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About The Nebraska advertiser. (Nemaha City, Neb.) 18??-1909 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 19, 1900)
U ON THE PHILIPPINES. Senator Bcvcrldge, of Indiana, Makes a Great Speech. Vnluc if the iHlnnilM-MIIHnry SICu ntion The American Policy -I'lnver of I lie Con h( 1 1 tit Ion. On Tuesday, Jnntmry 9, Senator lieverldgc, of Jmlimiii, gave tliu Hunutu and llio people tliu benefit, of bis visit to (lie Philippine Mauds, and In a lengthy and forceful address voiced his approval of President MoKlnleyV, policy In handling the KlturUlon, and net forth u wise plan for the future government of the new addition to United States territory. Following is Senator liuvcridgc'a speech nlmoat In its entirety: "Mr. President: I address tho senate at tills lime because nonatorn nnd members of (ho house oil both sides have asked that I itlvo to eongres.i and the country my oh nervations In the Plilllpplnoii nnd the far caHt, and tliu conclusions which thoo oh hcrvntloiii compel; and becuiiuc of lnirtful resolutions Imroduced and utterances made In the senate, every word of which will cost nnd Is coiling the Uvea of Amor lenti noldlcrt. "Mr. President, the tlme.s cull for candor, The Philippine!) are ours forever1, 'territory belonging to the United StatcB,' mi the con ntltutlon calls them. And Just beyond tlio Philippines' are Chlnn'ti llllinltablc mar kets. Wo will not rttrtat from cither. Wc will not repudiate our duty In the archi pelago. Wo will not abandon our oppor tunity In the orient. Wo will not renounce our part In the mission of our race, trustee, under God, of tho civilization of tho world. And wo will move forwnrd to our work, not howling out regrets like slaves whipped to their burdens, but with gratitude, for a task worthy of our strength, and thanks giving to AlmlKhty God that lie has mnrked uh ns Hit) chosen people, henceforth to ltud In tho regeneration ol' the world. Philippine) Coiiiiiitinil (lie Pacific. "TIiIh Island empire l:i the last land left In all tho ocennu. If It i-hould provu a mis take to abandon It, the blunder once mado would bo Irretrievable. If It proves a mis take to hold It, tho error can bo coi reeled when wo will; every other progressive na tion Btnnda ready to relievo us. "Hut to hold It will bo no mistake. Our largest trudo henceforth must be with Aula. SENATOR REVERIDGE. Tho Pacific is our ocean. Moro and more Europo will mnnufneturo nil It needs se curo from Uh colonics tho mom It con mimes. Whero shull wo turn for consumers of our surpltiH? Geography answers the -question. China la our naturnl customer. Sho It) nearer to us than to England, Ger many or Russia, the commercial powers of tho present nnd the future. They lutvo moved nearer to China by securing per manent bases In her borders. The Phlllp plncs glvo ua n bnso at the door of all the cast. Lines of navigation from our ports o thu orient and Australia; from tlio Isth mian canal to Asia; from all oriental ports tto Australia, converge at nnd separate from tho Philippines. They nro a nolf-sup-portlng, dividend-paying lleet, permanent ly anchored at a spot selected by the ntrategy of Providence, commanding tho Paclllc. And tho Pacific Is tho ocean of tho commerco of the future. Most future wars will bo conllicts for commerco. Tho power that rules tho Paclllc, therefore, is the power that rules tho world. And, with tho Philippines, that power Is and will forever l)o thu American republic." Senator Huveridgo hero set forth tho value of China's trade and thu re sources and immense size of thu is lands. "Wo Will Hold It Vaut, nnd forever." "Horo, thon, senators, is the situation. Two years ago there was no land In nil the world which wo could occupy for any pur pose. Our commerco was daily turning to ward tho oriont, and geography and trade developments made necessary our commer cial cmplro over tho Paclllc. Ar.d In that ocean wo had no commercial, naval or mili tary base. To-day we have one of the three great ocean possessions of the globe, lo cated nt tho most commnndlng commer cial, naval and military points In tho east ern seas, within hall of India, shoulder to shoulder with China, richer In Its own re sources than any cciual body of land on the entire globe, nnd peopled by a nice which civilization demands ahull bu Improved. Shall wo abandon It? That ir.un little knows tho common people of the republic, little uudenunuds tho Instincts of our race, who thinks wc will not hold It fast, and liold It forever, odmlnliitulr.g ust govern ment l.y simplest methods. e may tr;el; up devices to shift our burden ur.u lessen our opportunity; they win avail u. nomine but delay. We mny tangle cot.uilio..s by applying academic arrar.gtmer.ts of non government to a crude bltuation: their lalluro will drive U3 to our duty la the end. r.Illltnry .Mluiitlon-Ofls Defended. "The military situation, past, present and prospective, l.i no reunon foi abandon ment. Our