SUPPLEUEXTTO TEE
SEMI-WEEKLY TRIBUNE.
Friday, October 9, 1896.
jKORTH PLATTE, - NEBRASKA.
Whenever Danger Threatened the
Country They Have Eallied
"o Its Supporti
HARD TIMES AND THE CAUSE.
Employment of Labor in Mechanical
Industries and Not Debased
Money is Needed.
Whenever danger threatened our insti
tation the farmer has always rallied to
tie sunnort of his country. There
good reason in this, in the fact that he
wns the broad acres of our territory ana
is so identified with our institutions that
protect him in this ownership that his m
terest is necessarily of a character to
ake him the safe conservator of our
government's perpetuity, prosperity and
Sonor.
In the nresent campaign we are con
fronted by an issue that affects every
class of our citizens, hence, there is an
interest in the outcome more intense than
in anv cnmnaicn since 1SG0. One reason
for the manifestation for so much inter
est is the fact that the country has been
snfFerinir from an unprecedented period
f depression and is earnest in its intent
secure relief. Among those wno la
fcnr none have more reason for com
laint than the farmer. Prices of his
products have been low. values of land
mnd stock have continued to decline,
xntil discouraged and disheartened,
j cnom tn believe him ready to
accept anv promise that they make, but
She fact is. and better still, he is ready to
vfew and discuss fully the merits of the
w-l TMio urnnnsitinn
rOpOSIUOUS unc-itu.
that has been urged paramount to all
thers, is the free and unlimited coinage
f silver
There " never was a more deceptive
proposition, one more startling in its
effects and results and one that would
fee-more disappointing should it become
a practical fact. It is advocated by
xsen having a pecuniary interest at stake,
lacked by a combination of capital un
eanaled by any that has ever attempted
to control our government since the day
f the slave power. The silver mine
wners of the United States, skilled m
political maneuvering, have organized
Ihemselves into a syndicate for the pur
pose of forcing upon the country, with
out regard to consequences, the free and
nlimited coinage of silver.
The magnificent scheme was outlined
ir Mr. Bryan in his Madison square
speech when he said: "At the present
time and under the present law, a silver
(Jollar when melted loses nearly one-half
its value, but that will not be true when
-re can establish a mint price of silver
and leave no surplus silver upon the
market to drag down the price of sil
ver bullion," and then to show the pos
sibility of cornering silver and forcing
it to a price satisfactory to mine owners,
Ve cannot even expect all of the an
nual product of silver because India,
China, Japan. Mexico and other silver
Ksing countries must satisfy their nnntral
eed from the annual product; the arts
will require a large amount and the gold
standard countries will need a consider
able quantity for subsidiary coinage:
we will be required to coin only tha
which is not needed elsewhere, but if we
stand readv to take and utilize all of it,
ther nations will be ready to buy at
the price we fix."
This is the silver miners' scheme as
ntlined by Mr. Bryan. The people are
ioTited to loan the resources of this gov
ernment to a silver syndicate in order
that it may be able by taking all the
silver that is offered to the world to
4i the price and compel other nations
to pay that price. This is worse than
free and unlimited coinage, yet it is the
nly way Mr. Bryan says whereby the
jwice of silver can be maintained at
parity with gold. The magnitude of the
scheme and their audacity in attempt
ing its .execution challenges admiration.
Bnt the American people are accustomed
to investigate the claims of parties and
en. -. They want to know for themselves
the why and wherefores, if 'some great
radical change is proposed. That they
will thus investigate and judge for them
selves is evidence that they are quali
fied for self-government.
That present conditions are hard, es
pecially among the farming class, every
ne admits. There is Jindoubtedly a
einse for this abnormal condition. The
silver advocates attribute the existing
depression to the demonetization of sil
ver, "the crime of 1S73" as they desig
mte the suspension of coinage of silver
iollars in 1873.
They fail to show how that legislation
aeduced prices: they simply assert that it
d. They fail also to show why prices
continued to decline after coinage of sil
zer was resumed in 1878. They ignore
all the facts of development, the large
aad unprecendented production of farm
products and especially the unprofitable
ferision of labor. The building of new
aaHroads and the opening of vast terri
tories for cultivation are entirelv ignored.
