C0XEYISMI8 SCORED. SENATORS PAY RESPECTS TO THE MOVEMENT. Senator Allen’* Resolution Quickly side tracked—The Colorado Senator Tired of National Demonstration*—He Think* It la Time for Law-Maker* to Stand Lp fur American Manhood and Pay Leu Atteutlpn to Labor Agitator*. Allen’* Coxey Resolution. Washington, April 83. — Immedi ately after the reading of the journal in the senate yesterday, Mr. Jarvis, recently appointed from North Caro lina, to succeed the late Senator Vance, was sworn in. Senator Allen’s Coxey resolution came up, and Mr. Allen stated there would be no opposition on the Demo cratic side to its passage. Mr. Vest, however, opposed it. These people should be treated the same as all other citizens of the United States. If they did not violate any laws, they would not be molested, but lie deprecated the introduction of such a resolution, because it intimated a want of confidence in the institu tions and the laws of the land; their right to come here and visit the cap itol was so plain, so evident, that any suspicion about it was a reflection on the intelligence of the country. lie was opposed to the preamble, however, if it meant to include these men who had trampled on the laws, injured private property and under taken to secure transportation to this city by force of arms, for then he em phatically dissented from it. Mr. Wolcott of Colorado entered a vigorous protest against passing the resolution. There was to-day no man who sincerely desired to work for the support of himself and his family, who ci hi Id not get work, or bread to put into tiie mouths of himself and little ones until work could be found. ■T am tired of this talk of national demonstration,” he said. “In Colo rado to-day, crushed and humiliated as she is by the action of congress, I venture to say no man is suffering be cause he can find no work or no wil ling hands to assist in supporting him until work can be found for him. I believe the time has come wken those of us who are in public life ought to begin to cultivate wore regard tor the perpetuity of republican institutions and to pander less to that miscalled portion of the labor vote, whose labor is with their throats and never with their hands. It is time we stood up f..r American manhood, for the right of every man to work if he wants to, ii it takes the whole army of the United States to enable him to do so. The right of every man is to enable him to enjoy equal liberty with every other man, and that means he shall have such liberty as is not inconsist ent with equal rights of his neighbor; the right to hold and enjoy the prop erty which the laws of the country have enabled him to secure. It is time we had the courage to stand to gether against this socialism, popu lism and paternalism which is running riot in this country and which must end (if-not crushed) in the destruc tion of liberties which the laws give us, liberties which should be dearer to us than life itself.” A number of senators took the pains to go to Senator Wolcott, after he had concluded his remarks, and express their .approbation of what he had said. At 1:45 o'clock, before any action had been taken on the resolution, Mr. Harris moved to take up a resolution providing that “Jo-morrow and until otherwise ordered, the senate shall meet at 11 o’clock a. m.” Senators Peffer and Allen objected to the pending resolution being dis placed and demanded a yea and nay vote. The vote (which also showed the attitude of the senate on Mr. Allen’s resolution) was as follows: Yeas—Aldrich, Allison, Kate, Berry, Blackburn, Blanchard, Brice, Caffery, Call, Camden, Coke, Cullom, Dubois, Faulkner. George, Gibson, Gorman, Gray, Hale. Hansbrough, Harris, Haw ley, Higgins, Hunton, Jarvis, Jones of Arkansas, Lindsay, Lodge, Mc Millan, McPherson, Manderson, Mar tin, Mills, Mitchell of Wisconsin, Morrill, Palmer, Pascoe, Perkins, Platt, Power, Proctor. Pugh, Boach. Sherman, Shoup, Teller, Turpie, Vest, Vilas, Voorhees, Walsh, Washburn, White, Wolcott—54, Nays—Allen, Dolph, Frye, Gallin ger, Kyle, Peffer—C. SENATOR QUAY SICK. The rennsylvanlan Unable to Leave Ills Home—Grave lleports Circulated. Pittsburg, Pa., April 28.—Senator Quay had arranged to hold a political conference here this afternoon and to attend the American club banquet to night,but was unable to leave his home at Beaver. A close friend says he was taken sick about two weeks ago, but it was not known to the gen eral public. His affliction is one that may take him off without much warn ing, and the fact that he did not ap pear here is the best evidence that he is very ill. The work on his tariff speech was too much for him in his then weakened condition and for that reason his friends fear ho is in a weaker condition than is generally believed. _ Extra Guns Sent to Washington. Springfield, Mass., April 28.