidenced by the nausea created by the morsel. “A democratic state convention has spoken—Silas A. Holcomb has been nominated for supreme judge. It mat ters not that in our judgment a mis take has been made. The writer is a democrat and ns such bows to the will of the majority and stands ready to do his duty. Not one word that we have said in regard to his undemocratic practices do we retract. We believe that he will keep his promise, made to the conventions that nominated him and sin no more. The sin of Silas, it seems, consists of accepting railroad passes, but now he has been purged of this sin, not by con fession and conversion, as becomes a Christian gentleman, but by main force. The state convention said to him. “you must quit grabbing for passes and gallivanting around the state as a guest of the railroads; you must pay your railroad fare like a good populist should.” “All right,” said Si las. “I will do so for the |.resent, if you insist, but I make no rash prom ises for after election. It is not a ques tion of principle with me, but one of expedience. I am forced to it by an overpowering body of men. I will for sake the practice temporari.y, at least, for the sake of an office.” This recanting is sufficient for those who. like the Journal, won id forgive any crime for the sake of an office. But it docs not roach the deeper disgrr.ee of ballot-fraud and honest rent pecu lations. These serious things are over looked for the more trifling business of agreeing to surrender a hatful of passes during the campaign, The people may not be in a like frame of mind. They may not be so willing to forgive on a forced put, a death-bed repentance. The An'l-Eiysnikmliti The anti-expansionists must have superior means of securing informa tion from the Philippines, for they know things about the native army and the insurrection “government” that sound strange to the Americans at Manila. At the Springfield meeting of the little Americans Mr. Boutwell made the astonishing declaration that “we are at war with an organized civilized body of men, who numbei eight or ten millions or even twelve millions, possibly, In all. and who can command a fighting force of 2.000,000, all our enemies, and united in opinion and compacted in purpose as were never the people of the United States in any war we have carried on.” Anti-expansion will cut no figure in the coining national election for the good and sufficient reason that whop j pers of this kind will be fully exposed within a few weeks after the American army can begin work at the close of the rainy season. The returned sol diers say that Aguinaldo’3 army con sists of but a few thousand men and that he will be wiped off the island of Luzon before Christmas. It is well known that all he represents is a small section of the Tagalogs. and that tho remainder of the archipelago is filled with people who have nothing in com mon with him. As soon as the enor mous gas balloons of the little Ameri cans are punctured by the irresistible movement of our army the whole anti expansion party will dissolve Into thin air. Slippery Hi Again. The nomination of Slippery SI Hol comb, as the Papllllon Times used to say, is an endorsement, by the fusion ists of Nebraska, of the notorious re count ballot fraud, an endorsement of his use of railroad passes when he had solemnly promised the people from every stump In Nebraska that he would not use them, and is an endorsement of his notorious house reuc graft, whereby he drew $50 a month foi house rent when he paid but thirty for (he house. It was plainly evident that the conventions, composed of people ull over the state, did not wish to see Slippery Si nominated but with the party whip in the hands of Bryan, Al len and a few others the nomination of Holcomb was easily accomplished. There was a hunger for spoils on the part of many but the voters over the state are not looking for spoils now any more than they were five years ago when Tom Majors went down In defeat. Independent voters are getting more numerous every day and if the republican state convention nominates a good, clean, capable man for the supreme judgeship it will settle the whole business then and there. Hol comb has not made a very brilliant oillcial record and the mistakes and short comings are so glaring that -.here Is no one who dare stand up ajd de fend his record.