During the years 1S7S-79 and SO it is
Snown that over GOO.OOO mechanics left
afee factories and shops of New England
aad the middle and older Western states
to locate on the lands in Kansas and Ne
staska ariti the Dakotas. These all he
me active jjruuucuTs uisieaa or consum-
o ff fnjm nrrkrlltnfc
vendition of affairs and secure less pro
facers and more consumers of farm pro
tects; If by any way we can do this, we
will hare accomplished something prac
tical in correcting the ills our farmers
fcve to bear. There is a method by
which this may be accomplished, a reme
dy that it not only practical but per
aaxnent and far reaching in its effects.
Thee is a well established principle in
palitical economy often referred to by
writers that "the greatest creator of
WMiIth is the greatest possible division of
tib&r." Previous to the election of 1S92
teder the operation of the Republican
fcpficy of protection, we were struggling
to realize our benefits of this principle and
we- were rapidly overcoming our adverse
eaaditions by increasing the demand for
farm products. The interest which the
saeTement of labor has in protective du
9s Ties in the effect which the movement
? labor has upon the supply and demand
m! agricultural products. It is impossible
to maintain a proper division of labor.
scept we produce the largest amount of
asaraufactured goods possible within our
rn territory. Open our ports free and
aw our markets to be supplied by the
aaaxafacturers of Europe and the effect
arld be. to compel our wage earning
PATROTIC
FARMERS
class to become ftsmers or producers of
farm products.
The year 1S92 shows a record of mar
velous activity in the direction of secur
ing a larger division of labor by em
ploying more in our mechanical indus
tries. Our shoos were filling up. new
enterprises were started, labor was in
demand at good prices in mechanical in
dustries, reciprocity was enlarging ana
extending our markets and we seemed
in every way to be realizing for the
American farmer and artisan the full
value of that law of political economy
and creating wealth by division or la
bor."
In 1892 the policy of protection was re
versed and thus the laborers irom the
shops and factories were forced from
sheer necessity to go out upon the lands
and become producers instead of consum
ers. It has been estimated that over a
million laborers, have since.;the election jof ,
1892 wheir compelled to seek employ
ment in farming in order to obtain sub
sistence for themselves and families;
many of these have converted parcels
of ground near and around their homes
into corn and potato patches, thereby
enormously decreasing the demand for
the products of the regular farm. It
is easy to understand when the full effect
of this shiftinsr of labor from the mechan
ical industries to the farm is considered,
what the effect must be upon prices
of farm Broducts.
In view of these facts, all of which can
be verified in the past history of our
country, it is plain that our fanners are
directly interested in the employment of
labor and that their prosperity depends
largely upon whether that labor is em
ployed as competitors in the production
of farm products, or as consumers em
ployed in the mechanical industries of
the country. "We are certainly learning
from a severe practical experience the
truth and value of the economic principle
aheady referred to that "the greatest
creator of wealth is the greatest possible
division of labor." We are also learning
that this division of labor may be
brought about by" a wise policy of protec
tion.
The effect of production upon the
products of the farm can be summed up
in a few words. First, will it increase
or dimmish the number engaged hi pro
ducing the products of the farm? Sec
ond, will it increase or diminish the mini
ber of consumers of farm products?
When you have answered these two
plain propositions you will be master of
the entire argument of protection and
tree trade, so far as the farmer is con
cerned. You need be concerned in no
way about the free coinage of silver
as this cannot in any way possible in
crease or diminish the consumption of
your products. Its adoption, however,
would have the effect, as Mr. Bryan
admits, of producing a panic and con
tinued depression in our mechanical in
dustries, forcing more labor to the farm
and thereby add to the number already
producing farm products.
The employment of labor in our me
chanical industries and not the free
coinage of silver is the thing that inter
ests the farmer and is to secure for him
the prosperity he so much desires. H.
A. Willard, Chattanooga, Tenn.
ISO MONEY IS TOO GOOD.
Maj. McKInley Recalls the Days of
State Banks and Wildcat
Currency.
Maj. McKinley said to a delegation
from Indiana which visited his home on
September 23:
I believe in America for Americans-native-born
and naturalized. (Applause.)
I believe in the American pay roll.
(Laughter and applause.) And I do not
believe in diminishing that pay roll by
giving work -to anybody else under an
other flag while we have an idle man
under our flag. (Tremendous applause.)
