fellow Laborer.]
%
»)>CW *
•y R. RIDER HAGGARD. 5
CHAPTKR VI.—(Continued, t
cUy six months from that day my
book. "The Secret of Life,” appeared,
and everybody will remember the ex
citement that ensued. Of course, prop
• coitions so startling were violently at
tacked. but I only smiled and waited;
for I knew that my conclusions could
: no more be seriously disputed, than the
law of gravitation. And now the at
tackers are all silent, and mankind (I
say it wthout false modesty and with
out pride) blesses the man who
has been the means of demonstrating
the glorious cause and objects of our
hitherto inexplicable existence, and of
supplying the key to the mystery of
life, and the agony of death, that is,
aa the religions foreshadowed, but the
portal to the larger and more perfect
life. Yes! My work is done, and well
done, and I can die in peace, knowing
that even here I shall never be for
gotten!
a ween arter tne dook appeared, i
received from Fanny this rather weak
ly worded letter:
‘‘Dear Geoffrey,” it began, "so you
have found it! And you have had tho
generosity to publicly acknowledge my
share in the work; and my name will
go down to future generations linked
yours! It is more than I deserve,
f»Xugh it is just what I should have ex
1 pec ted from you. Had I known how
near we were to success, I would nev
er have gone away. I am very wealthy,
- and, in a small, unsatisfactory fashion,
powerful, also, as I told you I should
be, and shall be more so soon. Joseph
has got into Parliament, where, not
withstanding the competition, I think
that his entire want of principle ought
to carry him a long way. And yet,
Geoffrey, I miss you as much as ever,
. and almost long for the old days. It is
hard to have to mix with a set of fools,
who smile and gabble, but cannot even
understand what it is that we, or rath
er you, have done. I was so sorry to
hear about John. Well, we must each
to our own fate. Good-bye.
"FANNY.”
I returned no answer to this letter,
: nor have I ever seen Fanny since, and
I hope I never shall see her again! Of
course, everybody has a right to look
after his or her own interests, and on
this ground I do not like to think too
hardly of her. I used to believe that
there was a great deal of prejudiced
nonsense talked about women, and
) that they were as capable of real and
aL good work and of devotion to a single
«nd as- We men are. Many and many
' ■ is. the argument that I have had with
h^nny herself on this point, for she
wns wont scornfully to declare that
.marriage was the average woman’s one
object in life, and the education of a
family the one thing she was capable
o^^arrying out in a satisfactory man
ned^- But now I confess that my belief
is^shaken, though I know that it is un
just to judge a great and widely dif
fering class from the experience of an
individual. And, after all, she was well
within her right, and it is impossible
to blame her. I had absolutely no
-claim upon her, and she was undoubt
edly wise to provide for herself in life,
when so good an opportunity came in
her way. It was a little abrupt, and
her explanations were rather cynical;
hut I have no cause or complaint. I
•could not marry her myself; why
should I have objected to her marrying
anybody else—even that young man
f -Joseph?
And yet, I only say it to show how
weak I am, I am still fond of Fanny
Hide-Thompson,and still feel sad when
/ I think of her sudden and final depart
\ ure. Next to my wife’s death, it has
i been the greatest shock of my life. If
■he had stopped with me, she should
.have had her full share in my triumph,
:and of all the honors and good things
that have followed on its heels. She
-overcalculated herself, she saw too far,
•and yet not far enough. But I dare say
■ • that, after all, this is but another form
V -of the personal vanity to which I fear
U I am constitutionally liable, and, as
jM ^soeh, a weakness to be mortified, es
^ Specially when a man is hobbling as fast
as I am toward the quiet church-yard
gates. Well, this is the true history of
any relations with Fanny Denelly
(THE END.)
j RETALIATION l
| A Short Story Concluding in Our Next.
I
r
ISTEN, Mr. Mar
bury! Let me try
to prove to you I
am not as guilty as
you think.”
“I know, of
course not; no
gentleman intends
to be dishonest,
but it is to be re
gretted that public
opinion will not
see it in that light,” replied the junior
partner of an extensive mercantile firm
1 in the city of notions.
“Too true; if you, knowing me for
the last ten years, will not believe me,
' how can I expect aught else from
strangers? Here I have been, under
your eye, with the charge of the books
tor this long time, and never have
'tailed to give entire satisfaction to all,
JntH now. If you had not discovered
)>ls X should have been able to refund
ht -amount before the end of
lie year. I know that I did wrong;
"imt in the frenzy of my despair I did
-not think It wrong. Mr. Marbury, have
oaaercy! do.not expose me to the firm!
