Image provided by: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Libraries, Lincoln, NE
About The frontier. (O'Neill City, Holt County, Neb.) 1880-1965 | View Entire Issue (May 18, 1899)
+»♦♦ »♦»■»♦♦»♦♦+»+»♦ i ♦ » »»it» PHANTOM SHIP —OR— <ja. The Flying Dutchman. •«v»-BY CAPTAIN MARRYAT. CHAPTER XIX—(Continued.) It was about a fortnight after they had left the Falkland Inlands that they entered the straits. At first they had a lending wind which carried them half through, but this did not last, and they then had to contend not only against the wind, but against the cur rent, and they dally lost ground. The crews of the ships also began to sicken from fatigue and cold. Whether the admiral had before made up his mind, or whether irritated by Ills fruitless endeavors to continue his voyage. It Is impossible to say; but after three weeks’ useless struggle against the winds and currents, he hove to and ordered all the captains on board.when he proposed that the prisoner should receive his punishment, and that pun ishment was—to bo deserted—that Is, to be sent on shore with a day’s food, where there was no means of obtain ing support, so as to die miserably of hunger. This was a punishment fre quently resorted to by the Dutch of that period, as will be seen by reading an account of their voyage; but at the same time seldom, If ever, awarded to one of so high a rank as that of com modore. Philip immediately protested against it, and so did Krantz, although they were both aware that by eo doing they would make the admiral their enemy; but the other captains, who viewed both of them with a jealous eye, and considered them as Interlopers and In terfering with their advancement, sided with the admiral. Notwith standing this majority, Philip thought it his duty to expostulate. “You know well, admiral,’’ said he, "that I Joined in his condemnation for a breach of discipline; but at the same time there was much in extenuation. He committed a breach of discipline to save his ship's company, but not an error in Judgment, as you yourself proved, by taking the same measure to Bave your own men. Do not, there fore, visit an offense of so doubtful a nature with such cruelty. Let the company decide the point when you send him homo, which you can do as soon as you arrive In India. He is sufficiently punished by losing his com mand; to do what you propose will be ascribed to feelings of revenge more than to those of justice. What suc cess can we deserve if we commit an act of such cruelty? and how can we expect a merciful Providence to pro tect us from the winds and waves, when we are thus barbarous toward each other ?’’ Philip's arguments w’ere of no avail. The admiral ordered him to return on board his ship, and had ho been able to find an excuse, he would have de prived him of his command. This he could not well do; but Philip was aware that the admiral was now hts inveterate enemy. The commodore was taken out of irons and brought into the eabln, and hla sentence was made known to him. “Be it so, admiral," replied Aven horn; “for to attempt to turn you from your purpose I know would be unavail ing. I am not punished for disobed ience of orders, but for having, by my disobedience, pointed out to you your duty—a duty which you were forced to perform afterward by necessity. Then be it so; let me perish on these black rocks, as I shall, and my bones be whitened by the chilly blasts which howl over their desolation. But mark me, cruel and vindictive man! I shall not be the only one whose bones will bleach there. I prophesy that many others will share my fate, and even you, admiral, may be of the number— if I mistake not, we shall He side by side.“„ , _ .. I The admiral made no reply, but *ave a sign for the prisoner to be re moved. He then had a conference with the captains of the three smaller vessels; and as they had been all along retarded by the heavier sailing of his own ship, and the Dort commanded by Philip, he decided that they should part company, and proceed on as fast as they could to the Indies—sending on board of the two larger vessels all the provisions they could spare, as they already began to run short. Philip had left the cabin with Krantz after the prisoner had been re moved. Ho then wrote a few lines upon a slip of paper: “Do not leave the beach when you are put on shore, un til the vessels are out of sight;" and requesting Krantz to find an opportun ity to deliver this to the commodore, he returned on board cf his own ship. When the crew of the Dort heard of the punishment about to be inflicted upon their old commander, they were much excited. They felt that he had sacrificed himself to save them, and they murmured much at the cruetly of the admiral. About an hour after Philip’s re turn to his ehip, the pilsoner was sent on shore and landed on the desolate and rocky coast, with a supply of pro visions for two days. Not a single ar ticle of extra clothing or the means of striking a light was permitted him. When the boat’B keel grazed the beach, he was ordered out. The boat shoved off, and the men were not permitted even to bid him farewell. The fleet, as Philip had expected, re mained hove-to shifting the provisions, and It was not till after dark that everything was arranged.. This oppor tunity was not lost. Philip