—Blair Pilot. Thirteen Yearn of Fullure. The Brooklyn Eagle has been look ing over the record. In 1868, it finds, Tammany was for Judge Sanford E. Church for the presidency; the demo cratic national convention nominated Horatio Seymour. In ’76 Tammany wanted Hendricks; the convention took Tllden. In ’80 Tammany was howling for Sam Randall, but the con vention preferred Hancock. In ’84 Hendricks was again Tammany’s choice, but Grover Cleveland was the convention's. In ’88 and '92 Tammany “rooted" for David B. Hill—unsuccess fully. Three years ago Tammany stood out against Bryan at Chicago, and Its opposition only made the west ern and southern delegates the more resolute in their purpose. Whether it sends to the party councils an orator like Bourke Cockran or an adroit po litical wire-puller like William C. Whitney, the result is the same. “For over thirty years, remarks the Brook lyn contemporary, “Tammany has never gone to a national convention supporting a man who obtained a pres idential nomination.” The Republican Candidate. There is a settled determination on the part of the republicans in Nebraska to select the best man that can be found for supreme judge. They are confident of success and will spare no honorable effort to secure it. There will be no active fight for the nomina tion by anyone as all feel that the in struction of the convention should be the guide, but when the selection is made it will be cheerfully acquiesced in by every one and an earnest and united effort will be made to carry the state. Every republican is on his mettle, ac tive. earnest and confident and in a position to accept the verdict of the convention without a mui mur and with tho feeling that the best thing has been done. With the opposition divided, lukewarm and distrustful of its candidates and many of them al ready prophesying defeat there can be little doubt as to the result in the state. —York Times. What Republican* Do. The bondsmen of ex-Oil Inspector Hilton paid into court last week $7,000 to make up for the deficiencies of the last republican oil Inspector this state has ever had.—Cuming County Demo crat. Thi3 Is all true. Everybody please take notice that Mr. Hilton’s bondsmen have paid his deficiencies. That is what usually happens when a repub lican official goes wrong—his bonds men dig up the deficiency and mister office holder is promptly branded as a 1 scalawag and dropped forever into ln I ocuous desuetude, or sent to the peni ■ tentlary. But when a populist swipes J state funds, assists in a rape on the ! ballot box and sundry other little In nocent pranks, it is customary to nom inate him for supreme judge. Is it not so, my brethren.—Stuart Ledger. A PopulUt Protest. Butte Gazette: If Silas Holcomb, fusion candidate for supreme judge. Is the pop ideal of the proper kind of a man to fill the high position they might as well take off the reform mask that covers office itch first as last. He stands convicted of being a pass-holder (in itself being treason to populistic principles) of unlimited capacity— which should be enough to damn him in the eyes of all consistent populists —while his record on the house rent rake-off of some $20 per month showed him to be a petty swiper of public funds instead of an honorable gov ernor of a great state. He Holds the Belt. The man who holds the belt over all other governors of Nebraska for work ing the railroads for passes Is now running for supreme judge on an anti pass bribe platform. And every ora tor who goes about advocating his election will ride on a pass or mileage ticket furnished free by the railroads. —Norfolk Journal. DEMOCRACY’S CHANCE. CAN CET FREE TRADE WITH EX PANSION. Ill* Party Seeing to He Against Pure- | strlctod Foreign Competition—Regret I In Advance the Opportunity to Fight | Next Year's Campaign on Old Lints. j Now York Tribune: This i3 just the time of all others, cries a stalwart free trader, for the democratic party to ac complish the overthrow of protection with ease. After battling for genera tions on that issue, is it conceivable that the party will run away from it precisely when the beat opportunity of its whole history comes? This was the one question on which it won suc cess with Cleveland, and it would be amazing folly now to abandon it for the one question on which it sustained its most complete and humiliating de feat with Bryan. With new posses sions which produce sugar largely, some radical alteration of the tariff will be unavoidable, and it will be all the more easy just now to overthrow protective duties, because the great industries have gained a hold on for eign markets, and want protection no longer. Such, In substance, is the reasoning of sundry democratic jour nals which seems to have been sug gested by certain pithy remarks of Senator Morgan in the same vein. That senator will be treated with re spect by all who appreciate a genuine Americanism, but if this particular suggestion were found afloat without his name attached it might be attrib uted to those whom that senator holds in deep contempt as enthusiasts of things foreign. Where has the senator learned that American industries no longer want protective duties, unless from foreign journals printed on both sides of the ocean? lie would not find his constituents about Birmingham of that mind, nor the sturdy wool-grow ers of the west, who have done at least their full share in maintaining the honor of the flag. Nor have the wool manufacturers made so much as a re spectable beginning in