L
Only keep this knowledge you have
gained until January, then, If I have
not returned the amount, with inter
est, I will not ask for further forbear
ance,” pleaded the young man.
. "Everett Morse, It matters little what
I believe. I care not whether you are
Innocent or guilty. Fate has thrown
you In my power, and I glory In It. I
have no love for you. Years ago you
crossed my path, and have almost, If
not entirely, blasted my hopes of hap
piness. Clara Dayton smiled on me,
until she met you. Since then you have
occupied the position I had hoped to
gain. Promise to leave town, to resign
all hopes of Clara’s hand, and I will
have mercy. Hear me out: I will give
you as much time as you wish to re
turn the money, and will also make an
arrangement to send you to Europe, on
business for the firm. I had Intended
going myself, but this affair has
changed my plans somewhat. Now,
sir, you have my answer. You must
either conclude to give up your ‘lady
love,’ or stand before the world a
felon."
Mercy: Mr. Marbury, is this mercy?
Oh, heaven pity me! How can I give
her up! You do not meanit!”
“When Clara Dayton hears the man
who has sought her love stands before
the world branded with dishonesty, she
will most likely release you from this
task. I will be a severe blow to her
proud nature.”
“She will never believe it. I will go
to her and tell her all. Mr. Marbury,
let me tell you how I was so sorely
tempted, and yielded. You have heard
that when my father died, he left his
affairs very much embarrassed. The
old homestead was mortgaged. This
had been a great grief to my mother.
She thought of losing this home, most
valuable for the loved associations con
nected with it. You know, too, that my
brother and I have been trying to re
deem this property. The last note was
due, I could not meet the payment.
This has been a trying year to me. My
mother’s illness has very much in
crased my expenses; then, worse still,
my brother’s misfortune in breaking
his right arm, has of course prevented
his attending to his engraving. So the
whole burden has been on me. I felt
sure that as soon as Abbott could re
turn to his work, I should be able , to
return the loan, as I considered it.
Fatal mistake! I now see that any
swerving from the right path is cer
tain to bring its punishment. But will
you not, for the sake of my poor
widowed mother, spare me? It will kill
her to hear I am even suspected of dis
honesty, she is so feeble now. Do not
demand this terrible sacrifice of me.
But just! be generous! be merciful!”
“ ’Tls useless, sir. I have 'told you
on what terms I can treat with you. I
love Clara more than my own life, and
cannot relinquish the chance of win
ning her. It will be impossible for you
to remove the suspicion that will fol
low you. The fact of your employer's
want of confidence in you will be suf
ficient to condemn you. Accept my
terms. Oo to Europe without seeing
Clara again. Take your own time to
return the money, and at the end of
one year, if I have failed to win her,
you are free to seek her anew, and I
will give you my word never to men
tion this affair again."
“I see too plainly I have no other
chance. If Clara loves me, as I have
hoped, she will remain constant, re
gardless of appearances, for that time..
Thank heaven, I have not sought to
bind her by an engagement. Every
chance is against me, though. What
will she think of my leaving without
telling her good-bye, even?”
“Just what I wish her to—that you
do not love her any too devotedly. I
will take your regrets to her, of ‘pres
sure of business, and time,’ and such
little excuses. Of course she will be
mortified, and disappointed, and in this
state of her feelings I hope to triumph.
Once mine, I do not doubt being able
to make her love me. Such love as
mice must meet a response.”
“Be it so, George Marbury, but
there’s a future, thank God. A time
when we shall both stand before a Just
judge. Are you not fearful you may
yet need the mercy you now deny me?
If not on earth, you surely will above.”
“Clara, my daughter, why will you
treat Mr. Marbury with so much Indif
ference? He Is a very fine young man
and seems very much attached to you.
There was a time when I thought you
liked him a little. I think you thought
more of Everett Morse than he de
served. It is very evident. If he had
loved you, he would not have gone
away without saying a word. Banish
him from your mind, and try to smile
on one whose long devotion merits
some kindness from you.”