was aware that it would be considered a breach • y' y " -■-■-»- -M- ■ ■- r X. ■ 1. I. J. «. ■«. ■- * m tTTtTTTTTTTTtTTTTTTTTTTTTT of discipline, but to that he was In different; neither did he think It like ly that It would come to the ears of the admiral, as the crew of the Dort were partial both to the commodore and to him. He had desired a seaman whom ho could trust, to put into one of the boats a couple of muskets, and a quantity of ammunition, several blankets, and various other articles, besides provisions for two or three months, for one person; and ns soon as It was dark the men pulled on shore with tho boat, found the commodore on the beach waiting for them, and supplied him with all these neces saries. They then rejoined their ship, without the admiral’s having the least suspicion of what had been done, and shortly after the fleet made sail on a wind, with their heads off shore. The next morning the three smaller ves sels parted company, and by sunset had gained many miles to windward, after which they were not again seen. The admiral had sent for Philip to give him his instructions, which were very severe, and evidently framed so as to be able to afford him hereafter some excuse for depriving him of his command. Among others, hla orders were, aa me more urew less water man the admiral's ship, to sail ahead of him during the night, that If they ap proached too near the land as they beat across the channel, timely notice might be given to the admiral If In too shal low water. This responsibility was the occasion of Philip’s being always on deck when they approached the land on either side of the Straits. It was the second night after the fleet had separated that Philip had been summoned on deck as they were near ing the land of Terre del Fuego; he was watching the man In the chains heaving the lead, when the officer of the watch reported to him that the admiral’s ship was ahead cf them In stead of astern. Philip made Inquiry as to when he passed, but could not discover; he went forward and saw the admiral’s ship with her poop-light, which, when the admiral was astern, was not vlslblo. "What can be the ad miral’s reason for this?” thought Philip; "has he run ahead on purpose to make a charge against me of neg lect of duty? It must be so. Well, let him do a3 he pleases; he must wait now till we arrlvo In India, for I shall not allow him to desert me; and with the company I have as much, and, I rather think, as a large proprietor, more Interest than ho has. Well, as he has thought proper to go ahead, I have nothing to do but to follow.’’ “You may come out of the chains there.” CHAPTER XX. Philip went forward; they were now, as he Imagined, very near to the land, but the night was dark and they could not distinguish It. For half an hour they continued their course, much to Philip’s surprise, for he now thought he could make out the loom cf the land, dark as It was. His eyes were constantly fixed upon the ship ahead, expecting every minute that she would go about; but no, she continued her course, and Philip followed with his own vessel. "We are very close to the land, sir," observed Vender Hagen, the lieutenant, who was the officer of the watch. "So it appears to me; but the ad miral Is closer, and draws much more water than we do,” replied Philip. "I think I see the rock3 on the beam to leeward, sir." "I believe you are all right,” re plied Philip; “I cannot understand this. Ready about, and get a gun ready—they must suppose us to be ahead of them, depend upon It." Hardly had Philip given the order when the vessel struck heavily on the rocks. Philip hastened aft; he found the rudder had been unshipped, and the vessel was immovably fixed. His thoughts then reverted to the admiral. “Was he on shore?” He ran forward, and the admiral was still sailing on with his poop-light, about two cables length ahead of him. "Fire the gun there,” cried Philip, perplexed beyond measure. i ne guu nils nreu, ana immeataieiy followed up by the flash and report of another gun close astern of them. Philip looked with astonishment over the quarter, and perceived the ad miral’s ship close astern to him, and evidently on shore as well as his own. “Merciful Heaven!" exclaimed Philip rushing forward, “what can this be?" Ho beheld the other vessel, with her light ahead, still sailing on and leav ing them. The day was now dawning and there was sufficient light to make out the land. The Do. c was on shore not fifty yards from the beach, and surrounded by the high and barren rocks; yet the vessel ahead was ap parently sailing on over the land. The seamen crowded on the forecastle, watching this strange phenomenon; at last it vanished from their sight. “That's the Flying Dutchman, by all that’s holy!” cried one cf the seamen, Jumping off the gun. Hardly had the man uttered these words when the vessel disappeared. Philip felt convinced that it was so, and he walked away aft in a very ' perturbed state. It must have been I his father's fatal ship which had de ! coyed them to probable destruction. He hardly knew how to act. The ad miral’s wrat$' he did not wish. Just at that moment, to encounter. He sent for the officer of the watch, and having desired him to select a crew for the boat, out of those men who had been on deck, and could substantiate