Political Notes and Observations
from the Fopocrat Candi
date’s Own City.
MIS PLATFORM ANALYZED.
A Constant Appeal to Class Preju
dice in the Interest of Sil
ver Mine Owners.
Business men are studying the money
poestion. Mr. Bryan has seen fit to
teU bis audiences over and over again
teat the business men of the country are
against free silver partly because they
don't know anything about the question
aad partly because they are dishonest.
In this Mr. Bryan misleads his follow
ora and misrepresents the business men.
It may be true that what is called free
silver agitation started first among the
farmers rather than among the business
men, but later the business men have
read the free-silver literature, have read
both sides of the question, -until at the
ipresent time the business men of the
.katiou are thoroughly informed from a
'jKlgsjuess standpoint and from a nonpar
’/tUan standpoint on the money question.
It is probably true that the politicians
that oppose silver are moved by prejudice
and self-interest to a certain degree just
■a the politicians who favor free silver
are moved by self-interest to a certain
degree; but the business men, the men
who are managing the business concerns
of the country, the bankers, and the
fnanciers have made it a part of their
business to read up on the money ques
’ Hon, to become thoroughly informed, and
they have passed upon the question from
a business and not from a political stand
point. Mr. Bryan, recognizing the mor
al force of the business judgment of the
country and knowing that this business
judgment condemns free coinage -as a
dangerous thing, seeks to discredit the
business mind of the country by denounc
ing it as ignorant and dishonest on the
money question. Mr. Bryan professes
to desire a restoration of the industries
of this country. At the same time he
denounces the business men of the conn
- tey and proposes a plan which he knows
they are afraid of.
The threat of free trade in the cam
paign of ’92 and in the election of ’92,
.frightened the business mind of the coun
try, first into distrust and doubt and then
mto a panic, the effect of which is still
ou. The question above all others at
this time is how to remove this business
depression from the business mind. Mr.
Bryan says that free coinage will revive
the industries, but at the same time he
admits that the business mind is against
It and is afraid pf it. The effect of this
threat of free coinage is to make every
l capitalist hide his money, to make every
“ honker afraid of investments, to make
overy dollar creep into the darkest corner
of the safety vault, and by this process of
money hiding and money hoarding which
is now going on all over the United
States, the circulating money of the
oountry is disappearing from active use
fsMer than all the government mints
mu>d coin new money if they were now
mntUp- a free coinage law.
Laboring men. nre crowding • around
Mr. Bryan to hear his speeches and
many of them appear to be pleased
with what he says. He talks kindly to
the laboring man and his words are as
•weet as honey. But the thinking labor
ing man knows that so long as industry,
that is, the mind force which is man
aging industry, is afraid of free coinage,
teat all plans for the enlargement of in
dustry or the employment of labor are
suspended, pending the discussion of
the money question, and that these plans
will be taken up nnd carried into execu
tion only when the business mind of
tee country is assured by the election of
McKinley that there is to be a sound
business policy in the government of this
nation.
^ ,^aClrge Groot, chairman of the Natioi
M Silver party, speaking at Lincoli
Web., on September 8, from the steps <
Vtee state capitol building, with M
■Bryan sitting near him, denounced tt
/^bankers as the enemies of society, an
declared that the financiers of Wa
■greet should be hung to the telegrap
poles. On the evening of September ’
m front of the Hotel Lincoln, in Lii
min, Neb., Ignatius Donnelly of Mil
Msota denounced the bankers and tl
■nanciers of this country as the enemi<
■ toe people, enemies of prosperit;
•wT declared that their influence upo
country ought to be set aside. Nov
'•ft do the followers of Mr. Bryan e:
it to happen to the laboring men an
the farmers of this country, whe
—-y, by reason of their superior nun
bw, have voted out the banker and ti
business man and have voted in th
■ew system of finance? What fort
will take the place of this businef
■und force when it has been displaced
When the country has struck down 11
present bankers, its present financier
its present business men, its preset
managers of industries and commerci
when the common people by a majorit
uute have paralyzed this business powe
’Bust other force will take its plat
bud form plans for the employment c
•her, for the carrying on of commerc
Md for the management of all the indui
teial forces which give vitality to tt
material body of the nation?