Four years ago the laborer was agitat
ing the question of shorter hours. We
then had so much to do. I have heard
no discussion of that kind for four years.
(Laughter and applause.) But I have
never heard of the laborinsr man dis
cussing the desirability of having short
dollars. The complaint the chief cause
of complaint of our opponents is first,
that we have not enough money; and,
second, that our money is too good.
(Laughter.) To the first comnlaint I
answer that the per capita of circulating
medium in this country has been greater
since the so-called crime of 1873 than it
ever was before (applause), and that it
has been greater in the last five years
than it ever was in all our history. (Cries
of "That's right.") We have not only
the best money in the world, but we have
more ot it per capita than most of the
nations of the world. (Applause.) We
have more money per capita than the
United Kingdom per capita; than Ger
many, than Italy, than Switzerland,
Greece. Spain, Roumnnia, Servia, Aus
tria. Hungary, Norway, Sweden. Den
mark, Russia, Mexico and the Central
and South American states, and more
than Japan or China. (Great applause.)
So that some reason rather than the lack
of volume of money must be found to
account for the present condition of the
country.
To the second complaint that our
money is too good, it would seem" to be
enough to say that the money of any
country cannot be too good; and that
no nation ever suffers from having its
medium of exchange of the highest and
best quality. (Great applause.) It has
been poor money not good money that
has been the cause of so much loss and
ruin in the past, both to individuals and
to nations. (Applause.) The older men
of this audience will remember that be
fore the war we did business with an un
certain and fluctuating currency known
as state bank money. Many of these
banks and their notes were absolutely
sound: but for the most part they were
subject to a discount. The total num
ber of banks in 180U, exclusive o state
bank branches, was 1570. Of this
number, the ''counterfeit detector,
then in constant use, reported
832 as "broken, closed. failed,
fraudulent and worthless." The notes
of these banks were in circulation
among the people and had been received
. . i iL.: j i il -
Dy tnem ior xueir goou lauor ana xueir
good products. They were absolutely
worthless and of no more value than the
paper upon which they were printed. Up
on whom did this loss fall, my citizens?
There is scarcely an old gentleman in this
audience who will not recall that it fell
unoii the laboring man and the farmers
of the United States. (Cries of "That's
right.") I allude to this only to show
that those who suffer most from poor
mnnov are the least able to bear the loss.
It is the history of mankind that the least
valuable money wnicu win pass current
is the money that at last finds its resting
place among the poor people and when
the crash comes, the loss must be borne
by them. And I doubt if there is a man
in this audience who has not among the
hnlnnirinirs of his family or the family of
his father some of the old bank paper as
a reminder of what they lost. (A voice:
I have S10 at home myselt.) l cannot
imagine anv interest that can be per
manently subserved by having poor mon-
ev. The Dare suggestion ot sucn a propo
sition to a man of reason meets its in
stant rejection.
Tf the New York World wants to
bring either of the current Democratic
narties into a tariff fight the Republican
nartv is ready. The Democrats will be
defeated an me more empuaucuuy. a
tnriff for revenue only, which both Dem
ocratic parties demand, this country will
not have. Minneapolis Journal.
.. ,
Socialist The reason I'm a Bryan man Is because I want to cut down the wealth of these plutocrars.
"Worklngman Yes. I've thought a bit about that, but it strikes me a good deal Hko biting off one's nose to spite one's face.
Socialist How's that?
"Worklngman Well. I'll tell you. Just suppose, for Instance, that a man whose Income is 510.000 a vear has Its purchasing
power cut down to ?500O by free silver: he can worry along very nicely, can't be? Rut how about the fellows whose Incomes
amount to only 000, or even $300? If free silver cuts the purchasing power down to ?C0O, or $150, it will squeeze them pretty
hard, won't it? St. Paul Pioneer Press.
WOULD
AFFECT MEN
Free Silver Issue of Vital Import
to Wives and Mothers of
Wage-Earners.
HIGH PRICES AND LOW WAGES.
Working Women will Also be Far
Worse Off Than the
Men.
While the value of the wages earned
by everyone who works for a living will
be greatly reduced by the free coinage
of silver, the working women will be far
worse off in this respect than the men.