the way of in vading foreign markets, and they well know that another Wilson tariff would mean for them, and necessarily for wool-growers, another four years of extreme prostration. But the question will, in fact, be decided, not by the manufacturers, but by the millions of workers who knew what It wa3 to hunt In vain for work at low wages under Cleveland. It i3 exactly because the democratic party did succeed once on that issue with Cleveland that it was ready to run away from it, even into populism, defeat and disgrace. The Idea that the tariff must be re constructed because new possessions grow sugar is presented by Senator Morgan with his accustomed zeal, but not with his usual studious examina tion. If he had reviewed the history of his country with reference to this question he would have found that it had been decided before, and not as he supposes. Possessions of the United States do not become part of the United States until they have been brought within the union as states or territories. The tariff is to-day en forced respecting imports from Porto Rico and the Philippines exactly as if they had In no sense become property of the United States. President Mc Kinley is well advised in declining to abrogate a law on the supposition that congress will make such disposal of new possessions that the tariff will no longer apply to them. It is a marvel that Senator Morgan seems ready to assume that Americans will request the mixed and colored races of the islands to help Americans govern this country. Were It determined on any ground or for any reason to admit the sugar of Porto Rico free, as the sugar of the Hawaiian islands has been admitted, it does not follow that the conse quences would be of large Importance. Porto Rico is not of unlimited size, nor has it such a supply of unoccupied land and available labor as would promise any vast outcome of sugar. The sup ply from that Island has fallen off ma terially, to this country more than half since 1872, and was never large enough to all countries to compare with the quantity received by this country from Hawaii. But it may be added for the enlightenment of free-traders that any reduction in the revenue derived from importations of sugar would assuredly be followed by heavier duties upon the manufactured articles which this coun try is able to produce for itself, in or der to secure further development of heme industries as a result of the col lection of a higher revenue for a time. This country has not done growing yet, is not inclined to stop developing its Industries and is not in the humor to return to the theories which brought disaster under democratic rule. Find Out tho Cause. Some people believe or pretend to be lieve that commercial affairs have their ups and downs without any reference to our governmental policies. The peo ple who profess such a belief put them selves outside of the nineteenth cen tury enlightenment by thus denying, as in effect they do deny, that there can be no effect without a cause. A little study would assure them that all sci ence and Investigation declare that every effect has a cause. A few years, or even months, in any commercial house run on business principles would 30on convince them, if they have minus capable of being convinced, that in the commercial world most especially is there a close relation between cause and effect. Business prosperity or business fail ure are each due to very distinct and well-defined causes. The successful business man doesn’t get success through chance, but through following out well-settled plans carefully laid out by sound judgment. What is true of an individual is true of a nation. There 13 a cause for every season of national prosperity and a cause for every period of hard times, and the way to keep the country prosperous is to find out the cause of the prosperity and then to stick without wavering to the policy which is responsible for it. Our whole history as a nation has demonstrated that the protective tariff is the cause lying at the baais of our prosperity. We have always had prosperity when we have had a protective tariff. The fact that we have never had prosperity without it is about the strongest evi dence that could be offered, and there is very good reason to believe that the American people have accepted it as conclusive. The protective tariff policy has come to stay. Repression and Suppression. The free trade literary bureau occa sionally makes an absurd misfit in the stuff it supplies to Democratic and Populist papers in various parts of the country. For example, we find float ing around in the columns of rural weeklies this paragraph, dated July 28: “Evidently the tariff is not, accom plishing its alleged purpose—to foster competition and advance wages—when the tin plate trusts are united in a com bine and wages are not advanced. The Republican talk about the tariff being for the benefit of the wage earner has