auauuuu
Jhvut ot the state capitof'building at
/maneolD, Mr. Bryan, after denouncing
the business element of the country be
came it is against him in this contest,
congratulated himself that the laboring
men of the country believed In him and
mat enough of the farmers believed in
lto that these two elements united in
mis election would enable him to sweep
me country in November. This he char
•rtw«es a victory of the people, because
it will bring them better times. It may
ke very pleasing to Mr. Bryan when be
lbohs out into the faces of laboring men
and farmers who applaud such speeches
as this, but what reason have these la
boring men and farmers to expect bet
ter times through the election of Mr.
Bryan, when he himself admits that the
business men of this nation regard his
election as a menace to business and
Easperity ? Can you revive business by
ing that which paralyzes the hope and
courage of business men? When the
Industries of the nation revive, there
mast be some mind force in the country
to (bring it about. There must also be
eaijftalists who believe in the future and
rrjfo are ready to invest money. There
must be banks and these banks must not
only have funds, but they must be will
ing to invest these funds, and they must
believe and have confidence before they
can consent. Mr. Bryan admits that
they are not consenting now; will they
consent after election?
i When Ignatious Donnelly was de
bouncing the bankers and the financiers
f no the enemies of their country, in his
speech in front of the Hotel Uncoin,
someone asked. “What about Mr. 8ew
811?” Donnelly replied, “I know noth
ing of Mr. Sewall and I don’t want any
thing to do with him. If I had my way
he wonid come off of that ticket in
twenty-four hours.” Mr. Donnelly then
went into a bitter tirade against all
bankers and business men in general,
and the laboring men who heard him
applauded his utterances. Now it must
have occurred to the more thoughtful of
these laboring men that every day’s work
and every dollar paid to labor must first
be thought out and planned by some
business mind. Before labor can begin
in any industry there must be some
thought force and ’some business judg
ment which passes upon the plans of
that Industry and believes that it will
succeed. There must be financiers,
bankers and capitalists to consent and
their consent must be based upon the
faith that the industry will succeed. If
Mr. Donnelly and Mr. Bryan were capi
talists and business men, then they
themselves might promise employment
to labor. Or, if the plans proposed by
Mr. Donnelly and Mr. Bryan were re
ceiving the endorsement of the business
judgment of others who have capital,
then it might seem reasonable that free
coinage might revive industry and bring
better times.
Mr. Bryan and his corps of free silver
orators constantly denounce idle capital.
Mr. Bryan knows that idle capital is al
ways the result of lack of confidence.
Ue also knows that idle capital makes
idle men. If one set of men have the
capital and another set cf men who
are workers stand ready to be employed
by this capital, then there must be a
condition of harmony between the people
who own the capital and the men who
stand ready to go to work or there will
be no work. If a plan is proposed which
makes capital afraid, and if the workers
stand ready by their votes and their ma
jorities to carry out this plan, then it is
but natural that the men who control
the capital, being afraid of his new plan,
will hoard their capital and keep it idle
rather than risk it under conditions
which they believe will be disastrous.
Does it then avail anything to the labor
ing man that this capital is denounced
ns the enemy of the country ? Edison was
once a laboring man, but is now a cap
italist. When he was a laboring man his
opinions and his plans were in a certain
decree dependent upon the plans and the
opinions of some one else. When Edi
son was a laborer, employed in con
structing machines, whether lie was em
ployed or not depended upon his em
ployer. If the employer found by experi
ence that the work in which he was en
gaged was unprofitable to him. then Mr.