campulgn has been as pirfect ail possible with tno force at hand. We have been delayed, first, by a fuhure to comprehend the immen'alty cf our acqui sition, and, second, by Insufficient force; nnd, third, by our cfrorts for peace. In February, after the treaty, of peace, Otis had only 2," officers and men whom he bad a legal right to order Into bnttle. The terms of an enlistment of the rest of his troops had expired, and they fought volun tarily and not on legal military compulsion. Those who complain do uo In ignorance of tho real bltuation. We attempted a great task with Insufficient means; wo became Impatient that It wait not. finished before It coutd fairly bo conuneuced; and I pruy we may not add that other clement of dis aster, pausing In tlio work before It is thoroughly and forever dpne. That Is tho gravest mistake wo could possibly make, and that Is the only danger before us. Our Indian wnrs would have been shortened, tho lives of soldiers nnd settlers saved, and the Indians themselves benefited, bail wo inndo continuous and decisive war; nnd any other kind of war Is criminal be cause Ineffective. 'Wo noted towards tlio Indians as though wc feared (hem, loved them, hated tlicm a mingling of foolish sentiment, luaccurato thought apd para-1 lytic purpose. Let uh now be instructed by our own experience. "Tills, too, has been Spain's course In tho Philippines'. Never sufficient troops; never vlgoious action, pushed, to conclusive re sults and a permanent pence; always treat ing with tho rebels while they fought thtm; always cruel and corrupt whon a spurious ppaco was arranged. Tills has beon Spain's way for MO years, until Insurrection lias be come a Filipino habit. Never Hlnco Magel lan lauded did .Spain put enough troops in the islands for complote ar.d final action In war; never did she Intelligently, Justly, firmly, administer government In pcuco. At thu outbreak of the last Insurrection in August, IMG, .Spain had only 1.1300 Spanlnh soldiers in all tho Philippines, and 7C0 of these wcro In Manila. In November of that year she hud only 10,000 men. The generals In command of these were criticised and assailed In Spain. It is characteristic of Spain that the people at home do not cup port but criticise llielr generals in the Held. The Spanish method has always been a mixed policy of peaco and war, a contra diction of tcrniM, an Impossible combina tion rendering war Ineffective and peace impossible. This was Compo's plan. It wan Ulaneo'H plan. Those who would make It our plan will Inherit Blanco's fate and failure. True Military Policy. "Mr. President, that must, not bo our plun. Thin war la llko nl! other wars. It needs to bo finished before It Is stopped. I am prepared to voto either to mnkc our work thorough or even now to abandon It. A lasting peace can bo secured only by overwhelming forces In ceaseless action until universal and absolutely final defeat Is Inflicted on the enemy. To halt before every armed force, every guerrilla band opposing us Is dispersed or exterminated, will prolong hostilities nnd leave alive the needs of perpetual Insurrection. Even then we should not treat. To treat nt all Is to admit that wo are wrong. And any quiet so secured will be delusivo and fleeting. And a false peaco will betray us; n sham truce will curso us. It Is not to servo tho purposo of the hour, It Is not to salve n present situation that peace should be es tablished. It Is for tliu tranquillity of tho archipelago forever. It is for an orderly government for tho Filipinos for nil the future. It Is to give this problem to pos terity iiolved and settled, not vexed and Involved. It Is to establish the supremacy of the American republic over tho Pacific ar.d throughout the cast till tho end of time. "It has been charged that our conduct of the war has been cruel. Senator3, It lias been tho reverse. I have been In our hos pitals nnd seen the Filipino wounded ns cnivfu'ly, tenderly cared for ns our own. lihln our lines they may plow nnd sow ar.d reap and go about the affairs of peaco with absolute liberty. And yet nil this kindness was misunderstood or rather not understood. Senators must remember that wo aro not dealing with Americans or Eu ropeans. Wo are dealing with orientals. Wo are dealing with orientals who nro Ma lays. We aro dealing with Malays Instruct ed In Spanish methods. They mistake kindness for weakness; forbearance for fear. It cou'.d not be otherwise unless you could erase hundreds of yearn of savagery, other hundreds of years of orientalism and still other hundreds of years of Spanish character nnd custom. Our EfToriM to Secure Pence. "Our mlstnko has not been cruelty; it has been kindness. It has been the appli cation to Spanish Malays of methods ap propriate to New England. Every device of mercy, every method of conciliation hns been employed by the peace-loving presi dent of the American republic to the amazement of nations experienced In ori ental revolt. Ueforc the outbreak our mili