hts as sertions, ordered him to go on board of the admiral, and state what had happened^ # * - t As soon as the boat had shoved off, Philip turned his attention to the State of his own vessel. The daylight had increase, and Philip perceived that they were surrounded by rocks, and had run on shore between two reefs, which extended half a mile from the mainland. He sounded round his vessel, and discovered that she was fixed from forward to aft, and that without lightening her there was no chance of getting her off. He then turned to where the admiral’s ship lay aground, and found that, to all appearance, she was In even a worse plight, as the rocks to leeward of her were above the water,, and she was much more exposed should bad weather come on. Never, perhaps, wa3 there a scene more cheerless and ap palling; a dark wintry sea— a sky loaded with heavy clouds—the wind cold and piercing—the whole line of the coast one mass of barren rocks, without the slightest appearance of vegetation; the Inland part of the country presented an equally somber appearance and the higher polntB were capped with snow, although it was not yet the winter season. Sweeping the coast with his eye, Philip perceived, not four miles to leeward of them, so little progress had they made, the spot where they had deserted tho commo dore. “Surely this has been a judgment on him for his cruelty,’’ thought Philip, “and the prophesy of poor Avenhorn will oome true—more bone3 than his will bleach on those rocks.’’ Philip turned round again to where the ad miral’s ship was on shore, and started back, as he beheld a sight even more dreadful than all that he had viewed— the body of Vander Hagen, the officer sent on board of the admiral, hang ing at the main yardarm. “My God! Is it possible?” exclaimed Philip, stamping with sorrow and indignation. His boat was returning on board, and Philip awaited it with Impatience. The men hastened up the side, and breathlessly informed Philip that the admiral, as soon as he had heard the lieutenant’s report, and his acknowl ment that he was officer of the watch, had ordered him to be hung, and that he had sent them back with a sum mons for him to repair on board im mediately, and that they had seen an other rope preparing at the yard-arm. “But not for you, sir,” cried the men, “that shall never be—you shall not go on board—we will defend you with our lives.” The whole ship’s company Joined in thi3 resolution, and expressed their de termination to resist the admiral. Philip thanked them kindly—stated his intention of not going on board, and requested that they would remain quiet, until it was ascertained what steps the admiral might take. He then went down to his cabin to reflect upon what plan he should proceed. As he looked out of the stern windows, and perceived the body of the young man still swinging in the wind, he almost wished that he was in his place, for then there would be an end in his wayward fate; but he thought of Amine, and felt that for her he wished to live. That the Phantom Ship should havo decoyed him to destruc tion was also a source of much pain ful feeling, and Philip meditated, with his hands pressed to his temples. "It is my destiny.” thought he at last, “and the will of Heaven must be done; we could not have been so deceived if Heaven had not permitted it.” And then his thoughts reverted to his pres ent. situation. (To be continued.) A BALLOON UNDER FIRE. I mmeillute Collapse Does Mot Follow, Even When the Mark Is lilt. With regard to the effects of gun shots upon a balloon, the following ex periments wero made, says the Pall Mall Magazine. A shot was fired from a I^ebel rifle at a balloon at an alti tude of 500 feet. It only penetrated the fabric below the equator, and no ap preciable result ensued. After this many shots were fired, several pene trating the balloon and passing out near the upper valve. After a lapse of six hours the balloon descended quietly to the ground, by reason of the loss of gas through the bullet holes. But it appeared that, whatever the number of shots, the loss of gas was never sufficient to cause the balloon to fall rapidly. On another occasion a shrapnel shell was fired from a seven pounder Armstrong gun at a balloon having an altitude of 1,500 feet, but this being above the limit of elevation of the gun, it was impossible to hit it. In any case, had it been possible to do so, the shell would have penetrated the balloon below the equator and passed out again so low down as to cause no serious loss of gas. Indeed, a balloon loses but little of its lifting power—that is, little of its gas—if the hole is made below the equator. Once a gore was split up to within a few feet of the upper valve; at first the balloon fell rapidly, then the wind filled out the flapping fabric, and It railed quietly to earth._ Dangerous to (lypnotlie. The late Professor Drummond, when quite a child, discovered that he could hypnotize people. At a birthday party a little girl refused to play the piano. Drummond happened to catch her eye. and said, ‘'Play.” To his surprise she rose obediently, went to the piano, and played. At another time he hypnotized a boy, gave him a poker for a gun, and said, “I’m a pheasant; shoot me.” The boy did so, and Drummond, to keep up the illusion, fell, whereupon the