—Major Kexford of the United States armory here has shipped to the chief of ord nance at Washington sixty-five car bines and 100 rifles, forty-five calibre. The arms were sent by express and fast freight and have already been re ceived in Washington. Major Bex ford says he has 125,000 rifles and a supply of carbines which can bo shinned on short notice. Hanlt Jtobbers frustrated. Chili.icothe, 51 o., April 28.—An un successful attempt was made to rob the Farmers’ bank of Laclede, twenty miles east of here, last night. The safe containing 153,000 was blown open, but the explosion aroused the citizens and the burglars fled without their bootv. _ Governors or Missouri. Jefferson City, Mo.,April 28.—Gov ernor Stone has begun making a col lection of portraits of Missouri gov* ernors which, when completed, w\U be hung in the grand hall of the exec utive mansion in the order of their-' Service. V “DOCKING" SALARIES.. ' First Effeet of Attempts to Enforce Lew In the House. WAsnwoTOK, April S3.—Mr. Hep burn of Iowa interposed hits dally ob jection to the approval of the journal in the house and compelled a roll-call, which resulted in its approval—837 to nothing. The speaker appointed the following boards of visitors: To the Military Academy—Messrs. Black of Illinois, Hatch of Missouri and Curtis of New York. To the Naval Academy—Messrs. Meyer of Louisiana, Outhwaite of Ohio and llandall of Massachusetts. At this point became visible the first effects of the attempt to enforce the law of 1850 to “dock” members for absence except on account of sickness. Mr. Mahon, Republican, Pennsylva nia, precipitated the matter by rising to a question of privilege and offering a resolution directing the sergeant-at arms to pay members their salaries without deductions on account of ab sence unless such absence is first cer tified by some duly authorized officer of the house. A point of order was raised by Mr. Kilgore and supported by several Democrats, that the resolution did not present a question of privilege. The point was sustained by the speaker on the ground that it was a matter of law and not under the control of the house. “Rut that is not the law,” inter jected Mr. Reed. “That,” said the speaker, “is not a question for the house to determine.” He added he should decline to certify salaries unless members informed him how much salary was due them. Another resolution was promptly offered by Mr. Mahon, declaring that the sergeant-at-arms, in the absence of any rule, has no authority to re quire members to report absences and reasons therefor. This also was ruled out of order, and an appeal was laid on the table by a strict party vote, except that Mr. Lucas (Republican) of South Dakota voted with the Dem ocrats. The diplomatic and consular appro priation bill was then taken up and after debate passed. The bill as pass ed carried $1,513,538, a decrease of $46,706 compared with the appropria tion for the current year. At 5 o’clock the house adjourned. TARIFF CHANGES AGREED ON. Will Bo in the Income Tax and Sugar Schedule. Washinotn, April 2S.—The principal changes to be made in the tariff bill, in accordance with the agreement made by the Democratic senators yes terday, are in the income tax and sugar schedules. Tho sugar men have been from tho first clamorous for an advalorem instead of a specific duty, and that change has been con ceded. The details have not been ab solutely fixed, but there is little doubt the sugar schedule will be entirely supplanted by a new one, which will provide a uniform duty of 40 per cent ad valorem, with an addition of one eighth of a cent for refined sugar. The principal change in the income tax, is a provision for the limitation of the time the law shall remain in operation. It will probably bo about five or six years. There will be no change‘in the rete of taxation, which will be left at 2 per cent on amounts in excess of SI.000. A number of changes in the rate of duty will be made in the iron sched ule, in which there will be a slight ad vance over the rates fixed by tho pending bill. Carpets, also, will se cure an advance. In many cases the rates fixed in the house bill replace those of the bill reported to tile sen ate by the finance committee. Another material concession which will be made to the disaffected sena tors will be the restoration of the spe cific system in many places where the finance committee changed the house bill by the substitution of ad valorem duty. It is understood that the entire Dem ocratic majority of the finance com mittee is in hearty accord upon the wisdom of the proposed changes. ELEVEN O’CLOCK TOO EARLY. Few Senator. Fresent When the Scion Began—A Walt for a Quorum, Washington, April £3.