always been the thinnest kind of pre tense.” Ten days or two weeks before this piece of free trade “news” made its appearance the wage controversy be tween the tin plate mills and their workmen had been satisfactorily ad justed, and a substantial increase granted to all employes. Still the lie sent out by the free trade literary bu reau has gene the rounds, and it is too much to hope that It will be followed up by a statement of the truth. It is safe to say that the fact of a large advance in the wages of tin plate operatives will not be promulgated by the free trade literary bureau. Never theless, the country as a whole is well informed on the subject. It knows that 3ince domestic industries began to feel the tremendous spur of activity follow ing the restoration of the regime of protection and prosperity wages have advanced all along the line, and that for the year 1899 the gross sum paid out by employers to wage earners in the United States will exceed by hun dreds of millions the sum paid out in the corresponding year of the free trade administration of 1893-’97. The Democratic mayor of Milwaukee was right when he said, not long since, that it is folly to undertake a “cam paign of education” for the benefit of the Democratic party in 1900 in the face of all the blazing facts of pros perity and progress. The free trade literary bureau should act upon this ex cellent hint and repress itself; still better, suppress Itself. Trusts In England. A correspondent of the Philadelphia Press, writing from London, says that the trust movement in England has reached great proportions. Some of the commodities which are controlled by English trusts are gunpowder, iron bedsteads, steel tubes, dynamite, salt, tin plate, rails and coal,while the trans portation rates on all English products are controlled by railroad and ship ping trusts. Not only is this the case, but it is also true that there are great corporations which monopolize many of the necessaries of life. It is strange, perhaps, that such things could happen in free trade Eng land, in view of the positive statement of Trust King Havemeyer that there would be no trusts here but for the protective tariff. Yet the truth is the truth, and there is no getting around it. As a matter of fact prosperity, and prosperity alone, is responsible for the organization of trusts. Without indus trial activity engendered by a great and growing demand for manufactured products, there would be no incentive to great combinations of capital. The trusts are a menace, but the tar iff is not responsible for them. That is a fact which will be made more promi nent if the Democrats want to make the tariff an issue in the next cam paign.—Cleveland (O.) Leader. What lie Would Like. What Mr. Havemeyer would like to see is the free admission of raw sugar and a good-sized duty levied upon re fined sugar, thus giving his refineries absolute control of the American mar ket. After crushing the domestic pro duction, Mr. Havemeyer and his asso ciates w'ould certainly have a good thing. The great injustice of the pres ent schedule lies in the fact that it en ables the southern cane-growers and the western beet sugar factories to make a profit which really ought to go into the pockets of the sugar trust. Mr. Havemeyer is a sadly abused man and the best way to do him exact jus tice will be to carry his free-trade ideas a step further and admit refined sugar free.—Seattle (Wash.) Post-In telligencer. SelfUli Demagogues. The American people are not likely to be easily hoodwinked by the cry of Mr. Havemeyer, that the tariff is the mother of trusts, which is being re peated parrot-like by the free-trade journals of the country. Instructive object lessons in free trade and pro tection are of recent date and are too well remembered by business men. They like the latter, because of the prosperity it has brought, and they are not likely to give it up at the behest of demagogues whose motives are so transparently selfish.—Grand Rapids (Mich.) Herald. J THE TARIFF AS AN ISSUE. Answer to the Question, “Why Not Abolish l'rotectlon?” Postmaster General Smith, In an in teiview published In an Omaha paper, is credited with having used this lan guage: “The tariff is not an Issue of the same importance as in the past. The policy of protection aimed to build up our industries to a point where they could stand independent on their own feet. This object has been accom plished. Protection has established the complete industrial independence of this country. More than that, it may fairly be said that it has substan tially established our industrial su premacy. This truth has been demon strated within the last two years, as we are now beating the products of the Old World on their own grounds. “With this development of our home industries to the point where they completely possess the home market and are able also to reach abroad, the protective issue has not the same vital