boy, seeing the “bird” move, made as if to hit it over the head with the poker. The hypnotlzer had just time to stop the magnetized sportsman. TARIFF AND TRUSTS. LATTER NOT A NATURAL ALLY OF THE FORMER. I Some Deductions U«jr Do Drawn from | the Present Era of Combines to Re ! dace the Cost of Prodactlon—Trusts j Increase Wages of Their Employes. | Commenting cn the organization of : trusts the Zanesville Courier recently said: “The Courier desirc3 to protest against the attempt, now beginning to be again apparent in some of the old free trade organs, to attribute the in crease of trusts to the fostering in fluence of protection. “We do not believe that tariff, high or low, has anything to do with forma tion of trusts. The impulse toward the combination of capital, as the Courier pointed out some time since, does not primarily spring from the relations of manufacturers to the public, but from the internal economy of their own bus iness affairs. Usually the movement to establish a trust does not originate in a desire to Increase prices, but in the purpose to reduce expenses, and to im prove the stability and certainty of business by enlarging the base. Gen erally speaking, price increases are in cidental and not burdensome to the public.” It has been the contention or free traders from the founding of the first trust that protection is at the bottom of trusts. This is as foolish as the equally positive contention of the free traders that high duties on Imported goods prevent the sale of American goods to foreign nations. Experience has demonstrated the fal lacy of the latter contention as it would the fallacy of the former. If every custom house were leveled to the ground, and every port opened to free importation of foreign goods, trusts would be formed and they would be more necessary than under a protec tive tariff, unless we are willing to abandon manufacturing and become purely an agricultural people. The primary object of trusts is to In crease profits by reducing expenses. Under a trust, the aggregate of wages in a particular Industry is reduced, not by cutting down the wages of those continuing in employ, but by reducing the number of high-priced employes, chiefly In the managing and selling de partments of that industry. If all the Republican papers of Ohio were combined under one management with one chief editor, a half-dozen edi torial writers would do the work now done by hundreds of writers. The same political views would be ex pressed in all of them, just as the same political views are expressed in all of them now, and the variety would be solely in the local departments of the several papers, because that varie ty would be necessary and essential to success in each particular locality. One man would do the buying for all of them, and five hundred buyers would be thrown out of employment. Those still employed would probably receive higher wages than at present allowed. The saving would be in the reduction of the force. The political articles would be prepared under the supervision of one chief editor instead of under hundreds, and so in every department. The saving would reach millions of dollars and the profits to the stockholders would be correspond ingly Increased. The greatest trust in the United States pays the highest wages. It saves by confining the management of a great Industry to a few men, and not by cutting down the wages or those who are the actual producers. Split thl3 trust into several pieces, and we either cut down the profits to the own ers of the plants or increase the prices to the consumers of the product. The tariff has nothing to do with it. Strike the duty off of steel rails and the necessity for a trust in that indus try would be greater than it is now, and a trust would be formed to take in every possible foreign competitor. Strictly speaking, under absolute free trade human industry would be trade without a country, would know no country, would be cosmo-national, not national. The Industry would ignore geographical lines and gathdr into one fold all its branches and outposts and become an international trust. There is not a steel rail maker in England who would not gladly combine with his American competitor to control the output and absorb the market. Then the wages of the producing la borer would be cut to an international scale and he would be helpless in the hand3 of the "octopus.” The only safe guard the American employ has is in the protection given him by the duty on the foreign product. Deprive him of that, and wages in the United States would drop to the European level, be cause the laborer would be at the mer cy of an international combination of capital and the interest of capital in j his particular industry. Protection is iar mure oenenciai to i thQ laborer than to the capitalist. Given a free course, with no protection to the employe, capital would speedily come to an agreement, and it would not matter to the capitalist whether the product on which he makes a profit Is made in Europe or America, at home or abroad. Capital is a citizen of the world. Labor is the citizen of a lo cality. The men who possess the cap ital will send their money into the re motest parts of the world if assured the larger profits. They do not believe that a dinner of herbs larded with con tent is better than a fat ox without contentment. The conclusion of this philosophiz ing is that in the search for gain the capitalist is ready to combine with bis brother captalist In China or England, and to him the value of a protective tarifT that saves the American laborer from starvation wages Is not a suffi cient factor worth the effort to secure It. What he wants is profit. What the laborer wants is a living and con tentment. Trusts will come and trusts will co Just as they are factors in In creasing gains, and the duty we impose on foreign goods will neither foster nor prevent them.