—Not more than a dozen senators listened tor the prayer of the chaplain when the sen ate met at 11 o’clock to-day. Mr. Har ris, who had moved the early session, was on hand with several of his Dem ocratic colleagues. During the reading of the journal a few senators came in, but there was still a sparce attendance when Mr. Gallinger of New Hampshire ■ inter rupted the reading of the journal to suggest the absence of a quorum. The roil was called and on ly thirty-nine senators answered to their names. As soon as the quorum had been se cured. Mr. Lindsay of Kentucky,spoke on the tariff. He scored the recalcit rant Democrats, defended the Wilson bill and declared that tariff reform would produce better times perma nently. He was no foe of the rich but he knew that the class had been unjustly aided by high protection and he believed therefore in an income tax. He denied that there was any discrimination in the proposed meas ure and declared that the high pro tection sj’stem caused the strikes at Homestead, Pa. .sir. auerman uispuieu me assertion of Mr. Lindsay that the strikes at Homestead were due to the McKinley bill and the latter retorted that the manufacturers’ natural desire was to reduce wages without respect to rates of duties Mr. Cullorn next addressed the sen ate in favor of protection and in oppo sition to the Democratic policy. Unemployed With a Red Flap. Escanaba, Mich., April 2S.—A mob of 500 unemplo3-ed miners paraded the streets of Iron Mountain to-day carrying a red flag and demanding food or work. The mayor will send a committee to Lansing to plead with Governor Rich for help. Father of Forty Children. Jacksonville, Fla., April 28.— Abram Corrant died to-day at the age of 94. He was a veteran of the Mexi can and Indian wars. He. had been married twice and was the father of \forty children. \ REPUBLICAN DOCTRINE. BOMB COMPARISONS. Democratic Tariff-Platform of ISIS, with Horace Greeley for President, and That of 1SVS with Grover Cleveland. During' all tho present generation! modern democracy lias been prolifio In queer tariff platforms, never right even by mistake, and each one strangled in tickle disgust before the birth of its quadrennial successor. Let us rescue some oblivion. In 1872, they took the greatest known advocate of protection, he who styled h imself a ferocious protec tionist, Horace lirceley, for their pres idential candidate. The platform on which they crowded their organized appetite for spoils und the highest apos tle of protection to everything Ameri can, labor, manufacturers and all, de clared that owing to differences of opinion they remitted the discussion to the people in their respective congres sional districts and the decision to con gress “wholly free from executive in terference or dictation.’’ That is prob ably where General Hancock imbibed the idea that the tariff was a local af fair. In 1892 their tariff bantling seems to be subjected to severe executive inter ference and like its predecessors will be moribund and unsavory long before 1890 has arrived. The McKinley net protected labor and manufacturers, paid expenses of government and left a surplus. Dem ocratic free trade brings "a deficit, an income tax and issues gold bonds to pay current expenses. The McKinley bill while it protected American wage earners of all classes, farmers, operatives, builders, etc., pro vided sufficient revenues to carry on the government, to meet all our obli gations to the veterans, to carry on needed public works, increase our navy and extend our foreign trade. Here are the figures: lleceipts and expenditures of the gov ernment for the. fiscal years 1891 to 1893 inclusive: Total ex penditures, Including premium. Excess of revenue over expen ditures. . $ l(12,44 .31 S3tV>,773,P0i.X> a>»,H37,iS4.24; • 43,023,330.58 33.),HIS,02-'.7.31 3.31,477,'J .4. dl From this it will be observed that during’ each of these years the reve nues derived under the act of 1890 were somewhat in exeess of government needs. ■Since July, 1803, the'receipts have fall en off at the rate of some $83,000,000 per annum but this decline in the pub lic revenues during’ the present fiscal year is not attributable to any defect in the law of 1800, but to the general derangement and prostration of busi ness throughout the country. The as cendency of a political party pledged to the destruction of our protective pol icy has not only crippled and suspended the operation of our domestic manufac turers, but the importer oi foreign fab rics naturally curtails his importations in the hope of securing their admission into our markets upon more favorable conditions. If the election of 1802 had resulted in the retention of the republican party in power, accompanied as it would have been with the assurance of the contin uance of the American policy of pro tection, the effect upon the public rev enues as well as the general prosperity of the country would have been entirely reversed. In support of this opinion 1 beg to refer to the report of the secre tary of the treasury of December 5, 1892, wherein he estimates the revenues of the government under the act of 1890, for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1894, as follows: From customs..8210,0 0,001 00 From internal revenue. 175,0.0,000 00 From miscellaneous sources.... 2J,000,000 00 From postal service. 