“Mother, I cannot help thinking
there is some mystery relative to Ever
ett’s leaving as he did. I feel perfect
ly sure he loved me. Every word and
action told it plainly. Every moment
that was not devoted to business, or
his mother, he spent with us. We were
not engaged, but there was an under
standing between us. Only the night
I last saw him he said to me, ‘When I
come again I shall bring a ring to
place on the finger of a certain lady
fair, and try to win from her a prom
ise, which will make me one of the
happiest men on earth.’ Six months
have passed sines then, and not a word
from him. That he is living, and
well, I know, for Mr. Maybury told me
they had a letter from him by the last
steamer. What can he mean, mother ?”
“There is no doubt of one thing: he
has trifled with you, and therefore is
not worthy of one thought or regret.
Clara, Mr. Marbury has spoken to me
and asked my approval and influence
in his favor. I believe he will make
you a kind, loving husband. He is
wealthy and will place you in a posi
tion worthy of you. I wish very much
jon would accept him. Tou know howi
hard a struggle It la for me to keep up!
a respectable appearance. Tour broth
er must continue his studies, which
are very expensive. After he gradu-j
ates it will probably be a long time be-j
fore he can get sufficient practice to:
enable him to help us. Our little is!
dwindling fast away, and it Is abso-i
lutely necessary for you to take some
thought for the future.”
“Have patience, mother, dear; bear
with me a little longer! When an
other six months have passed away,
if I have not heard from Everett, then
I will relieve your mind and make Mr.
Marbury as happy as a withered heart
can. Let me have a year, mother, to
recover from my lost love. Custom,
you know, allows that time to those
whose hearts are with the dead. If
Everett Is false, then he is dead to
me. I will, no doubt, like Mr. Marbury
very well; as a friend, I respect him
very much now. You may bid him
hope, but nothing more, Just yet.”
Days, weeks, months rolled rapidly
past, but no tidings came to the anxi
ous, waiting heart. Still the dead si
lence continued.
Two weeks only remain of the allot
ted time. Never had the days passed
so slowly to George Marbury.
Oh, the dreadful suspense! What If,
after all his plotting, he should fail
to win her! He muBt make another'
appeal to Mrs. Dayton.
AH U joy now. She consents to be
hlB. A few more days pass by, and, at
length, but one remains. But what
cares he! Standing before the altar,
clasping the hand of her he would
have risked salvation to gain, he is
supremely happy.
(TO BE CONTINUED.)
CREOLES OF NEW ORLEANS.
Intense Conservatism Is Their Dlstln
talshlnt Quality.
"One of the most distinguishing qual
ities of the creole is his conservatism,”
writes Ruth McEnery Stuart in the La
dles’ Home Journal. “His family tradi
tions are of obedience and respect. It
begins in his church and ends in his
wine cellar. He cares not lor protest
ing faiths or new vintages. His relig
ion and his wines are matters of tradi
tion. Good enough for his ancestors,
are they not good enough for him and
his children? His most delightful home
is situated behind a heavy battened
gate, somber and forbidding in its out
ward expression, asking nothing of the
passing world, protecting every sacred
ness within. The creole lives for his
family—in it. The gentle old dame, his
greataunt, perhaps, and nenaine to half
of his children, after living her shel
tered and contented life of threescore
and ten years behind the great green
gate that opens as a creaking event at
the demand of the polished bras*
knocker, will tell you with a beautiful
pride that she has never been on the
American side of her own city—above
Canal street. If she will admit you as
her guest to her inland garden, within
her courtyard gate—and be sure she
will not do so unless you present un
questionable credentials—if she will
call her stately tignoned negress, Made
line, Celeste, Marie or Zulime, who
answers her in her own tongue, to
fetch a chair for you into the court be
side the oleander tree and the crape
myrtle—if, seeing you seated, she bid
the maid of the tignon to further serve
you with orange flower sirup or thim
ble glasses of liqueur or anisette from a
shining old silver tray, you will, per
haps, feel that the great battened door
has been, indeed, a conserver of good
old ways, and that its office is a worthy
one, in preserving the sweet flavor of a
picturesque hospitality, whose old
world fragrance is still unspotted by
innovations and untainted by emula
tion or contact.
METHODS, HERE AND ABROAD.
Wijri of Steering Boats In England,
France and Germany,
A comparison of the different meth
ods of doing what is practically the
same thing in various parts of the
world is both interesting and amusing
to the thoughtful observer, says Cas
sier’s Magazine. On American ferry
boats the import is well known of the
“ting-ting” or “jiigle-Jingle" of the bell
by which the man in the wheelhouse
communicates with his fellow-mortal
in the engine room. On the Thames,
however, it would be considered practi
cally Impossible to convey Information
in this manner, and the captains of the
small paddle steamerB on that stream
stand on the paddle-boxes and sing
out “Ease er!” “Back ’er!” etc.,
apparently to nobody in particular,
while these interesting remarks are
promptly repeated in shrill tones by a
small boy into a speaking tube which
communicates with the lower regfons.