Their wages will not probably be re
duced in a greater ratio than the wages
cf the men, but they will stand a poorer
chance of securing an advance to meet
the increased cost of livinsr. They will
have to submit to the hardship of high
prices and low wages with less hope of
remedying men cuuuiuuu.
One principal cause of this disadvant
ripp is that the women employed in pro
ductive industries have not the organized
unions with which to sustain their inter
ests. The great advance in the wages
of labor, especially of skilled labor,
which has been made during the past
twenty years, is due in large measure to
the intelligent organization of the work
ingmen. It is an error to regard the
labor unions as the machinery for pro
ducing strikes and boycotts. Properly
and sagaciously conducted, these organi
zations are preventive of labor contro
versies, for they provide the means of
conference and adjustment of questions
nn tvliioh there is disacreement between
employers and workmen; aud especially
when the Question is mat or increase oi
wages they have been effective in secur
ing a proper recognition of what is due
to labor as its share in the compensation
of production.
The wages of women workers have,
indeed, advanced along with those of
men, though not to a corresponding fig
nrp nnd the labor unions have regard
in some degree for the wages of female
operatives as well; but the lack of or
ganizations of their own will leave the
thousands of women workers in our
manufacturing industries at a marked
disadvantage if their wages should be
cut down in value by the free coinage
of silver and the consequent depreciation
of the money in which they are paid.
In this respect, as always, it is the
weaker that must bear the greater share
of the burden; and the struggle to bring
nrnirps un to a living rate after free coin
age has reduced them by perhaps one-
" . . i " . 1 J 1
half or their purcnasing vaiue wouiu ue
long and weary for the working wom
en. It IS noi a pieusuui yruspeti. lur
the thousands of women who today work
for wages in our mercantile and manu-fnr-tnrinjr
establishments. They are an
industrious, self-supporting class, many
of them contributing to the family fund
from their weekly earnings and having
a just pride in their own independence
and their ability to aid others. Any
public policy which cuts off their re
sources is a cruel wrong by which the
whole community must suffer.
Every mother of a family has ever be
fore her the dread possibility of the
death of the one whose labor provides the
means of living before the day comes
when the sons will be able to take up
the burden of support and the daughters
be comfortably settled in homes of their
own. Even if the children are grown up
and taking care of themselves, and even
if they are doing so well as to be able to
give her a home after the death of the
husband end father, she looks forward to
the time when she will be left alone with
a dread of the loss of independence in
case the accumulations of her husband's
working vears have not been great
enough to provide her means of subsist
ence after he is gone. So it is that the
prudent man insures his life for the bene
fit of his wife and his children, paying
from vear to year during his active life
the cost of assurance that at his death
his familv will receive a sum of money
sufficient "to avert the sufferings of desti
tution. In many cases, the insurance policy is
the only thing of value the husband and
father can leave to the wife and chil
dren. He may have been able to lay by
no money in the savings bank, he may
die suddenly in a period of hard times
and business reverses, which have strip
ped Aim of the savings of better days,
and the insurance money may thus be
come the sole resource of the widow and
orphans. Surely a fun4 .siicJta&JlhiS,
"ism iu uu sacieu against ruuei
through depreciation of the value of the
money in which it is paid. Free silver,'
on the basis of the present value of the
two metals, would rob every widow of
half the money value coming to her
from the insurance carried by her hus
band. And this would be a stupendous rob
bery indeed. The five Massachusetts
life insurance companies of which sta
tistics are given in the commissioner's
report, paid $4,037,388 in death claims
last year. The grand total reported of
all life insurance companies doing busi
ness in this state was $00,851,477. Can
the women, for whose benefit most of
this insurance money was paid, regard
with equanimity the loss of $33,000,000
in one year? There are millions of wom
en dependent upon the payment of such
policies. The Massachusetts companies
had 122.G00 policies in force last year,
calling for $322,874,022 in case of death.
The grand total, including all companies,
was 1,743,350 policies, amounting to the
enormous sum of $4.705,OS3,8G4. Right
here in Masachusetts there is $2S7,910,
409 at stake in this way.