8>,125,3tt5 :.s Total estimated revenue ... 490,1:1,305 38 The secretary also estimated the total expenditures of the government /ortho fiscal year ending .1 une 30, 1 04, exclusive of the sinking fund at. 4'>7,301,334 33 Leaving an estimated surplusof 32,801,030 05 This surplus has gone glimmering, and our democratic friends will try an income tax and the issue of gold inter est bearing bonds to keep the govern ment going. WHAT THE M’lilNLEY ACT DID TO FOSTER HOME MANCFACTORES, INCREASE LA BOR AND DEVELOP HOME MAR KETS. As a measure of protection to Ameri can industries and American labor, the act of 1890 in its results more than jus tified the predictions of its friends. That it would stimulate the develop ment of new enterprises and promote the growth of established industries was confidently asserted, but that its beneficent effect would be so quickly manifest and so marvelous exceeded the hopes of the most sanguine. It in duced capital to embark in untried ven tures, enlarged the field of labor’s pro fitable employment, augmented our domestic and foreign trade, and quick ened with a new life the manifold in dustries of our people. President Harrison only affirmed the truth of history when in his last an nual message to congress he said: “So high a degree of prosperity and so general a diffusion of the comforts life were never before enjoyed by our people.” 1 ills exuuani uceiarauon maue oul a little over one year afro, incredible as it seems in the midst of present appall ing: conditions, was nevertheless grounded on indisputable facta The American Economist, a journal of the highest character, in its issue of October 22, 1892, published the result of a partial census of the industrial growth of the country under the act of 1890, which disclosed that from the time that act went into effect, October, C, 1890, 345 new industries had been es tablished in the United States and 108 existing plants extended and improved, demanding an increased outlay of $40, 409,050 in capital and the employment pf 75,000 additional laborers. In the textile industries alone, during the first six months of ISO'.'. 135 new factories were built, comprising 40 cotton mills (21 of which were lo cated in the southern states), 48 knitting mills, 20 woolen mills, 15 silk mills, 4 plush mills, and 2 linen mills. In September. 1892, there were 15, 200,000 working spindles, ?.n increase of 0G0,000 over 1891; while during the ye»r 1891. American mills consumed 2.390.000 bales of cotton in the manu facture of domestic fabrics; it required 8.584.000 bales in 1892, showing1 an in creased consumption of i88,ooo bales in a single year. The report of the commissioner of labor for the state of New York disclos es the astounding fact that in 07 dif ferent industries in that state the value of the Increased output in 1891 over 1800 was 831,315,130.68, Involving an in creased bestowtnent of wages of 8(1,377, 025.09, liy the labor report for tho stnte *of Massachusetts it appears that 3,745 in dustries in that stute paid to labor in 1891 8129.410,248, against 8180,030,303 in 1890, an enlarged expenditure of 83,335,945 in wages alone, with an in crease of 7,340 employes and an aug mented investment of capital to the amount of 89,932,490. We are not doing this sort of' busi ness now-a-days. On the contrary we are trying vainly to find “where wo are at ” DEMOCRATIC rnoPHECIRS AS TO THE M’KIM.KY ACT AND THE PRACTICAL RESULTS. You said it would develop no new in dustries—it created them by the hun dreds. You said it would bring no re sultant benefits to our workmen—it se cured for them enlnrgod employment and increased wages. You said it would enhance tho cost of the protocted article—it cheapened it to tho con sumer. You said it would diminish our foreign trade—it augmented it in 1892 to 81,857,680,616, an increase over the previous year of $128,283,004. You said it would shut out our products from foreign markets—our export trade in creased $145,797,388. swelling its vol ume to $1,030,278,148, the largest ever known in the history of the country and exceeding tho value of our imports by $202,875,686. You said it would par alyze our domestic trade—it was never more vigorous than in the years imme diately following its enactment. Anil so every prophecy of ill found swift and complete refutation in increased industrial activity on every hand and enhanced individual and national pros perity. Tlie McKinley tariff never closed a mill in the United States, shut up a mine, stopped a wheel [applause], blew out a furnace fire, or drove a single j workman into tlie streets. [Applause. | ■■ This general paralysis of business throughout the county comes solely from the ascendancy of a political party pledged to the repeal of the act of 1890, and tho substitution therefor of a turiff divested of ail protective fea tures. With such a party in full con trol of the government is it any wonder that domestic manufacturers