—Sandusky, Ohio, Regis ter. WOOL AND TARIFFS. Wilson Law Held Responsible for Exist ing Demoralised Conditions. From the address of Dr. James Withycombe, president of the Pacific Northwest Wool Growers’ association, at the annual convention at Pendle ton, Ore., March 7: “The wool market has not blossomed forth to a degree that inspires hope to many growers, and in some directions loud mutterings are heard and many articles are written tinctured with sharp criticisms of the present wool tarifT. A careful and dispassionate examination of the present tariff on wool should convince any grower that the late Congressman Dingley fully considered the matter. True, the pres ent law in some respects could be im proved; but, as a whole, the law is good, the wool growers’ interest being fully protected. i ne auu ana teatureiess wool mar ket is not due to domestic over pro duction, nor to excessive recent impor tations, but to the immense quantities of wool and woolens accumulated un der the Wilson bill, and to the con tinued demand for the cheaper grades of domestic woolens. ‘‘The custom house figures will fully substantiate the statement so often made that the Wilson bill should be held largely responsible for the present demoralized condition of the wool market. ‘‘There were 923,000,000 pounds of wool imported during the life of this bill, 100,000,000 pounds of which were imported in the condition of scoured wool, which would last as long as 300,000,000 pounds of American un washed. Therefore, while the govern ment figures show the free wool im ports to have been 923,000,000 pounds, if measured by American wool, they would equal at least 1,100,000,000 pounds, which was equal to the en tire consumption by American machin ery during the same period. ‘‘The production of home-grown wool during this period was about 826,000, 000 pounds, which constitutes the ac cumulated surplus on hand at the time of the passage of the Dingley tariff act. The clip of 1898 has since been added to this supply, and the clip of 1899 is in sight. Thus it will be seen that a two years’ supply was imported in anticipation of the passage of the Dingley tariff act. “Under the existing conditions it does not seem wise for. wool growers persistently to agitate this matter; for, by so doing, congress may be induced again to open the question of tariff, and,, in the final shuffle, the wool grow er is in danger of coming out second best. At the present time, items of legislation affecting the industry are not of vital concern to the wool grow er, but he should rather devote his energies and talents to an analytical study of flock characteristics, local im provements and markets.” Maxims vs. Markets. It has been said that the Democrats are students of maxima, while the Republicans are students of markets. Experience counts for nothing with the man who has a theory. The Wil son bill, adopted during Cleveland’s administration, was a theoretic low tariff Democratic bill, but it brought ruin to American industries and hard times, and so bankrupted the United States treasury that bonds had: to be sold to pay the daily expenses of the government. The Democrats can never be made to see that a tariff tax is not always added to the price and paid by the consumers, but the truth is that a tariff on imported goods so stimulates American productions that it results In cheapening the price to consumers. It worked that way with steel railway rails; it worked that way with plate glass; it worked that way with wire nails; and it Is working that way with tin plate. The industry is built up in this country by the tariff tax on imports, and the price to con sumers is reduced. But no Democrat will admit that putting a tax on an imported article results in reducing the price. The protective tariff works well; it furnishes work to Americans at American wages, and reduces the price to consumers, and makes good times,'and we agree with Mr. Dingley that “what practically works well in any country is more likely to be safe and wise than any theories, however fine spun, that have not succeeded in like conditions.”—Freeport (111.) Jour nal. No Practicable Anywhere. It would seem that England must teach us our lesson of stable and con sistent protection, and by exemplify ing the utility of that policy wisely regulated, induce our madcap free trade countrymen to have done with a system that is not practicable even for a nation so situated as England. To cope with Britain In the regime of her new policy we must the soonest possible strike the golden mean of protective tariffs and secure its main tenance.—Boston Commercial Bulletin. Vindication. The once-scoffed-at Dingley tarifT is more than vindicating, nowadays, the assurances of its framers.