In addition to all these there are the
assessment life insurance companies,
with 39,329 certificates in force, repre
senting $93,522,457; the fraternal bene
ficiary associations, with a membership
of S54,G50, which paid out $19,003,050
for 10,009 death claims last year; the
casualty companies, which paid out
$300,301. All these, which are primari
ly for the relief of widows and orphans,
would have to pay in depreciated money
under free silver.
But the money in which the premiums
on these policies have been paid is
money as good as gold, worth 100 cents
on the dollar. In Massachusetts alone
last year $10,740,807 was thus paid. Do
not the women want, and is it not their
right, to receive from the insurance com
panies as good money as their husbands
paid for the insurance? Boston Post.
CAMPAIGN NOTES.
There is not so much fanaticism and
foolishness in the country as was sup
posed when Bryan captured the Chicago
convention with his "crown of thorns"
and "cross of gold" harangue. The
Ievel-headedness of the masses is still
to be counted upon as a safeguard against
Socialism and anarchy.
Powderly hits the nail squarely on the
head when he tells the workingman that
his motto with regard to money should
be, "The best is none too good for
me."
A man is said to have injured his ankle
in a silver debate. That's what comes
of letting people with comparatively lit
tle strength juggle with these heavy ar
guments. Mr. Powderly, who says the Bryan
free-silver panic would be worse for la
bor than all the strikes ever known, will
come in for the abuse of the Debsites,
who want strikes galore, fre silver,
free rum and a general break-up.
A government, like an individual, must
have a reputation for honesty and have
good backing if it does business vith
the great world outside of its own lim
its. Mark Hanna is firmly of the belief
that the only effective confidence restora
tive is put up at Canton.
Bryan says that "the present dollar has
too great purchasing power." Ask some
one who sweats through eight hours to
earn one whether this is true.
Spain wants more money. She should
send for Bryan.
An honest dollar is the noblest work of
politics.
Even the Democrats of Michigan.
Wisconsin and Ohio are flocking to the
standard of McKinley. The same thing
afflicts Mr. Bryan, it seems, that led the
parrot of story into serious trouble. He
talks too much.
Neither free silver nor any other cheap
money device can bring prosperity to a
nation burdened with a tariff which op
erates adversely to the interests of its
own people.
Bryan appears to be one of those men
who 'think they know it all. and an in
telligent and observing public does not
need to be Informed what usually hap
pens to them.
To put money into circulation is the
need of the time, and that can be done
only by a protective tariff, that will re
vive industry.
Bryan's campaign speeches are like a
minstrel show. You hear one, you hear
them all.
Scared capital runs faster than light
ning. It is bad enough to give away our
markets to other countries, without giv
ing .them our mints also-
ADVfSES FIRST VOTERS
Maj. McEnley's Felicitous Ke-
marks to a Delegation of
Young Buckeyes.
TRUE WORTH OF SUFFRAGE.
Priceless Privilege of Be:ng Able to
Vote for Protection and Na
tional Honor.
The first visitors to Maj. McKinley's
home on September 25 were members
of a big delegation of voters from Wood
county, u. They were headed bv At
torney It. S Parker of Bowling Green,
wno made the speech of presentation
In responding Maj. McKinley said in
part:
"Mr. Parker, Ladies and Gentlemen
I am very glad to meet at my home this
representative delegation from Wood
county, l cannot imagine a body of
citizens more representative than that
which I see" before me here today men
and women, old and young, workingmen
and farmers, men of every profession
and calling m your county: and it inili
cates to me that no matter what may
oe asserted m other quarters of the
country mere is no such thing known as
'classes' in Wood county. (Great ap
plause and cries of 'That's right.') I
am especially glad to make suitable
recognition ot the women who have lion
ored me with their presence today.
(Cheers.) They are a mighty factor in
our progress and civilization, and they
iiaiL- uueu most potential m every crisis
of American history. (Renewed cheer
ing.) I am glad to know thntthey are
interested in the party of sood morn Is
good polities, good government and pub
lic uuu private uonesiy. lureat ap
plause.)
"The presence of this body of young
men who" are to vote for the first time
ucii wovemuer is 10 me an inspiring
sight, and that you are so soon to imiov
the priceless privilege of citizenship must
1. 1 1 c . , .
uu iu an ui you an inspiring tnougut.