Edison lost his job. Now, Mr. Edison,
having evolred by his own exertions.out
of a condition where he was a worker
with bis hands only, into a condition
where he has become a great mind force
which controls industry, is vastly more
important to labor than he was before.
Then he could consent to the employment
of only one man, himself. Now he can
consent to the employment of thousands
of men, and whether they are employed
or not depends more upon his judgment
than upon their own. The industries of
the world, no.matter who is employed in
them, have aiwnys been and always will
be under the control and direction of
mjnd.. Majorities have nothing to do
with it. except as the majorities are in
harmony with this mind force and have
the approval of its judgment.
Whether 500 or 5000 men are employee
at the Burlington machines shops at Lin
coin, Nebraska, during the next foui
years, depends not upon the politica
judgment of the men who are employee
in these machine shops, but upon the
business judgment of those who must fur
msh money to pay for this labor. Ane
this business judgment, looking always t<
the finane'ial policy of the government foi
signs of business safety or of businesi
dearer, is inspired with confidence or i:
inspired with fear as it interprets the
business prosperity of the future by the
political conditions of the future. If thii
business mind sees in the election ol
Bryan and cheap mom>y signs of future
stagnation and depression, then it is bui
natural that it should keep the number o1
men employed to the very least possible
limit. People who ride in the Burlingtoi
trains along by the town of Havelocl
near Lincoln where these machine shopi
are located, can see the signs of businesi
depression and can interpret the doubi
that is in the mind of the directors of the
roael, when they see the’ side tracks linet
with broken engines which the smal
force of men employed are not able t<
repair. If the laboring people of the Easi
were at work today there would be «
market in these great centers of industry
in j e.^nst f°r Nebraska’s food product
and then these great railroad systemi
would require every engine and every cai
which they own to be in repair and al
the wheels would be kept rolling nigh
and day carrying the great crops of Ivan
sas, Nebraska and Iowa to the food-con
Burning East. This condition would cm
ploy labor and give value to farm prod
ucts. The whole theory of Western sue
cess depends upon the activity of Easteri
industry and the activity of Eastern in
dustry depends upon the faith and confi
uence of the Eastern business mind.
A hired man cannot be employed up<
a farm without the consent of the ow
er of the farm. .
tupi.^rS£n^er cannot, feet employme:
without the consent of the builder wl
is engaged in building houses, and tl
builder cannot get the house to bui
without the consent of the men wl
have the money to build houses. ]
» °? ,ndu»try the man who wpr]
with his hands is dependent upon tl
man who works with his mind and
all countries the mind workers are tl
controllers of Industry. When the mil
workers and those who have the makii
or the plana for industry have con
dence that industry will 'be profiteb
then there is employment.
William Jennings Bryan and his pis
form is a menace to industry and M
Bryan knows it. The conviction is fai
ened deep upon him and the leaders .
his cause, that the thing which they a:
trying to accomplish is against the but
ness judgment of the American peopl
They are condemned by the mind wor
ers of the nation, and because th<
realize this, they constantly appeal
das* prejudice, hoping that there ai
laborers and farmers who hate the bm
ness men and the employers of labc
that when all these haters are organizi
into one great army there will Be enoui
of them to carry this election for M
Bryan and for the mine owuerk of Col
rado, in whose interest his candidacy e
iats.
Silver Dollars Are Legal Tender.;
Many of the “plain people” of the
United Staten have wondered what ia
meant, when it ia said that Congress in
1873 struck down- one-half the money
in the country. The figure ia forcible
but somewhat obscure. The Denver
News comes to the rescue. It says: “By
the legislation of 1873 the mints were
not only closed to silver but the silver
money of the country was demonetised
it was deprived of its legal tender quali
ty. Thus the silver money of the coun
try was struck down.”
The News is in error. Section 67 of
the act ot 1813 contained a proviso that
“this act shall not be construed to affect
any act done, right accrued, or penalty
incurred, under former acts, but every
such right is saved.” This language
preserved the legal tender quality of the
silver dollar, since the right to pay one’s
debts in silver dollars was one of the
rights accrued under former acts, which
nothing contained in the act was permit
ted to destroy.