force it had during the period of strug gle and development.” This prompts the Chicago Chronicle to ask: "Then why not abolish pro tection?” The answer is manifest. It is be cause, without protection, all that has been accomplished would be destroyed. While here and there some industry has under its aegis so thriven and de veloped as to no longer require the paternal assistance of the government and should be placed upon the free list, instead of being an argument in support of the abolition of the policy under which the manufactures of America are fast reaching the happy stage of independence, this happy re sult rather stands as an object lesson calculated to impress every lover of his country with the wisdom of that policy which has brought wealth, hap piness and prosperity to an entire peo ple. The tariff can no longer be made the all-absorbing issue of a political cam paign because the benefits of protec tion are so universally recognized that Its most persistent enemies have no longer the courage to assail it. Four years of contrast under the operations of each of the two opposing systems have been fraught with an experience which the people are unwilling to un learn. Suffering, beggary, starvation and bankruptcy, which had settled on the nation like a pall, have given way to the most phenomenal era of uni versal prosperity that ever glorified and uplifted an afflicted continent, and the masses refuse absolutely to ex change the material benefits of a safe and salutary policy for the promises of an illusive chimera which had brought in its train but disaster and ruin. This is the truism that Postmaster General Smith announced, and that his declaration is to go unchallenged is made .evident by the solicitude with which the leaders of the democratic party jealously avoid all reference to the tariff Issue. Four years of a de velopment which has firmly establish ed our industrial supremacy affords a practical illustration of the virtues of a protective tariff which even Mr. Bryan is content to respect. In this sense, not only is the tariff no longer an issue of the same importance as in the past, but it Is in every essential a dead issue.—New Orleans States. What Would Happen. The London Economist has given a tabulated list of 187 healthy, robust trusts now existing in free trade Eng land. Of these 132 are more than five years old. In the latter class are 16 iron and steel combinations, 17 textile fabric trusts, four paper combines, and 12 railway rolling stock combinations. According to the stock quotations and reported dividends none of these big concerns are at all lank or spindly, not withstanding the absence of a tariff mother to furnish nourishment during the period of infancy. All these little items of information in regard to the extent of the trust system abroad na turally suggest an inquiry as to what would happen If we complied with the Democratic entreaty to “take off the tariff and bust the trust.” Well, for one thing, we would be sure to furnish a mighty promising field of operations for the trusts of England, Germany and the other European nations which are not engaged in the busting process.—* Sioux City (Iowa) Journal. It Is Different Now. From Chicago comes the announce ment that more pianos have been shipped west and southwest in the past three months than in five years before. This looks as though the people of the west were able to indulge in luxuries, and it tells a somewhat different story from that with which the country be came so familiar during the dark days of Cleveland and the Wilson law. Then the reports from the west told of hard ship, of the giving of mortgages on farms and on homes, and of struggles to raise money to meet the interest on mortgages and debts. Farmers and artisans were not buying many pianos in those gloomy free-trade times. Havomeycr’s Animus. The Democratic press is trying to make some capital out of the state ment made by Sugar King Havemeyer, that “the tariff is the mother of trusts.’’ The facts are Mr. H. is sour because he did not succeed in securing a higher tariff on sugar, so that his trust could not be Interfered with. The policy of the Republican tariff is to give consumers the commodities of life at the lowest possible price consistent with the demands of revenues and the protection of American labor. No one. Democrat or Republican, will have any sympathy with Mr. H. when the ani mus of his expression is understood.