} WARNING TO BRITAIN. MUST KEEP HER HANDS OFF VENEZUELA. A Matter In Which the Monroe Doctrine Hold. Good—Principle. Involved In the Venernela Dl.pnte Declared to be of the Graveet National Importance—A Menace from President Cleveland. ¥ - America*! Firm Policy. , Washington, Deo. IS.—Soon after (>oth houses of Congress met to-day, the President sent, by Executive Cleric Pruden. the expected message in re gard to the Briti&h-Venezuelan com plication. It was at once read in both houses, as follows: To the Congress: In my annnal message, addressed to the Congress on the 3d inst., I called attention to the pending boundary controversy be tween Great Britain and the Republic Of Venezuela, and recited the sub stance of a representation made by this government to Her Britannic Majesty’s government suggesting rea sons why such dispute should be sub mitted to arbitration for settlement and inquiring whether it would be so submitted. t The answer of the British govern tt ment, which was then awaited, has since been received and, together with . the dispatch to which it is a reply, is hereto appended. ■ Such reply is embodied in two com munications addressed by the British prime minister to Sir Julian Paunce fote, thp British ambassador at this capita!.' It will be seen that one of these communications is devoted ex clusively to observations on the Mon roe doctrine and claims that in the present instance a new and strange 'Q extension ancl development of this doc trine is insisted on by the United States, that the reasons justifying^in appeal to the doctrine enunciated by President Mnnroe are generally inap piieapie “to the state of things in which we live at the present day'’and , especially inapplicable to a controversy involving the boundary line between Great Britain and Venezuela. TUB MONROE DOCTRINE UPHELD. Without attempting extended argu ments in reply to these positions.it may not bo amiss to suggest that the doctrine upon which we stand is strong and sound, because its enforcement is important to our peace and safety as a nation and is essential to the integrity of our free institutions a’nd the tran quil maintenance of our distinctive form of government. It was intended to apply to every stage of onr national life and cannot become obsolete while our repabiie endures. If the balance of power is justly a cause for jealons anxiety among the governments of the old world and a subject for our abso lute non-interference, none the less is an observance of the Monroe doctrine of vital concern to onr peoDleand their government. Assuming, therefore, that we may properly insist upon this doctrine without regard to “the state of things in Which we live,” or any changed , conditions here or elsewhere, it is not apparent why its application may not he invoked in the present controversy. If a European power, by an extension of its boundaries, takes possession of the territory of one of our neighbor ing republics against its will and in derogation of its rights, it is difficult to see why, to that extent, such Euro pean power does not thereby attempt to extend its system of government to that portion of this continent which is thus taken. This is the precise action which President Monroe de clared to bo “dangerous to our peace and safety,” and it can make no dif 1 ference whether the European system is extended by an advance of frontier Or otherwise. CLEARLY INTERNATIONAL LAW. It has been suggested in the British reply that we should not seek to ap ply the Monroe doctrine to the pres ent dispute, because it does not em body any principle of international law which “is founded on the general consent of nations,” and that “no statesman, however eminent, and no nation, however powerful, are com petent to insert into the code of inter " national law a novel principle which was never recognized before, and which has not since been accepted by the government or any other country.” Practically the principle for which we contend has peculiar, if not exclusive, relation to the United States. ' It may not have been admitted in so manv words to the code of international law, but since, in international coun sels every nation is entitled to the rights belonging to it, if the enforce mi nt of the Monroe doctrine is some thing wo may justly claim it has its place in the code of international law as certainly and as securely as it has if it were specifically mentioned, and when the United States is a suitor be fore the high tribunal that administers international law the question to be determined is whether or not we pre sent claims which the justice of that code of law can find to be right and valid. CONCESSIONS MADE BT ENOI.AND. The Monroe doctrine finds its recog nition in those principles ot interna tional law which are based upon the theory that every nation shall have its rights protected and its just claims enforced.. Of course this government is entirely confident that under the sanction of this doctrine we have clear « rights and undoubted claims. Nor is this igcored by the British reply. The prime minister, while not admitting that the Monroe doctrine is applicable to present conditions, states: "In de claring that the United States would resist any such entetprise if it was . contemplated,President Monroe adopt ed a policy which received the entire svmathy.of the English Government of that date " He further declares: -xnough the language of President Monroe is directed to the attainment of objects which most Englishmen would • agree to be saluta-y, it. is impossible to admit that they have been iuscribed by any adequate authority in the code of international law.” Again he says: "They (Her Majesty’s government) finally concur with the view which President Monroe apparently enter tained, that any disturbance of the existing territorial distribution in that hemisphere by .any fresh acquisitions . . ’ -c.