—Boston Journal. CAUSE AND EFFECT. BmI Bmiod for tho Marked Increau of Tariff Receipts. The New York Staats Zeltung, In re buking the Republicans for claiming any credit for the increased revenue from tariff receipts, says the "reason why tariff receipts under the Wilson tariff were not so high as now was be cause of the general business depres sion and the low consuming capacity of the country, and that the depression has disappeared Is certainly no merit of the Republicans.” No protectionist will deny that the low tariff receipts under the Wilson law were due to “the general business depression and the low consuming capacity of the country." There is no doubt that if the people of the country had had more money they would have bought more foreign goods—as well as mor* domestic goods. But because of the closing of Amer ican factories through the operations of the Wilson-Gorman law the wage earners of the "country were deprived of work and wages, and the employers of labor were without business and without profits. Naturally the con suming capacity of the country was low. The consuming capacity always is low under free trade, because free trade means the destruction of Amer ican industries. The strange thing is that the Staats Zeltung cannot see the inevitable connection between free trade and a low consuming capacity. That connection has been illustrated more than once In the history of the country. The Staats Zeitung apparently thinks that business depression just comes and gees and that no man knows the why or the wherefore. But all effects have a cause, and the Staats Zeitung would do well if it would pon der with unprejudiced mind upon the cause of the industrial depression which prevailed throughout the coun try during the existence of the Wil son-Gorman law and the free-trade ad ministration of Grover Cleveland, and which disappeared at the restoration of protection. There is no doubt in the minds of the vast majority of the people as to the cause of the industrial depression of 1893-1896. The result of the presidential campaign of 1896 shewed how they interpreted the mat ter. Only a Partial Remedy at Rest. We do not believe that the total abolition of the tariff would cripple the trusts, for such combinations are not confined to this country. Take off the protection from American man ufacture and the trusts would com bine with foreign, combinations and capital to control the foreign output of an article, as well as the domestic output, and they would have consum ers just as much at their mercy as they have now. In order to properly regulate the , trusts and curb the awful power which they are developing, they must be brought under federal control. The attorney general of the United States claims that the Sherman anti-trust law is ineffective. Other lawyers, as good as he, claim that the Sherman law could be made effective, ff properly en forced; but whether it could be or not, there is the power of amending the federal constitution, which re sides in the people and the states. There is also another and a quicker method of securing federal control, which has already been pointed out by the Tribune, and that is to employ the taxing power of the federal gov ernment to tax the stock and bond is sues of the trusts out of existence and thus compel them to- organize under federal charters, Just as banks of is sue are now compelled to do. The Tribune does not believe that it would be good policy for the Re publican party to reverse itself on the tariff in the hope of thereby throttling a few trusts. If it is to tackle the trust problem, let it adopt a thor ough and not a partial remedy.—Min neapolis (Minn.) Tribune. Trusts Are Everywhere. There are trusts in Germany, Aus tria, Italy and Russia, as well as every other country which has great indus tries or natural resources valuable enough to attract large sums of cap ital in their development. The trusts are doing more damage in some of ^ those countries than they are doing here. Nevertheless the republican party will keep up its warfare on the trusts. It has been fighting them from the day they first made their appear ance. It Is the only party which ha3 had either the courage or the Intelli gence to strike a blow at the Illegiti mate practices of the combines and to restrict them in their operations. It is a satisfaction, therefore, for the coun try to know that as the republican party is going to remain in control of the nation for years to come its vigor ous and practical work in maintaining the people’s interests in this as in all other fields will be kept up.—St. Louis Globe-Democrat. How to Breed Deficits. A deficit threatens the British gov ernment, and it is proposed to impose an import duty on sugar, grain, flour and meal. This illustrates the differ ence between free-trade theory and practice, and also the difference be tween the protection principle and the tariff-for-revenue-only idea. Under the Dingley law duties are imposed main ly on articles of foreign manufacture that come into competition with the products of our own labor. Under the English system duties are imposed mainly on articles not produced in England, but which every Englishman must have. In England everybody knows “who pays the tax.”—Chicago |ntar Qaaoj*.