For twenty-one years you have been en
joying our free institutions, the protec-
j. r i
illiu UIJIU1 IIIU1I V UL OUT JUWK. Willi'
out any political power or responsibility,
True Worth of SuQrage.
"I fear sometimes that few of us esti
mate suffrage at its true worth. It
clothes us with sovereignty. It is a
guaranty to our liberties and institutions
and is our surest safety. It is the con
stitutional mode of expressing the ponu-
iar win. j-uruuijii 11 puuue policies are
determined and public laws enacted.
Through it administrations are changed
and administrations are made. Through
it our whole governmental machinery is
conducted. It is indeed a priceless inher
itance, and should be valued as such by
every young man.
"With the privilege comes grave re
sponsibilities in its use. It should ex
press the intelligence and judgment and
conscience of the voter. It should never
be employed for any base use. It should
be exercised with courage, wisdom and
patriotism. It should never, no never,
be thrown against the country, and
should never represent public dishonor.
(Great applause.) I recall, young men,
my first vote. With what a thrill of
pride I exercised for the first time the
full prerogative of citizenship. I have
not realized greater pride since. I felt
that I had some part in the government.
The period and circumstances when f
cast my first vote may have made a
deeper impression npon me than it other
wise would, but I recall it now after
thirty-two years with sensations of joy
and satisfaction. (Applause.) In the
crisis of war, in the very field of con
flict, my first vote was cast for Abraham
Lincoln. (Great cheering.) It is to me
a priceless memory. What a glorious
privilege to have been permitted to vote
for a candidate for President whose serv
ices to his country in the greatest peril
of its life rank with the services of
Washington, the father of his country.
(Applause.) Priceless memory to me that
I could vote for the martyr to liberty,
the emancipator of a race, and the savior
of the only free government among men.
(Great cheering.)
"You, gentlemen, did not have that
privilege, but it having been denied you
there will be some satisfaction to 3011 to
vote for the party of Lincoln, which ral
lied the young men of the country
around the banner of liberty, union and
national honor, between 1S00 and 1SG5
(applause), and now summons you under
the same glorious banner. (Renewed
applause.)
Appropriate Quotation from Lincoln.
"I cannot omit here to make a quota
tion from Mr. Lincoln, written to the
young men of Illinois on June 22, 1S48.
Mr. Lincoln said: 'Now as to the young
men. You must not wait to be brought
forward by the older men. You young
men get together, form a "rough and
ready club." and have regular meetings
and speeches. Take in everybody you
can get. As you go along gather up all
the shrewd, wild boys about town,
whether just of age or a little under
age. Let everyone play the part he cas
play best. Some speak, some sing and
all holler. Great laughter.) Your
meetings will be of evenings. Ihe old
er men and women will go to hear you
and see you. It will not only contrlbu,ta
to the election of Old Zach, but it wiU
be interesting pastime and improving
to the intellectual faculties of all en
gaged. Bo not fail to do this.' (Great
applause.)
I commend these hornelr words of
Mr. Lincoln, to the young men of the
country. Such organizations as he ad
vises will have powerful influence ia the
political contest which is now upon 06.
They will not only inspire the young
men, but will cheer the hearts of the
old guards of the Republican party.
JApplatise.) It is seldom given to the
Tirst voters of this country to start in so
important a national contest, where so
much is involved, and where so many in
terests are at stake. It is a year, too.
when old party divisions count for lit
tle; when men of all parties are united
in the common object to save the coun
try from dishonor and its currency
from degradation.
it is- always safe, young gentlemen.
to arrange yourself on the side of your
country. (Applause.) It is always wise
to stand against lawlessness and repudi
ation. (Renewed npolause and cries of
"That's right.") It is always patriotic
to stand against those who are opposed
to law and order, and who would raise
artificial barriers between classes or sec
tions in the United States. (Great ap
plause.) I congratulate you upon the
glorious opportunities you have, and, ap-'
predating those opportunities. I am sure
you will use them for the welfare of the
people and the glory of the country.
(Cheers.)
Further Reference to Mints and Mills.
"My fellow citizens. I ventured a few
weeks ago to suggest in a public speech
that I made that it would be better to
open the mills than to open the mints.
iGreat cheering and cries of "That's
right.") I see that some of our political
adversaries criticise the statement, say
ing that it is 'nuttinsr the cart before the
horse.' They seem to think that the way
to open the woolen mills, for example, is
to start a yardstick factory. (Great
laughter and applause.) They forget
that you must make cloth before you
can measure it (renewed laughter) and
that the weaver must be employed before
the yardstick is required. (Applause.)