On the Seine, in France, this process Is
simplified and a large trumpet-shaped
mouthpiece flares out in front of the
man at the wheel and he yells his com
mands into this funnel, the other end
of which is supposed to reach the en
gineer. The large steamers on the
Rhine, in Germany, are controlled, not
by the usual wheel placed in the wheel
house forward, but by a very large
wheel on a vertical axis, placed right
amidships upon an elevated platform
or bridge, and several men pass the
handles from right to left, or upon oc
casion trot round in a circle, and it
would doubtless be considered a serious
temptation of Providence, or at least a
reflection upon the fatherland, if any
one.were to attempt to construct a
Rhine steamer with the ordinary form
of steering gear.
“I see that, the magazines are arrang
ing to get out some very fancy Easter
numbers," said she. “Yes,” replied
her husband; “and so, I suppose, are
the people who write the price tags for
spring millinery.”—Washington Star
AS TO THE COST OF IT.
FORTY billions of business
B LOST UNDER DEMOCRACY.
fra oarer of Prosperity to London—
Shrlukafv In American Volume of
Boalneaa—The "Dtadhr Blight'* of
Free Trade.
Well may the people of the United
States thank God that we have at
length seen the end of the Democratic
experiment with free-trade, or "tariff
reform,” as the Mugwumps called it.
For two years and eleven months, less
four days, the "deadly blight” of indus
trial stagnation—for which Grover
Cleveland was immediately and directly
responsible—has been forced upon us.
For nearly two years prior to the en
actment of the law of “perfidy and dis
honor” its baneful effects were felt.
Since the close of 1892, when it was
known that a Democratic congress and
a Democratic president had been elec
ted, and that their threat of free-trade
would be put fnto execution, the Indus
trial enterprises of the United States
have been paralysed with fear. The
uanks foresaw the impending danger to
American manufacturers through the
contemplated influx of cheap foreign
goods and, foreseeing the danger, the
banks promptly locked up their capital
so that the evils of the free-trade policy
were felt long before the free-trade
tariff law wait placed upon our statutes.
And the evil did not end last week
with the substitution of the Dlngley
tariff for protection in place of the law
of "perfidy and dishonor” of the Demo
cratic party. Anticipating the most na
tural idea of protection for American
interests, the foreign manufacturing
and producing interests have taken
every advantage of the miserable “rag
bag production” that emanated from
the Democratic party, and have flooded
our markets with foreign goods that,
In some instances, cannot be consumed
within a twelvemonth. Thus the “dead
and In 1896 there was some slight Im
provement, yet the volume of business
transacted In New York last year, un
der free-trade, was almost eight billions
less than In 1892 under protection.
But study the effect fit nnr Demo
cratic fiscal policy upon the London
market, upon British trade and upon
English enterprise. With practically
no change In 1892 and 1893, followed by
a decline In 1894 when our business was
paralysed and millions of onr people
were Idle, the business of London grew
to nearly thirty-seven billions of dol
lars In 1895 and In 1896, Its volume
then equaling the extent of our business
In 1892 when we had protection. In
other words, there was a complete
transfer of prosperity from the United
States to the United Kingdom under
the Democratic policy of free-trade.
Following are the entire bank clear
ings of the United States, both at New
York and outside of New York, from
1892 to 1896, inclusive:
AMERICAN BANK CLEARINGS.
Outside
Year. of New York. At New York
1893 .825,416,593,773 330,662,469,102
1893 . 23,048,525,045 31,261.037.730
1894 . 21.227.383.167 24,387.807,020
1895 . 23,506,616,863 29,841,795.922
1896 . 22,304,169,537 28,870,776,056
1897 (4 months) 7,258,096,964 9,271,351,814
Comparing the figures for 1894 with
those of 1892 we find that the amount
of business transacted In the United
States, as represented by out bank
clearings, declined at the rate of fifteen
and a half billions of dollars a year
within two years under the Democratic
administration. In the year 1896 our
loss of business had been almost eleven
billions as compared with 1892. In 1895
the loss was almost nine billions. In
1893 It was more than seven billions.
So that since the Republican adminis
tration of the United States, under
President Harrison, and during the
Democratic administration of the coun
try under President Cleveland, there
has been a total loss of business, as
compared with 1892, aggregating the
enormous sum of forty-two billions of
dollars In the four Democratic years!