suspended operations until advised of the condi tions under which they must market their output? Business prudence dictated the sus pension of the manufacture of domes tic fabrics with high-priced labor until the conditions should be determined upon which the foreign competing pro ducts should be permitted to enter our markets. Importers naturally limited their orders to the strict necessities of trade in anticipation of more favorable conditions. And so manufacturer and importer alike prudently suspended business until the democratic party should fix the terms upon which they would be permitted to resume. When the judge pronounces the sentence of death on the convicted felon there is no change in the law, but the victim is apt to lose interest in human allairs. On an ocean voyage the chart and com pass may reupiin undisturbed, but with a madman at the wheel and a lunatic on the bridge the interest of the pas sengers will be chiefly centered in the suppiy of life-preservers. Let us Translate the Democratic Meaning of “Tariff Reform." It Means Free Trade but Dare not Own It. You have not now conjured with these words for the last time. Having ceased to be mysterious they wilt lose their magic power to deceive anjl mis lead the people. “Tariff reform” is finally interpreted to mean “free raw material” and reduction of duties on competing foreign products entering our markets below the protective point, regardless of the consequences to Amer ican industries or American labor. This la “tariff reform.” Before proceeding to a specific expla nation, I desire to say that this meas ure as a whole stands without a parallel in the history of proposed tariff legisla tion in this country. It was framed with the evident intention of carrying out that portion of the democratic plat form and policy which declared for a “tariff for revenue only,” and is the boldest step yet taken by any party in the United States in the direction of free trade—a step which if it shall find popular following in this country, will certainly lead to individual disaster and national bankruptcy. But daring as is the advance made, it seems from the report of the committee that while adhering to the doctrine of the unconstitutionality of the protec tive tariff, the majority have been re strained in their headlong course toward free trade by the “existence of great industries” which impede their progress and which they hesitate to ut terly destroy; and then in apologetic tone assure their followers and the country that “the bill is not offered as a complete response to the mandate of the American people” and does not “profess to be purged from all protec tion.” Are we theu to understand that fur ther “response” from the democratic party may be expected, in which the tariff is to be wholly “purged from all protection” and the destruction of American industries and the pauperiza tion of American workmen fully con summated? Is this the prospect you hold out to a people already driven by your threatened policy- to the very verge of despair and desperation? If such is your purpose, the only escape then lies in the hope that long before you are able to complete your desolat ing work an indignant people will drive you forever from power. And in this connection I desire to say that, whatever may have been the pur i pose of the majority- in framing this oill, that in so far as it conforms to the democratic platform of 1 H'.i“ it will, if enacted iato law, prove disastrous to the interests involved, and in so far as it fails to redeem the party pledges it I is either a confession of error or an ex i liihition of cowardice. If in error you ought to be patriotic enough to I promptly- avow it, abandon the policy upon which you have entered, end per mit the country to resume its industrial prosperity. If, on the other hand, you still adhere to the principles of the Chihago platform and have fuiled to ! embody them in this measure, you have openly betrayed tho confidence of the people who Intrusted you with power. Let us take np tho often repeuted statement that free trade would give us a wider market for our surplus products. The assertion Is constantly made that if we do not buy of foreign countries they will not buy of us. I have, on former occasions, called attention to the fact that we do not buy of any for eign nation; that Is, of tho government; and no foreign nation buys of us. Our foreign commerce is carried on by In dividuals, and is regulated, like all commercial transactions, by selfish In terests. If an Importer is about to pur chase goods, ho dpes not stop to inquire whether the balance of trade is In our favor or against us, or what tho tariff laws of other countries are. lie buys where ho cun buy what lie wants cheap est, and pays for his purchases with gold. Our own experience shows that tho balance of trade with other countries may be largely In our favor for years ana the balance bo received in gold. Our