SOME PERTINENT BUT RATHER EMBARRASSING QUESTIONS FOR MR. BRYAN.
, Oil<W w« h Noll (Mr MWI
ft WlH U worrtt/af Cfnti txrOmwtt tj j^ftn it tU<tU
ftsiit —— 4/ CcmK
fermtir •” »*<<. auu
A
—C&lcago Tribune, August 36.
Aii he comes upon the stage and as the
applause breaks forth he smiles. It
is a pleased smile—properly speaking, a
grin. The grin of one to whom the
yells of “Hurray fur Bill” and the ap
plause of a gallery is food and drink
and raiment. Applause, of what kind
it does not matter, is what the na
ture of the man thrives upon. The rec
ognition of him as a great man, a hero,
a deliverer cannot but make him smile.
He appreciates the joke.
He composes his features as he re
members wbut is expected of him. His
the melodrama—the "tank show.” He
looks this way, then that, and then to*
ward the part of his audience from
which comes the most hilarious demon
stration. He grins again, as he thinks
of his side of it. If the noise continues,
he turns to those about him nnd smiles
naively. But he is not afraid of it.
The eyes glow nnd gratification shows
in every movement, glance and action.
He is introduced and stands erect and
again grins. It is not the pleasing, dig
nified acknowledgment in keeping with
the honor to which the man aspires, but
the smile of the magician to the audience
that cheers because it is mystified. He
raises a restraining hand to hush the
demonstration. The movement is grace
ful, nothing more. Like every gesture
he makes, it lacks strength. The hands
are weak, hopelessly so. If the applause
continues, he waits, posing as if for the
camera. He is patient. A dignified
statesman's very presence would com
mand silence after the first burst of ap
plause. It would not be necessary for
the great man to wait until every un
couth wit had made his joke, but this
man lacks the dignity of the position.
He plavs for the gallery, and the gallery
whistles, stamps and claims him for its
very own.
He begins his address with a well
turned sentence, which he knows will
please his audience. In fact, from first
to last, it is his effort by skillful re
treats never to offend. He is capable of
n fair flight in words, but at no time is
he an orator. At no time does he bring
a known fact to the notice of his hear
ers; then an argument, then one condi
tion, and still another, and then, as a
climax, as Qne indisputable, unanswera
ble declaration, rounded and full, guard
ed and protected by logic, launch it forth
at his listeners. His flight of words—
alleged to be oratory—are made to divert
the mind from questioning his asser
tions. He soars in an outburst, the
ground work of which is as old as the
human voice, to please the ear of his
listeners and keep their thoughts on the
wing. These flights appeal to all that
is emotional. They are seldom original;
they express no new thoughts, and they
bear his trade mark. He makes asser
tions while the audience is under the in
fluence of his heroics. He pours forth
what he thinks, and declares it to be
true, but when the time arrives in the
course of his remarks when the facts to
back his assertions should be heard,
behold another flight in Fourth of July
fireworks.
Labor applauds itself, and this man
knows it. He recognizes that "sacrifice,”
“crucified,” “down-trodden,” “the peo
ple,” "sweat of the face," and similar
words and phrases arouse in the ordinary
audience an imperative desire to applaud.
For logic he uses heroics, for argument
words used by truly great men, but
which no more apply tonis subjest than
to the crucifixion.
He compares himself to the Man of
Galilee without a blush.
He defies facts as Ajax did the light
ning.
He declare! that something can be got
out of nothing: that a miner will be able
to get S3 cents’ worth of metal coined in
to $1 and in the same breath insists that
the miner will sell that metal to anyone
who will buy it for 53 cents and give the
buyer the chance to make that profit
instead of himself. Why'the miner will '
sell at S3 cents and lose the coined profit,
he explains by a highly colored account
of a "crime" which has nailed “labor to
a cross of gold.”