But they say the yardstick is too long.
I answer if you make a yardstick nine
teen inches long instead of thirty-six
inches, its present length, you will not
increase the output of cloth or its value
or give an additional day's labor to an
American weaver. (Great applause.)
Nor will a 52-cent dollar increase our in
dustrial enterprises, add to the actual
earnings of anybody, or enhance the real
value of anything. (Great applause and
cries of "That's right.") It will wrong
labor and wreck values, and has done so
wherever it has been used. (Great ap
plause and cries of "That's right.") More
cloth might require more yardsticks
(laughter), but more yardsticks or short
er ones will not create a demand for
more cloth. (Renewed laughter and cries
of "Good, good.") Nor will short dol
lars with wide open mints free to all
the world increase our factories. (Ap
plause and cries of "You are right.")
More factories at work will hnd work
for the good dollars now in their hiding
places, and find employment for the good
men now idle at their homes. (Tremen
dous cheering.)
"Industry must come first. Labor
precedes all else. It is the fonndatron-
of wealth: it is the creator of all
wealth. (Applause.) Its active employ
ment puts money in circulation and sends
it coursing through every artery of trade.
(Great applause and cries of "That s
right!") The mints don't distribute it
in that way. (Cries of "Ion bet they
don'tl") Start the factories in full
blast and the money will flow from bank
and vault. The lender will seek the
borrower, not. as now. the borrower the
lender. (Great cheering and cries of
That's right!")
"Start the factories and put American
mnphincrv in oneration. and there will
not be an idle man in the country who
is willing and able to work: there will
not be an American home where hunger
and want will not disappear at once;
(great applause and cries of "lhats
right!"): and there will not be a farmer
ill not be cheered and benefited by
his improved home markets and by the
better and steadier prices ior ins prou-
ucts. (Renewed applause and cries or
"That's right!") Credits will take the
place of debts. The wasted earnings of
the poor will be restored. A surplus
will tnke the nlace of a deficiency in the
public treasury (cries of "That's right!"):
plenty and prosperity will return to us
ur-iin: and do not forget, men and wom
en of Wood county, that you cannot coin
prosperity (great cheering), and you can
not revive industries through the mints.
(Great applause and cries of "That's
right!") They come through labor and
confidence, skill and enterprise, and hon
esty, and they will come no other way."
(Great applause.)
DEEDS NOT WORDS.
AVhat McKinley Did lor Destitute Miners
Less than Two lears Ago.
msio Pnmlidate Bryan is coins: about
the country telling fairy tales of what
he and his policy will do for the poor,
the question naturally arises: "What
has he ever done for the working poor?
t :- lmliit or nature to feel for and
try to relieve the suffering of those less
fortunate in life than himself?"
His most loyal supporters make no
.. hns ever shown this feel-
inc for his fellowman until now. In
faCt ilO lluS UU ll-VUiU Ul VI fl UU 1 AUfc,
gone out of his way to do anything for
i. nnlU the "masses." On the
i.,i Mni. MeKinlev. while not
Oiuer ji.iuv.,
Tosin- as one who "weeps for the
. hna n record. He savs nothimr
nrnrrenee which eave the
world an insight 'nto the heart of the
.i,tn wns the friend of those
,ni lmnirrv. hnt a creat multitude
remembers it. Such acts live in the
memory of those wno "earn ineir ureau
by the sweat of their face."
f Mai. McKinler. tha
Grand Rapids Herald says:
No account ot aicivmiey s connec--rrUh
Inhor nroblems would be com-
mi snmp mention of the tire-
less energy which he displayed in secur
ing relief for the 2000 miners in the
Hocking valley mining district who early
renorted out of work and
destitute. The news first came to the
governor at midnight, but before 5
o'clock in the morning he had upon his
own responsibility dispatched to tb? af
flicted district a car containing $1000
worth of provisions. Later he made ap
peals for assistance and finally distrib
ntoA imnn? the 2723 families in the
district elothine and nrovisions to the
amount of $32,700.95."