tary governor of the Islands appointed a commission to make somo nrrnngement with tho natives mutually agreeable. I know tho members of tho commission well Gen. Hughes, Col. Crowder and Gen. Smith moderate, kindly, tactful men of tho world an Ideal body for buch negotia tion. It wa3 treated with contempt. We smiled at Intolerable Insult arid Insolence until the lips of every native In Manila wcro curling In ridicule for the cowardly Americans. Wo refrained from all violence until their armed bravos crossed the lines In violation of agreement. Then our sen try shot the offender, and ho should have been court-martialed had ho failed toahoot. That shot was tho most fortunate of the war. For Agulnnldo had planned the at tack upon us for two nights later; our nen try's shot brought this attack prematurely on. He hnd arranged for an uprising In Manila to mnssacro all Americans, tho plans for which, hi Sandlco's handwriting, nro in our possesion; this shot mndo that awful scheme Impossible. Wo did not ntrlko till they nttucked us In rorce, with out provocation: this left us no alternative but war or evacuation. Senator lluveridge hero stated that the Filipinos are utterly incapable of .silf-KOvernnient, that they are an In dolent peoplo and would not enter into competition with our Inbor. lie out lined u plan of government, saying that the English or Dutch systems would be impossible and a protectorate impracticable. Continuing, he said: "Our government and our administrators mur.t be fxamples. You cannot teach tho Filipino by precept. An object Icsr.on Is tho only lesson ho comprehends. Ho lias no conception of pure, orderly, equal, Impar tial government, under equal lawn Justly administered, because ho has never seen such a government. Ho must be shown tho almplit't results of good government by ac tual example In order that ho may begin to understand Its most elementary prin ciples. "Such a government will have Its effect upon us here. In America, too. Model ad ministration thero will he nn example cre ated by ourselves for model administration here; and our own e,amplo Is the only one Americans ever heed. It Is not true that charity begins at home. Selllahness begins there; but charity begins abroad and ends In Its full glory In the home. It Is not true that perfect government must be achieved nt homo befcrj administering it, abroad; Its exercise- abroad Is a suggestion, nn ex ample and a stimulus for the best govern ment at home. It is as If wo projected our selves upon a living screen and beheld our oelven at work. Englnnd to-day is tho home of Ideal municipal governments, England's administration of llombny did not divert attention from Glasgow, and aitingow Is to-day tho model for nil stu dents of municipal problems'. England's sanitary regeneration of filthy Calcutta mndo It clearer that Mrmtnghnm must bo regenerated, too, and to-day Birmingham, is the' municipal admiration of all instruct-? cd men. England's miracle in Egypt, sur passing tho ancient one of turning "rods Into serpents becnuso the modern miracle turns serpents Into men, deserts into gar dens, famine Into plentyi England's work In the land of the Sphinx hns solved Its profound riddle, exalted not England only, but fill the world, by Its noble example, and thrilled to tho soul every citizen of Great ijrltaln with civic pride In the achieve ments of the greatest civilizing empire of tho world. "Gust thy bread upon the wa ters and after many days it shall return unto you," "With what measure ye mete, It shull bo mctcd unto you again." Dominant .N'ofcs or Otlr rir.it end .Second Ontiirlcn. "Mr. President, self-government and In ternal development linvo been the domi nant notes of our first century; adminis tration and the development of other lnnds will bo the dominant notes of our second century. And administration is n.i high and holy a function ns self-government, jus, ns the enro of a trust cstnte Is as sa cred an obligation us the management of our own concerns. Cain was the first to violate tho Divine law of human society which makes of tin our brother's keeper. And administration of good government Is tho first lesson in self-government, that exalted cstnte toward whlcji all civilization tends. Administration of good government Is not denial cf liberty. For what Is lib erty? It Is not.savagery. It is not the ex ercise of Individual v. In. It Is not dictator ship. It involves government, but not necessarily self-government. It mentis law. First of all, It Is a common rule of action applying equally to nil within its limits. Liberty means protection of property and life without price, free speech without In timidation, Justice without purchase or delay, government without favor or fa vorites. What will best glvo all this to the peoplo of the Philippines? American ad ministration developing them gradually toward self-government, or self-government by a peoplo before they know what self-government means? True Interpretation of