He refuses to believe that captital is of
any use except to starve and grind down
mankind.
Insinuations, that every man should
have more than enough in spite of his
hibits, his drunkenness or his improvi
dence, he lavishes upon his hearers.
Declarations, that a country is all
wrong which gives every man who will
work with head and hands a chance to
be above those who will not, he belches
forth in torrents.
“My friends," he says, and advises
those to whom he applies the term as a
sane man would hesitate to advise his
worst enemy.
He distributes chaff, coolly predicts a
panic, quotes the words of Christ as
glibly as the rowdy uses his name, and
having directed the eyes of his bearers
upon a bubble which floats pleasingly
about, he says: “I thank you.’'
Paul Armstrong.
In all parts of the country women have
organized campaign committees, working
under the direction of the Woman’s bu
reau of the national Reoublican commit
tee. They distribute literature and use
their personal influence with husbands,
brothers and other relatives to secure
their votes for the good cause, paying
ssnecial attention to first voters.
A
A% '■ tj ' * i
Effects of Industrial Depression in
Cities Brought Home in,,5
a Praotioal Way.
STORY OF A KANSAS FARMER.
Decrease in the Consumption of Food
by Laborers Affects the Sale
of Farm Products.
A stock-feeder of Kansas, recently In
Kansas City, tells a story that iB worth
repeating for the excellent lesson which
it teaches. In a certain town was a
creamery. It gathered the cream from
the f&rms within a radius of ten miles
and manufactured about 400 pounds of
butter per day. Beyond the limits of
this circle from which cream was gath
ered there were a number of farmers
who desired to sell cream, but were not
able to do so because the wagons from
the creamery did not reach their farms.
One day' a delegation of these farmers
called at the office of the creamery to
consult the manager with reference to
the enlargement of its business so as to
include them and their neighbors. They
explained to the manager that by send
ing his teams a few miles farther in
all directions he would double the quan
tity of cream gathered, double the amount
of butter produced and consequently
double the profits of the creamery. The
farmers were disappointed when they
saw by the look on the manuger's face
that their proposition was not favorably
received. There had been a great deal
of gossip ambng the farmer patrons of
the creamery that the price paid for
cream was too low aud that the profits
of the concern were larger than they
ought to be, and now these farmers
could not understand why a business
which was making exorbitant profits
should not be willing to enlarge itself, to
double its output and consequently to
double its profits.
The manager explained that to enlarge
the circle of their farmer patrons would
require an additional number of men
and teams to gather the cream, would
require additional machinery and an en
larged plant with more buttermakers
and other operatives, all of which
meant an additional investment of
money in which he did not feel justified
at this time.
He explained that the price of butter
was low, that thousands of laboring men
in the cities being out of employment
were not eating butter, but were buying
oleomargarine and other cheap imita
tions of butter, and because of all these
discouraging circumstances he was unable
to consider a proposition to enlarge the
business of the creamery. The manager
went on to explain that a creamery in
Kansas, Nebraska or Iowa depended
upon the big" cities for its customers.
In small towns many of the people keep
cows of their own, but in the big cities
such as Denver, Kansas City, Omaha,
St. Louis, St. Paul, Minneapolis ana
umcago, wuere tuousanas oi lauormg
men are gathered, the farmers flna
their best customers not only for dairy
products but all the ether food products
of the farm. The families of these la
boring men are extravagant eaters and
extravagant buyers of farm products
when they have the money to buy with.
When the laboring men in these cities
are employed they consume vast .quanti
ties of butter, eggs, flour, meal, beef and
poultry. The thousands of creameries
in Kansas, Iowa and Nebraska had
more orders for their product than they
could supply before the Democratic
panic stopped the industries in the cities
and threw the laboring men out of work.