It is impossible to realise the full
WE ARE MAKING OUR OWN GOODS. NOW. JOHNNIE.
^PROTECTION,
ly blight” of Democratic "perfidy and
dishonor” has spread its work of ruin
and wreckage over a period of almost
five years, blasting the hopes of our
people, ruining thousands, bringing
idleness, hunger and starvation In Us
trail, compelling the natural accom
paniments of free-trade—such as free
soup, free bread and free clothing.
Meanwhile, the American people have
suffered and waited.
Of their sufferings history can never
tell. But their patience has been bright
ened by the more recent knowledge
that a Republican congress would bring
relief as speedily as the Democratic and
Popocratic obstructionists in the United
States senate would permit. That re
lief has come, partially only for the
present, but it will be permanent and
profitable, we hope, as soon as the last
remnants of the rags and shoddy prod
ucts of cheap European labor have dis
appeared from our markets. And what
has been the cost of this experiment
with free-trade, of the practical work
ings of the Democratic doctrine of free
raw material? Its actual cost, in dol
lars and cents, no man caa ever esti
mate, but we can show how the busi
ness of the city of New York was trans
ferred to London, as follows:
BANK CLEARANCES.
Year. London. New York.
1892 .$31,542,521,473 $36,662,469,202
189* . 31,623,250.259 31.261,037,730
1894 . 30.840,387,803 24,387,807.020
1895 . 36,950,780,222 29,841,795,922
li-96 . 36,803,022,125 28,870,77o,u5;
1897 (4 months) 11,918,155,832 9,271,351,814
In the year • 1892, when the United
States was at the height of its pros
perity under the McKinley policy of
protection, the volume of business tran
sacted in the city of New York, as rep
resented by the bank clearings of our
commercial metropolis, aggregated
nearly thirty-seven billions of dollars.
But the “deadly blight” of free-trade
threw its destructive blast upon us and
the business of New York city de
creased by more than five billions of
dollars during the first year of the
Democratic administration. In the next
year, 1894, it decreased by almost seven
billions of dollars more, making a
total loss of business, in the one city,
exceeding over twelve billions of dol
lars within two short years. In 1895
meaning of this stupendous loss. But
we are determined to face the evil
bravely, to buckle to our strength for
a fight for the restoration of prosperity
under the Dlngley tariff for protection
that was Blgned by President McKin
ley on Saturday, July 24, 1897. This
will remain in American history as the
date of the dawn of a new and bright
industrial era in the United States.—
Charles R. Buckland. )
A Wool Grower** Lou.
I wish to state the actual facts of
what free wool did for me, and it is
fair to assume that it did the same
for every farmer in Oregon who raised
sheep.
In April, 1897, I arranged with Dr.
Eigen, living in this state and county,
who is agent for the great American
tailoring house of avow York city, for
two woolen suits for two boys thirteen
years old, each suit costing me $6.60
cash in advance, which was the price
of fifty-nine pounds of wool at 11
cents per pound. This was the price
I received for my wool in 1896.
In June, 1890, I bought a suit of
woolen clothes for a boy thirteen years
of age, paying $6.50 in cash for the
suit in Rosebury, Douglass county.
This cost me the price of only twenty
six pounds of wool, for I got 25 cents
per pound for my wool in 1890. There
was a difference of thirty-three pounds
of v ***l to me in the cost of one suit of
boy’s domes.
That is what free wool did for me,
and for every farmer that raises wool
on this coast. And lurthermore, the
suit I bought in 1890 was at least ten
per cent better goods in all respects,
in material and in the make. Now
somebody got this 33 pounds of wool. I
know that I did not.
J. A. HAINES.
Eckley. Curry county, Oregon.
Free-trade and .“tariff reform” have
had their day. The people of the United
States are more closely wedded to the
policy of Protection now than ever be
fore, and the Republican law that is
about to be placed in the statute books
la likely to remain undisturbed for'
many years.—Cleveland, O., Leader.
Qalck Tariff Work.
The quick work done by congress oa
the Dlngley tariff is hardly appre
ciated as It should be. Congress was
| called together In extraordinary ses
sion »n March 15. In fourth months
and nine days the bill had passed both
the United States senate and the house
of representatives, was acted upon in
conference, finally passed by the sen
ate, and was signed by the President.