— Waterloo (Ind.) ITess. Free Clothing Catalogue. Ready now. Hayden Bros.' clothing catalogue showing samples and latest styles and lowest prices. Mailed free on request. Send postal to Hayden Bros., Omaha, for prices on any goods you need. Make yourself at home In the Big Store when in Omaha. The Long Island railroad has adopt ed the rule that passengers are to leave the cars by the front door and enter by the rear door. 44 Circumstances Alter Cases/' Jn cases of scrofula, salt rheum, dys pepsia, nervousness, catarrh, rheumatism, eruptions, etc., the circumstances may be altered by purifying and enriching the blood <with Hood’s Sarsaparilla. It is the great remedy for all ages and both sexes• Be sure to get Hood’s, because Never Disappoint MEXICO'S GAMBLER KING Pays 81,000 a Dnjr for License Fee and Has Hade 83,000,000. Mexico has a Monaco which outdoes the sensational marvels of Monte Car lo, reports the New York World. Thi3 gambling palace is situated in the center of the city of Mexico, at No. 2 Gante street, its proprietor and man ager, Don Filipe Martel, is not only a self-made prince, but a phenomenal character. For Don Felipe is not only the king of gamblers, but a devout churchman and the chief backer of the municipal treasurer. Mexico City is . almost de pendent upon this one citizen. Martel was a rich man before the Mexican government decided to abol ish gambling houses. Many influential Mexicans objected so seriously to the absolute stopping of their favorite pastime that the authorities thought they would achieve a clever compro mise by demanding from every gamb ling resort a daily license tax of $1,000. No one supposed that the gambling spirit would be strong enough to rise above this obstacle. This proved to be the case and one by one the gamb ling houses closed their doors. When the field was clear Don Felipe Martel approached the authorities with $1,000 in cash and demanded a day’s license. In a few hours his place was thronged. At a single stroke he had won the patronage of Mexico and his doors have never ben closed since. The daily outlay of $1,000 is not missed from the daily revenue of ~ thousands. It is not remarkable that Don Fe lipe’s personal fortune should have reached $2,000,000 in spite of the con stant lavish expenditure. His chief establishment is as glitteringly ap pointed as a palace. Liveried attend- .« ants minister to guests and refresh- ^ ments and cigars are served at the host’s expense. Mexicans find no amusement more alluring than a visit to No. 2 Gante street. Don Felipe’s strong religious ten dencies are So well known that nobody was surprised when he built recently in the village of San Angel a church that cost more than $50,000 . The poor people of the vicinity and many of the rich as well have come to regard him as a sort of fairy prince. His own style of living encourages this belief. The Martel mansion in Mexico City is a magnificent affair, constantly filled with guests. A curious feature is that it contains forty windows—the number of cards in the Mexican deck. Generous Chinamen. Phyadelphia Press: When contri butions were asked in 5->&n Francisco to pay the expenses of the reception given to the returning California regi ments it was noticed that the China men were among the most liberal giv ers. Each one of what are known as the Six Companies contributed a lib eral sum. the total from this source alone being $4,782. This is muen bet ter than some American companies fully as able did. It is as gratifying as it is unexpected. The fact that the Chinese in California are willing to help glorify an American army return ing from the Philippines so recently annexed to the United States proves that they can become Americanized as well as any other class of immigrants. It shows also that they are not averse to this country gaining a foothold in the Western Pacific ocean near to China. During the past ten years there has been an evident subsidence of tho prejudice against the Chinese, whicn was once so strong in all the Pacific coast states. Part of this has come from the restriction on immigration, which has checked the rapid increase of Chinamen in this country. Bur a larger share has come from the demon stration that much of the opposition to the Chinese was bused on false grounds. It has taken some years to make this clear, but it is gradually {making itself felt, and the result is the better feeling between the two peoples. The Baker boys of Kentucky, not caring to be killed in the feud in which they are entangled in Clay county, where they are largely outnumbered by the opposing faction, prefer to take chances with the Filipinos, who do not shoot as straight nor fight so hard as the Kentuckians. They have, accord ingly, enlisted in the Thirty-first vol unteer infantry. This makes about forty Bluegrass fighters—Hatfields, Whites and Bakers—in the Thirty first. A Houlton, Me., man recently took a very good photograph with a simple pasteboard box and a dry plate. An aperture was cut in the box, over which was pasted a piece of black paper in which a small hole was made with the point of a pin. The box was then taken to a dark room and the plate securely fastened inside. Pekin now has an electric railroad, running'from the south gate of the city to the steam railroad station, and it is hoped that permission to enter the city itself may be obtained soon, The road is built by a German firm.