In the last two years the demand for
food products have been less and less,
showing that the families'of the laboring
men in the cities are growing more and
more economical in their consumption of
food. In a long conversation with the
mnnager of the creamery, these farmers
gathered the idea, as they had never
understood it before, that the food-pro
ducing farm is dependent upon the food
consuming city for its market and that
the price of food and the demand for it
depends upon the employment at good
wages of the laboring people of the
cities. This much the farmers had al
ready understood in a general way, but
they had never stopped to realize the far
more important truth, that the manage
ment of these great laboring employing
industries devolves entirely upon the
trained business minds of the heads of
these industries whom the Popocratic or
ators now denounce as plutocrats, and
enemies of the common people. It is
very fine sport for eloquent office-seek
jng politicians to denounce the men who
manage the labor industries, to call them
‘■plutocrats,” “goldbugs.” ‘•robbers,” “op
pressors” and other offensive names, but
after all these eloquent speeches have
been delivered and after all this mis
-chievous talk has had its effect
upon the funner mind, the truth,
the great truth, still remains that
the mind of the business man must origin
ate nil the plans for the employment of
idle labor, and whether these industries
are little by little enlarged each year, em
ploying more and more men, or whether
they are little by little narrowed each
year, employing less and less men, de
Rends, not upon the judgment or the po
tieal views of the men employed, but
upon the.judgment of the men who em
ploy. When the farmers in the country
and the laborers in the city suffer them
selves to be led into some great national
movement which the business mind be
lieves is dangerons, then this business
mind, in order to protect the interests over
which it presides, begins the process of
narrowing its operations to suit the new
conditions.
A farmer mny believe in free coinage
and a laboring man may believe in free
coinage, but if the business mind of the
country on which both the farmer and
the laboring man is dependent is afraid of
free coinage, then the threat of free
coinage, instead of breathing new life in
to industry, strikes it with the paralysis
of death. .
iwery earnest thinking man in this
country at this time, whether he he a
farmer or a laborer, above all things,
above all party or personal preferences,
desires to see the industries of the nation
revived, because labor con find employ
ment and farm produce find a market in
no other way.
When all the arguments have been ex
hausted on both sides, the whole ques
tion narrows Into this proposition, that
activity in industry is dependent upon
the confidence the business men have in
the financial and tariff policy of the na
tional government. Farmers may have
confidence in Borne untried and catchy
proposition, and the laboring man may
have confidence and even be enthusias
tic, but if the mind of the business man
hesitates then industry languishes. A
thousand laboring men may stand ready
to go to work in a factory. And the
farmers may stand ready to provide
these laboring men with food, but if the
managers of the factory are afraid to
start it, then it will not start. It may
appear to these thousand laborers and
to these farmers that the managers of
the factory are unreasonable, and that
they have more power in the nation than
they ought to have, but the truth will
remain forever, that mind, and not mi
Jorities is the controlling force upon
which the industry of the nation depends
and that the judgment of one trained
business mind is worth more to a com
munity than the judgment of many men
who work with their muscles on tho
farm and in the factory.
JONES' SILVER MINE.
The present Interest in anything relat
,8 to recalls James RusseU Low
ell s witty rhymes of twenty years ago'
A DIALOGUE.
"Jones ojvns^a sliver mioe’’—"Pray who
DOn towns!™y *“™ Wlth horror* Ilk# Jones
“Why, Jones Is Senator, and so he strives
To make us buy his Ingots all our lives
At a stiff premium on the market price.
c”rrel,oy would be so ulce!”
sure J°ne* Plant —"A coinage, to be
r° rpera*ture **“ Wlth W*U >treet'a tern
T0“ shrinks tr**t the cr»*d; four dollar
Dnilrdr5nks J?erce,ltnm, wW*o they mix tha
“Jones’ mine's quicksilver, then T"—“Tour
wit won’t pass;
His coin’s mercurial, but his mine la brass.”