Ilcclnrntlon of Independence. "Tho declaration of Independence does not forbid us to do our part in the regen eration of tho world. If It did, the declar ation would bo wrong, just &3 the articles of confederation, drafted by the very samo men who signed the declaration, was found to be wrong. The declaration has no application to the present situation. It was written by self-governing men for self-governing men. It was written by inon who, for a century nnd a half, had been experimenting Ir. self-government on this continent, and whoso ancestors for hundreds of years before had been gradu ally developing townrJ that high and holy t-state. The declaration applies only to people capahlo of self-government. How dale any man prostitute this expression of the very elect of self-governing peoples to n race of Malay children of barbarism, schooled In Spanish methods and Ideas? And you, who say the declaration applies to nil men, how dare you deny its applica tion to the American Indian? And If you deny It to the Indian at home, how dare you grant It to the Malay abroad? Phrase, "Convent of (he Governed," MIn understood. "The declaration docs not contemplato that all government must have the con sent of tho governed. It announces that man's 'Inalienable rights aro life, liberty and tho pursuit of happiness; that to se euro these rights governments ure estab lished nmong men deriving tholr Just pow ers from the consent of the governed; that when any form of government becomes de structive of those rights, it Is tho right of the people to alter or abolish it.' 'Life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness' are the important things; 'consent of the gov erned' is one of tho means to those ends. If 'any form of government becomes de structive of those ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it,' says the declaration. 'Any form' Includes all Torms. Thus the declaration lt.jclf recognizes oth er forms of government than those resting on tho consent of tho governed. Tho word 'consent' Itself recognizes other forms. For 'consent' means the understanding of the thing to which the 'consent' Is given; nnd thore are people In the world who do not understand any form of government. And the sensa In which 'consent' Is used In the declaration Is broader than mere understanding; for 'consent,' in the declar ation, means participation In tho govern ment 'consented to. And yet these people who aro not capable of 'consenting' to any form of government must bo governed. And so, tho declaration contemplates all forms of government which secure the fundamental rlght3 of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; self-government, when that will best secure these ends, an In the case of people capable of self-govern ment; other appropriate forms when peo ple are not capable of self-government. And so tho authors of tho declaration them selves governed the Indian without his consent; the inhabitants of Louisiana with out their consent; and, ever since, the sons or tno makers of tho declaration have been governing not by theory, but by practice, after the fashion of our governing race, now by one form, now by another, but al ways for the purpose of securing tho great, eternal ends of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, not In the savage, but In tho civilized meaning of those terms llfo according to orderly methods of civ ilized society; liberty regulated by law; pursuit of happiness limited by the pur suit of happiness by every other man. If this Is not tho moaning of tho declaration, our government Itself denies the declara tion every tlmo It receives the representa tive of any but a republican form of gov ernment, such as that of the sultan, tho czar or other absolute autocrats, whoso governments, according to the opposition's interpretation of the declaration, uro spuri ous governments, because the people gov erned havo not 'consented' to them' LoiiMiiiiiininiii i-ovt'er to Uovcrn ns We Plcnxc. "Senntors In opposition are estopped from denying our constitutional power to govern tho Philippines as circumstances may demand. For such power Is admitted In the case of Florida, Louisiana. Alaska How, thon, is It denied In the Philippines? la there a geographical Interpretation to the constitution? Do degrees of longltud fix constitutional limitations? Doc3 a thousand miles of ocean diminish consti tutional power more than a thousand miles of land? Tho ocean does not sepaiato us from tho field of our duty and er.deavoi It Joins U3, an established highway needing no repair and landing Us at any point de sired. The sens do not separate tho l'hil .pplno islands from us or from each other. Tho bcas are highways through the archi pelago, which would cost hundreds qr mil lions of dollars to construct If they were land Instead of water. Land may sepa rate men from their desire; tho ocean never. Kussla has been centuries in crossing Si berian wastes; tho Puritans crossed the Atlantlo In brief and llj'lng weeks, if the Iloers must havo traveled by land, they would never have reached the Transvaal: but they sailed on Liberty's ocean they walked on clvl'lzatloh's untaxed highway, tho welcoming sen. Our ships habitually sailed around the cape .