experience with other countries, lirar.il for instnneo, shows that wc con tinue a large foreign trade although the balance of trudo may bo, for many years, against us. Tlio balance of trado between the United States and ilrar.il has been for years against us to tlio ex tent of about 5550,000,000 per annum. The fact is that other couutrles buy of our products every year all they need for consumption. They would continue to do so if they could buy as cheaply of us as elsewhere, even though we were to build a Chinese wall around this country to prevent the importation of foreign products. And if we were to admit everything produced in foreign countries free of duty theso samo for eign countries, or rather the inhabi tants of these countries, would not buy a dollar's worth of our products unless these products could be purchased upon tho most advantageous torms, or tholr necessities compelled them to purchase. We might adopt free trade, and our wheat, corn, cotton, pork, and beef would still be compelled to compete in tho markets of Kuropo with the pro ducts of every other country under the sun produced by cheap lands and cheap labor, and their price in London would be fixed, as it now is in London, in gold, by the universal law of supply and de mand. Mr. President, there never was a greater fallacy than that free trado would give us a wider or better market for our agricultural products. It would, on the the contrary, drive millions of men now engaged in manufacturing to agricultural pursuits, resulting in in creased production and depreciated prices. STATE KKI'lllI.ICAN LKAUIK. The Seventh Anunnl Convention to Meet In the City at Lincoln* Neb** Tuesday, June lit. 1894, at 10 O'clock A. M. State Heaiu)Uai:tk.iih, I Lixcoi.x, Neb., April 12, 1SU4. f To Republican State League Clubs and all Republicans: "In compliance with a provision of the constitution of the National Re publican league, establishing unannual convention, and in accordance with the instructions of the last nationul conven tion, supplemented by the action of the executive committee representing all the states and territories, the seventh aunual convention of the National Re publican League of the United States is called to meet in the city of Denver, Colo., Tuesday, June 2 water up stairs, out wood, out light purpnaxa, nnd do u float utrhny of o.ldj' lobs, Fur o week K Wa li'-en A gulvail* lud Afu r • cumulated AormotiTi jirt viuuzto that 1 waa only tUeol, hurt and Aluminum lmalloy<*d And imuiadc ~ tip fly aervlcoi can be , find Tory cheap, iftaltoitnnw, during Ilia alack acav>n. Ap* fly to my puronti, the Ai-s* AiuToa lour a if, 12 th, Ilo> U< veil and Fillmore Atreota, Chicago. ft U.—I ainalway* | At liuniA uni Bt«\idy, On:i lathe Uigovt family of it; kind in tho wmld, And rater haa on* of ua gouc Wrong. Wo AT* AliO A inoat powerful foully, with itiarvulout cudur* anea. Vo liav* Iron cou* •tltutiona (ur rather Steal onat) but era very aen:: II Ivc, being via* Ibly affected by a Lmaih cfalr. W# aland lil;;h end bar* groat in* finance, being able to forauifie wuiorto run uphill. In fact, arc Aro •uparior bciirja, hivw lug been placed by our creator between thccir.li andhoavent, Curb tool luaa born tried iu many a tilt And towert Above every* thing every whore. We Aieinlualilous beyond anyUiiag Aver known, emce we work fit Injure a day and more thaQ B-S day a in the par. We are untir ing In our vigilance ►SUBURBAN JOBS Ltko < . —J thl« which df* lluht tho eye and Add Innumerable comiorti to nn; home, are fur nished st pricAf within $500 CAS, i is Mints, for -»vre stand over ^jou , day and nijht. ere eeonorm tl be. fond any thug on he earth or in tho heavens,ai wetuk^ into our zyatama Mf absolu*-ly not hinO'5 but thin air. VES Write quick, va ia ire guiiig iaat- “ Sji? Getting Thin is often equivalent to eqi getting ill. If loss of flesh can be arrested and dis ease baffled the “weak spots ” in the system are eradicated. Scott’s Emulsion is an absolute corrective of “ weak spots.” It is a builder of worn out failing tissue—natures food that stops waste ana creates healthy flesh. Propared by Scott A Bawha. Chemists. New York, fciold by druggist* every*bare. ;* -v ■';:C ■AAtAAVSAAAAi Aprlng. Since taking Hood's Sarsaparilla 1 have not been afflicted." J. >v. Wilcox, Drayman,! Cub*. New York. Get only HOOD’S.! : v! SIS a hrn rr orfir a enT>qrvan reew >ump wutor, sprinkle lawns, carry t fund, ruu a fiyuaiou (ur almtUW k Chicago, or ts branch*!. : A :qi Si reach of *1L Cipro* Ylr.e er Galvanised BtcolT»iilM,wilhgr»M. ful smvuiilwU Mecl (r.tatrurlurei a ipec IMi/. W, furnish ssl V'.nlcea stool (took tunta that do not leak end none mud boloe ut k-.s than wooden onmeost. I* Tta Acrmotor Co. | propoiestouUlrlbuta /:sl r ’ . ’M ■-.'its . V - -S A:i .wiringthe ausv tion'WUV HIlObLD I I I K AN Alii* \ KOTom* For con* I dl" .':a of Cotnft* 1 til'> Aermutor Co, M :§ w A Davis International Hand Cream Sepe £* 3 a. Hg -"O 60 ~ §