This covered a period of 131 days. In
1890 the McKinley tariff bill, reported
on April 16, passed the house on May
21, but was delayed In the senate till
September, and again still further de
layed in conference, not being signed
by the President till October 1, 1890.
It was In all 168 days before congress.
When the Democratic party was In
central the Mills bill dragged along in
1888 and 1889 for nearly 300 days, and
then failed to pass. The Qorman-Wil
son bill was reported to the house by
the ways and means committee on De
cember 19, 1893, and reported to the
stnate on February 20, 1894. It did
not become law till August 28, 1894, Jj
and was then such a “ragbag produc
tion" of “perfidy and dishonor,” that
even the Democratic President refused
to sign it.
The difference between the Repub
licans and Democrats in enacting tariff
legislation In congress is very marked.
The Republicans passed the McKinley
bill In 168 days, and the Dlngley bill
in 131 days, each bill receiving the Big- . '
nature of the Republican President.
The Democrats, on the other hand,
wasted some 300 days over the Mills
bill, which never became a law, and
they wasted m days over the Gorman
Wilson bill, which proved to be such
an abortion that even President Cleve
land refused to sign It.
* Not a Sectloaal Tariff.
That the new tariff la not perfeot Ita
authors admit. But It will produce
adequate revenue and protect our in
dustries under normal conditions*
Among its' chlet glories—and on* |:
whlohi was acknowledged even bp
some oi mose wuo did not favor it, anil
who doubt that It will meet the ex
pectations of its frlenda—is that It la #
not a sectional bill. It protects the peo
ple in all parts of the country, and to
the producers of materials which enter
Into the manufacture It gives protec
tion, as well as to the producers of the
finished product. It is a matter of re
gret among leading protectionists in
congress that the conference commit
tee struck off the duty on raw cotton.
That duty would have been an import
ant entering wedge in the old free
trade sections of the south, and It
would -ave proved most beneficial to
the southern people. But It should be
remembered by those southern men
who voted for and urged the adoption
of the raw cotton duty, that the prtn-; ' ^
ciple of protection is not sectional, andi
the southern man Who votes for pro
tection on cotton or sugar, rice or lum
ber-aiding to put such protective
duties Into a tariff bill—and then votes
against the whole bill, thereby deny
ing to other Industries in the north and
south the measure of protection which
he proposed for the products of the'
south, is entitled to little considera
tion at the hands of protectionists who
arc honestly striving to give protection
to all the industries of the country.
Return of Prosperity,
Like sunrise, prosperity cannot be
expected to reach all parts of the con
tinent at once, though its occurrence
in one quarter may be considered as
fair evidence that it will not be long
in reaching all.—Syracuse, N. Y.,
Post, June 26, 1897.
The check to the immediate and uni
versal return of prosperity consists in
the enormous stocks of foreign goods
that are now in our markets, all of
which must be consumed before there
can be an active demand for American
goods made by American labor.
Against tha Sugar Trusts.
Nothing that the Republican party
can gain by the passage of the blU Is
to be compared to what it will lose if
it gets the credit of having bowed to
the withes of the sugar trust.—Stand
ard, Ne'er Bedford, Mass.
But it has not done so. It has re
duced the amount of protection to the
sugar trust from 0.281 cents under the
Wilson bill down to 0.139 cents under
the Dlngley bill, a reduction of 50 per
c-nnt.
Thanks Mr. Dlngley.
Hon. Nelios
Dingier, Jr., of
Maine, deserves the
thanks of every
American . citizen
1
for his continuous
and untiring ef
forts, during the
last seven months,
to substitute the
American policy of
Protection on oar
statutes In place ot
the policy of “perfidy and dishonor" ot
the Free-Traders. Blaine, Reed, Ding
ley are all Maine products of whom
we can well feel proud. Mr. Dingley
1 has earned his summer vacation. May
he enjoy it.
The recent publication by that re
liable and conservative paper, the New
York Journal of Commerce, shows that
the present silver coinage of the world
to be 14,053,000,000, of which amount
$3,433,000,000 is full legal tender. Of
this enormous total, no less than 92,
498,000,000 has been coined since 1873.
and of this Increase all but 15 per cent
is full legal tender. It thus appears
that the silver money of the world has
more than doubled since the “crime,’*
and that 85 per cent of the enormous in
crease in silver coinage since that ttm»
ia full legal tender.