-and' anchored In California's liarbora, beforo. a single trail bad lined tho desert with tho whitening bones, of those who made it. Nol No! The ocean unties us; steam unites us; electric ity unites us; all the elements of nature unite us to the region where duty and in terest call us. There Is, in the ocean, no constitutional argument ttgafnst the march of the flag, for tho oceans, too, are ours. With more extended coast lines than any nation of history; with a commerco vast er than any other people ever dreamed of, and that cbmmerco as yet only In Its begin nings; with naval traditions equaling those of England, or of Greece, and the work of our navy only Just begun; with the air of thd ocean in our nostrils and tho blood of a sailor ancestry In our veins; with the shores of nil continents calling us, tho great republic, beforo 1 die, will bo the ac knowledged lord of the world's high Reas. And over them, the republic will hol.l do minion by virtue of the strength God has given It, for tho peace of the world ar.d the betterment of man. Word-i of Empire Expressly In Con Mtltutlon. "No; the oceans arc not limitations of tho power which tho constitution expressly gives congress to govern nil territory tho nation mny acquire. Tho constitution de clares that 'Congress shall havo power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory be longing to the United States.' Not tho northwest territory only; not Louisiana or Florida only; not territory on this conti nent only, but any territory anywhere be longing to the nation. Thd founders of the nation were not provincial. Theirs was tho geography of tho world. They were sol diers as well as landsmen, nnd they knew that where our ships should go our flag might follow. They had tho logic of prog ress and they knew that the republic they were planting must, in obedience to the laws of our expanding race, necessatlly develop Into tho greater republic which tho world beholds to-day, and Into tho still mightier republic which the world will finally acknowledge ns the arbiter, under God, of the destinies of mankind. And so our fathers wrote Into the constitution these words of growth, of expansion, of empire if you will, unlimited by geography or climate or by anything but the vitality and possibilities of the American people: 'Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory belonging to the United States.' Power Implied to Govern ns We I'lense. "The power to govern all territory tho nation may acquire would have been in congress If the language affirming that power had not been written In the consti tution. For not all powers of the national government are expressed. Its principal powers are implied. The written consti tution is but the Index of tho living consti tution. Hnd this not been true tho consti tution would have failed. Fcr tho peoplo in any event would have developed and pro gressed. And if the constitution had not hnd the capacity for growth corresponding with tho growth of the nation, the constitu tion would and should have been aban doned ns tho articles of confederation wcro abandoned. For the constitution is not Im mortal In Itself, is not useful even In Itself. The constitution is Immortal nnd even use ful only as It serves the ordeny develop ment of the nation. The nation alone is Immortal. Tho nation nlone Is sacred. The army is Us servant. The navy Is its serv ant. The president Is Its servant. This senate Is Its servant. Our laW3 are its meth ods. Our constitution Is its Instrument. This Is the golden rule of constitutional Interpretation: The constitution was made for the people; not tho people for the con stitution. Hamilton recognized this golden rule when he formulated the doctrlno of Implied powers. Marshall recognized it when he applied that doctrine to constitu tional interpretation, In McCullough vs. Maryland. Congress recognized It when It provided for Internal Improvements. Tho supreme court of the republic recognized it when It confirmed tho net of congress In making the promissory notes of the re public legal tender for debts. Washington recognized it when he sent tho nation's soldiers to suppress local riot In 3791: and Lincoln, the soul and symbol of the com mon people, recognized tho doctrine of Implied powers In every effort he made to savo the nation. There Is no power ex pressed in tho constitution to charter a bank; and, although tho subject was fa miliar to the framers of the constitution who still remained sllont on It, Marshall said that this power was Implied. Thero is no power expressed in the constitution to make internal improvements; nnd al though it was a subject painfully beforo the framers of the constitution who yet remained silent upon it congress