J womeW A**ln! jrour “o»™on'»
Than the slow torture of an echo-verse,
11 tth.t7°s OB0 th,n* ,onM won’t own
That the cat hid beneath the meal la bla1
—1Cleveland World.
He la Mistaken.
In his speech at Springfield, O., on
Wednesday, Candidate Bryan spoke of
*the nations peasantry.” There are'
no peasants in this country, and the
man who attempts to make such a class
ification is unworthy the support of
the free American soTereigns. Every
man ia a n*In*A _ _ J ___ t *
m*n Isa prince and no man is a peas
ant. With the ballot in his Band, the
roter ranks with Vanderbilt. The’ rich
man of today may be the poor man to
morrow, and he who is not endowed
with wealth at this moment may be a
millionaire before the elotfe ofa dec
Sk rrT:?ls £?r?riuf of the People of
the united States into classes is the
moat pernicious thing that has ever been
attempted in this country, and the
demagogues who are engaged in the un
righteous attempt deserve the contempt
into which they are sure to fall.
Remember This.
When Bourke Cockran. in his recent
great speech in New York, uttered the
following sentence, he uttered a sentence
which should be posted over the door of
every honest laboring man, whether Re
publican or Democrat, in this country:
“I can take a $10 gold piece and defy all
the power of all the governments of this
earth to take 5 cents’ value from it.
I can go to the uttermost ends of the
earth, and wherever I present it, its
value will be unquestioned. unchallenged.
That gold dollar the honest masses of
this country, without distinction of party
divisions, demand shall be paid the la
borer when he earns it, and no power
on earth shall cheat him out of the
sweat of his brow.”—Galesburg Evening
Mail.
WOMAN’S WORK IN THE CAMPAIGN
Never was there before a presidential
campaign in which the women of the
country hare taken such an active part
ae in the present struggle.
In* three states of the Union, Wyo
ming, Colorado and Utah, women hare
the same voting privileges ae men; bnt
feminine Interests in the campaign are
by no means limited to those states.
Intelligent women all over the country
seem to feel that the contest has an im
portant bearing upon the welfare of their
households. They think that the cause
of protection and sound money is bound
up with the prosperity of the family,
and they feel a great interest In the Re
publican presidential candidate * because
of the nobility of his character and his
devotion to his home life.
The Woman’s bureau is under the di
rection of Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, the well
known orator and political writer of Des
Moines. Is., for aerernl years president *
of the Womnn’s National Republican as
sociation. The bureau is established in
commodious Quarters in the Auditorium
Annex, Chicago, quite away from the
noise and activities of the national com
mittee, where Mrs. Foster is provided
with every convenience, and assisted by
cupuble aids.
me womans uemunicnn association
is composed of thinking, active women—
women intensely alive to the best inter*
ests of their country and homes. The
Woman's association is not a suffrage
association. Many of its members do
not believe in suffrage at nil. It is not
a moral reform association, although
many of its members are engaged in tne
philanthropies and reforms which illu
mine this decade of our nutioual history.
They do not seek to utilize the Repub
lican association to advance nny of these
reforms. Its members are simply, and
all the time. Republicans, laboring for
the support of the principles of that
pnrty aud for the election of ita Candi
da tea. <
Mrs. Foster’s immediate associates
and assistants in the work are womep
of capabilities in various lines. Mm*
Thomas W. Chace, the general, secre
tary, resides in Bast Greenwich, R. I.,
and from there exercises a watchful
care for the work in the New England
states, Mrs. Cbace has an extensive ac
quaintance and la identified with many
great charities, philanthropies and soci
eties, aside from her political duties.
The national treasurer. Miss Helen Var
wick Boswell of New York city, haa sor
pcrvision over the headquarters of bar
state, located at 1473 Broadway. Miss
Boswell has inaugurated the plan of per
sonal visits among the women in the
tenement districts of New York, for the
purpose of showing the women the mean
ing of the free coinage of silver and how
it will affect the purchasing power of
their dollars. She finds these women
with well-defined views on the cnrrency
Question and ready to defend them, as
they do In insisting that the voter* in
their families shall maintain them at
the polls. Miss Boawell has enlisted n
large number of young business women
to help spread the doctrines of sound
money ana protection and to help secure
votes for the Bepublicnn candidates.