•. . .. • 1 on vne pars ot any European state, would be a highly inexpedient change.” . ESQI.AXD DECLINES ABBITBATIOX. In the belief that the doctrine for which we contend was dear and de finite, that it was founded upon sub stantial considerations and involved our safety and welfare, that it was fully applicable to our present condi-1 tions and to the state of the world’s {>rogress, and that it was directly re sted to the pending controversy and without any conviction as to the final merits of the dispute, but anxious to learn.in a satisfactory and conclusive manner whether Great Britian sought under a claim of boundary to extend her possessions on this continent with out1 right, or whether she merely sought possession of territory fairly included within her lines of owner ship, this government proposed to the government of Great Britain a resort to arbitration as the proper means of settling the ques tion, to the end that a vexatious boundary dispute between the two, contestants might be determined and our exact standing and relation in re spect to the controversy might be made dear. It will be seen from the cor respondence herewith subinitted*'that this proposition has been declined by the British government upon grounds, which, under the circumstances, seem to me to be far from satisfactory. It is deenly disappointing that such an appeal actuated by the most friendly feelings toward both nations directly concerned, addressed to the sense of justice and to the magnanimity of one of the great powers of the world and, touching its relations to one compara tively weak and small, should have produced no better results. The course to be pursued by this government in view of the present condition does not appear to admit of serious doubt. Having labored faith fully for many years to induce Great Britain to submit this dispute to im partial arbitration, and having been now finally apprised of her refusal to do so, nothing remains but to accept the situation, to recognizeits plain re quirements and deal with it accord ingly. BOUNDARY INQUIRY AND FIRMNESS. Great Britain’s present proposition has never thus far been regarded as admissable by Venezuela, though any adjustment of the boundary which that country may deem for her advan tage and may enter into of her own free will cannot, of course, be objected to by the United Staten Assuming, 'however, that the attitude of Vene zuela will remain unchanged, the dis pute has reached such a stage as to make it incumbent upon the United States to take measures to determine with sufficient certainty for its justi fication what is the true divisional line between the republic of Venezuela and British Guiana. The inquiry to that end should of course be conducted Carefully and judicially, and due weight should be given to all available evidence, records and facts in support of the claims of both parties. In order that such an examination should >bc prosecutod in a thorough and satisfactory manner, . I suggest that Congress make adequate appro priation for the expenses of a commis sion to be appointed by the Executive, who shall make the necessary investi gation and report upon the matter with the least possible delay. When such re port is made and accepted,it will; in my opinion, be the duty of the United States to resist by every means in its power as a willful aggression upon its rights and interests, the appropriation by Great Britain of any lands or the exercise of government jurisdiction over any territory which, after in vestigation, we have determined of right belonging to Venezuela. NO SUI’INR SUBMISSION TO WRONG. In making these commendations I am fully alive to the responsibility in curred and keenly realize all the con sequences that may follow. I am nevertheless firm in my conviction that while it is a greyious thing to contemplate the two great English speaking people of the world as being otherwise than friendly competitors in the onward march of civilization and strenuous and worthy rivals in all the arts of peace, there is no calamity which a great nation can, invite which equals that which follows a supine submis sion to wrong and injustice and the consequent loss of national self re spect and honor, beneath which is shielded and defended a people’s safety and greatness. Grover Cleveland. Executive Mansion, Dec. 17, 1895. OLNEY’S DECLARATIONS. The Contentions of the United States Set forth by the Secretary. Accompanying1 the President’s mes iage in regard to the Venzuela com plication is the correspondence on the subject. It 6tarts with Secretary Olney’s note reopening the negotia tions with Great Britain, looking to the arbitration of the boundary dis- I pute. This bears date of July 20 last« and is addressed to Mr. Bayard. The duty of America is summed up as follows: “In these circumstances, the duty of the President appears to him unmistakable and imperative. Great Britain's assertion of title to the disputed territory, combined with her refusal to have that title investigated, being a substantial appropriation of the territory to her own use, not to protest and give warning that - the transaction will be regarded as inju rious to the interests of tho people ol the United Stated as well as oppres sive in itself, would be* to iguore an established policy with which the honor and welfare of this country are closely identified. While the meas ures necessary or proper for the vindi cation of that policy are to be deter mined by another branch of the gov ernment, it is clearly for tho Execu tive to leave nothing undone which may tend to render such determina tion unnecessary.” Mr. Bavard is directed to read the communication to Loru Salisbury and | ask a definite decision regarding arbi- i tration. Plotting to Kill tho can Bsblix, Dec. l