nnLd it la Implied. Thero Is no power expressed in the constitution, but almost tho reverse, to make anything but gold and silver legal tender for payment of debts; the supreme court declared it is Implied. There is no power expressed in the constitution to maintain order in a state with tho na tion's soldiers unless the state llrst calls for aid: Washington, Lincoln and Cleve land said It Is Implied. The legislative, the executive and tho Judicial departments of our government have recognized nnd confirmed the doctrine of implied powers by which alone the constitution lives, the peoplo make progress and the republic n.arches forward to its Imperial destiny. The letter kllleth; but tho spirit glveth Govern Under Any Form We PI en e. "Tho nation's power to make rules and regulations for tho government of Its pos sessions Is not confined to any given set of rules or regulations. It is not confined to any particular formula of laws or kind of government or type of administration. Where do senators find constitutional war rant for any special kind of government in 'territory belonging to the United States?" Tho language affirming our power to gov ern such territory is ns broad ns tho re quirements of all possible situations. And there Is nothing in tho constitution to limit that comprehensive language. Tho very reverse Is true. For nower to administer government nnywhero nnd In any manner the situation demands would havo been In congress If the constitution hud been si lent; not merely becnuse It Is a power In herent In and nn attribute of nationality; not even because It might be inferred from other specific provisions of tho constitu tion; but becnuso it Is tho powor most nec essary for the ruling tendency of our race the tendency to explore, expand nnd grow, to sail new seas and seek now lands, sub duo tho wilderness, revltn'.lzo decaying peoples nnd plant civilized and civilizing governments over nil the globe. For the makers of tho constitution were of tho race that produced Hawkins, and Drake, and Raleigh, nnd Smith, and Winthron. and Penn. They were of the great exploring, pioneering, colonizing and governing race who went forth with trado or gain or re ligious liberty as tho immediate occasion for their voyages, but rpally becauso they could not help it; becauso tlio blood with in them commanded them; because their racial tendency Is ns resistless ns tho cur rents of tho sea or tho process of the suns or any othor elemental movement of nn ture, of-which that racial tendency Itself 13 tho most majestic. And when they wrote tho constitution they did not mean to negative the most elemental character istic of their race, of which their own. presence In America was an cxpresslo and an example. You cannot interpret a. constitution without understanding tho raco that wrote It. And If our fathers had Intended a reversal of the very nature and. being of their race, tltey would havo so de clared In tho most emphatic words our languago holds. Hut they did not, nnd In. the absence of such words tho power would remain which is essential to the strongest tendency of our practical race, to govern wherever wo are, and to govern by the methods best adapted to the situation. Uut our fathers wcro not content with silence, and they wrote in tho constitution tho words which affirm this essential and imperial power. Tlio Whole Uucntlon Elemental. "Mr, President, this question Is deeper than nny question of party politics; deeper than nny question of the Isolated policy of our country, even; deeper even thar. any question of constitutional power. It lc ele mental. It Is raclat. God has not been pre paring tho English-speaking and Teutonlo peoples for a thousand years for nothing but vain and Idle self-contemplation and self-admiration. No! Ho has mado us tho master organizers of tho world to establish system where chaos reigns. Ho has given us tho spirit of progress to over whelm the forces of reaction throughout the earth. Ho has mado us adepts in gov ernment that we may administer govern ment among savngo and senile peoples. Were it not for such a fores ns this, tho world would relapse Into barbarism and night. And of all our race, He has marked the American people as Ills chosen nntion to finally lead in tho regeneration of tho world. This is the Divine mission of Amer ica, and it holds for us all tho profit, all tho glory, all the happiness possible to man. Wo are trustees of the world's progress; guardians of Its righteous peace. Tho Judg ment of the Master is upon us. 