In the Chicago headquarters Mrs. Fos
ter’s chief assistant and secretary is Mrs,
Alice Rosseter Willard, who has wide
experience in general business and news
paper work in this country and in Eng
land. Next to her comes Miss Anng
Brophy of Dubuque,. In. Miss Brophy
is not oniy valuable for her education
and wide general knowledge, but because
every piece of work which passes
through her hands receiver her critical
attention os to its correctness, its ac
curacy. Miss Brophy is chief stenog
rapher.
Almost the first thing done by Mrs.
Foster after opening her headquarter*,
was to issue an appeal to the patriotic
women of the eouutry, urging them to
organize committees or clubs for study
of the issues of the campaign, and to
help promote the cause of national unity
and protection. The responses have been
most gratifying, coming as they have
from Oregon to New Jersey. These
women are directed in their work of or
ganizing and hdvised how to make their
efforts effective. The weapons of the
women are personal appeal and litera
ture. These are used to convince the
women that their own personal welfare,
including the interests of children and of
the home, are on the side of the Repub
lican party. This conviction assured
little doubt remains as to how the vote
influenced by these women will be cast.
Free Wool and Free Silver.
Daring the many weary months after
the Wilson-Gorman tariff had’given the
death blow to the wool industry free
trade journals assured their readers that
the blow would not be fatal. In time tbs
industry would revive. Considerable pru
dence was manifested as to dates, but the
prediction was confident that in the
course of time the industry would re
cover from it* paralysis. The Philadel
phia Record was one of the most san
guine of these- free traders. That journal ;
simply knew that its theories could not
be wrong. Free wool mast and would
enable our manufacturers to recover the
borne market for woolen goods and grad
ually get a good hold on tbe markets
of tbe World. In a recent issue the Rec
ord threw np the sponge. It admits that
free wool is not strong enough to carry
free silver. The confidence with which
it attributes the failure of its free wool
theory to some other person’s free silver
theory would, if transferred to the money
market, revive business even in these free
trade times. 8ays the Record:
“The distrust engendered by the sil
ver craze baa checked sales of manu
factured nods. Increased tbe percent
age of idle mills and so narrowed the
outlet and crippled the financial re
source* of Eastern distributors of wool
that the latter have practically ceased
purchases of the staple In the country
markets, and in many cases have re
fused to make even reduced cash ad
vances on consignments.”
The silver craze did not materialise
nntU free wool had had nearly three
years in which to show what ft conid
do. During all that time the wool in
dustry went from bad to worse. Now
the people are aaked to believe that
free silver did all the mischief.—St. Jo
seph (Mo.) Herald. _
Give It to the Indians.
“Let us restore the conditions that tz<
isted prior to 1873,” says Mr. Teller,
Very well: let us tear up all the rail
roads that have been built since then}
let us. reduce the acreage of wheat and
corn and cotton to what it was then; let
us send back to barbarism those parts of
the world that have since been reclaimed
to civilization; let us plug up the Rus
sian oil wells and destroy the wheat
Helds of India and the Argentine; let na
smooth over the hills of Leadville and
Cripple Creek, and fill up the mines, and
reduce the production of silver from
S170.000.000 a year to $00,000,000; let
us kill off about 30.000.000 of our people,
so as to make the population what it was
in 1873; let us have a paper basis for our
money, as we had then, and gold at a
premium of 15 cents or more on the dol
lar—in short, let us try to turn back tht
hand on time's dial, and make everybody
ns happy and wealthy as all the people
are now alleged tc have been before
1873.—Colorado Springs Gazette.
' .i . yM i
FIVE,