'Ye havo beon faithful over a few things; I will make you ruler over many things.' "What shall history say of us? Shall It say that we renounced that holy trust, left the savage to his base condition, tho wilderness to tho reign of waste, deserted duty, abandoned glory, forgot our sordid profit even, because we feared our strength and rcaA the charter of our powers with tho doubter's eye and the qulbb'.cr's mind? Shnll it say that, called by events to cap tain and command the proudest, ablest, purest race of history In history's noblest work, we declined that great commission? Our fathers w6uld not have had It so. No! They founded no paralytic government, Incapablo of the simplest acts of adminis tration. They planted no sluggard people, passive while the Vorld's work calls them. They established ho reactionary nation. They unfurled no retreating flag. Go (I'm IlnnH In All. "That flag has never paused In It? on ward march. Who darcshclt It now when history's largest events arc carrying It forward now when we are at last one peo ple, strong enough for nny task, great enough for any glory destiny can bestow. How comes It that our first century closes with the process of consolidating tho American people into a unit Just accom plished,, and quick upon tho stroke of that great hour presses upon us our world op portunity, world duty, and world glory which none but a people welded Into an Indivisible nation can achieve or perform? Lillnd, Indeed, Is he who sees not the hand of God in eventsso vast, so harmonious, so bonlgn. Reactionary, indeed, Is tho mind that perceives not that this vital people Is the strongest of the saving forces of the world; that our place, therefore, is at tho head of tho constructing and redeeming nations of the earth; and that to stand aside while events march on is a surrender of our Interests, a betrayal of our duty as blind as It Is base. Craven, Indeed, is the heart that fears to perform a work so golden and so noble; that dares not win a glory so Immortal. "Do you tell me that It will cost us money? When did Americans ever measure duty by financial standards? Do you tell mo of the tremendous toll required to over come the vast difficulties of our task? What mighty work for the world, for hu manity, even for ourselves, has over been done with case? Even our bread must 'e eat by the sweat of our faces. Why aro we charged with power such as no people ever knew, if we aro not to uso It In a worlc such as no people ever wrought? Who will dispute tho Divine meaning of the fablo of tho talents? Do you remind mo of the precious blood that must bo shed, the lives that must bo given, the broken hearts of loved ones for their slain? And this is In deed a heavier price than all combined. And yet as a nation every historic duty wo have donp, every achievement we have ac complished, has been by tho sacrifice of our noblest sons. Every holy memory that glorifies tho flag Is of those heroes who have died that Its onward march might not bo stayed. It is the nation's dearest lives yielded for the flag that makes It dear to us; It Is the nation's most precious blood poured out for It that makes It precious to us. That ling Is woven of heroism nnd grief, of the bravery of men and women's tears, of righteousness nnd battle, of sacri fice and anguish, of triumph nnd of glory. It is these which make our ling a holy thing, Who would tenr from that snered banner the glorious legends of a single battle where It has waved on land or sea? What son of a soldier of the flng, whoso father fell beneath It on any field, would surrender that proud record for the her aldry of a king. In the cause of civiliza tion, In tho service of the republic nny whero on earth, Americans consider wounds tho noblest decorations man can win nnd count the giving of their lives a glad nnd precious duty. Pray God that spirit never falls. Pray God the time may never como when Mnmmon and tho love of caso shnll so debase our blood that wo will fear to shed it for tho flag and Its imperial des tiny. Pray God the time may never como when American heroism Is but n legend, like tho story of the Cid. American fnlth In our mission nnd our might a dream dis solved, and tho glory of our mighty raco ucnarteu. "And that time will never come. Wo will renew our youth at tho fountain of new and glorious deeds. We will exalt our reverence for the ting by carrying It to a. noblo future ns well an by remembering Its Ineffable past. Its Immortality will not pa.ss, becauso everywhero and always wo will acknowledge and discharge tho solemn responsibilities our sacred flag, In its deep est meaning, puts Upon us. And so, sena tors, with reverent hearts, whero dwells the fear of God, the American people movo forward to tho futuro of their hope and tho doing of His work. Ft mil Appeal. "Mr. President and Senators: Adopt tho resolution offered that peace may quickly como and that wo may bOgln our saving, re generating and uplifting work. Adopt It and this bloodshed will ceaso when thesa deluded children of our Islands learn that this la the flnnl action of the representa tives of tho American people In congress assembled. Reject It and tho world, his tory anil tho Amerlcnn peoplo will know where to forever fix the awful responsibil ity for the consequences thnt will surely follow such failure to do our manifest duty. How dare wo delay when our soldiers blood is flowing?" V tip A- f Y t -maLW