The monitor. (Omaha, Neb.) 1915-1928, November 02, 1928, Page TWO, Image 2

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    Negro Vote to Go to Herbert Hoover
Survey Reveal* Deflection to Demo
crat* Negligible; Race "in the
Middle" in Viciou* Southern
Politic*.
By Albert Anderson
Staff Correspondent for the
Associated Negro Press
Washington, D. C., Oct. 31—(By
the Associated Negro Press)—With
the casting of ballots in the presiden
tial election only a week away, this
unusual campaign of 1928 keeps up
its interest and uncertainty clear un
til its end. The mixed issues of re
ligion and liquor, race and color, the
effort to crack the solid south, as well
as the cry of “Tammany” or “Ku
Klux Klan” have well nigh drowned
out the old reliable political argu
ments and eloquent slogans of the
years past and created a puzzling sit
uation for many a voter.
It is this attitude which for once
make3 even the Negro vote interest
ing. While white republican leaders
pretend to scoff at the idea that any
appreciable number of black ballots
will be cast for Smith, the actual po
sition of colored people this year, un
doubtedly has the political dopesters
guessing. Democratic activity on a
scale heretofore unknown, unrest,
and admitted dissatisfaction with the
present day republican party keeps a
question mark behind the Negro un
til the final votes are counted.
Republicans Confident
Quiet confidence seems to reign,
however, in the republican head- 1
quarters at the Barr building here.
Reports received by Chairman John
R. Hawkins from his workers scat
tered throughout the “voting states,”
are to the effect that whatever tend
ency there was to stray from the
fold has been checked and that a j
substantial majority of Negroes will
vote for Hoover and Curtis.
In the meantime, a spirit of watch
ful waiting is to be felt at the Col
ored Smith - for - President league
headquarters ir. New York City,
where the youthful chairman of or
ganization, Julian D. Rainey, and
chief of publicity, Lester A. Walton,
sit back with the feeling that they ;
have put forth a slashing effort and
therefore are half hopeful that re
sults will at least be encouraging
enough to make a dent in the one
party fealty of the colored hosts and
encourage the democratic moguls to
continue their efforts to proselyte
the black vote in elections to come.
i
Stop Activities Early
A recent survey through the east,
middle west, and border states, re
veals, according to the intelligence
brought to Dr. John R. Hawkins, that
the situation is safe. The early dis
continuance of work in the western
branch at Chicago, as well as the
tapering off of the work in the east
would seem to bear out this attitude
of confidence. But it is no secret j
that four or five weeks ago, the dem
ocrats, who had their publicity going
earlier than their rivals, and who in
most instances had organizations ac
tively in the field before the repub
licans got started, made a noisy dis
play of strength and following which !
startled old campaigners. The demo- j
crats have been aggressive and the
general Negro discontent furnished J
fertile soil for them to plant. As
the G. O. P. swung into action, how
ever, the real truths about the issues
began to seep down to the voting
masses. The old distrust of the dem
ocratic emblem and its southern asso
ciations began to assert itself. The
result seems plain, therefore, that
while a good start was made, the
Negro is not yet ready to vote the
democratic ticket nationally, espe
cially with a Robinson tied to its
tail.
How the States Stand
Harlem will vote for the party of
its father-. The chief reason appears
to be that there they know A1 Smith
and his entirely negligible attitude
toward Negroes too well. Tammany
has carried Harlem in the past be
cause of organization and indiffer
ence on the part of the republicans
who do not even attempt to register
the vote there.
In Philadelphia, quite a little rip
ple has been created by Negro demo
cratic workers. It has been a long
time since Pennsylvanians have been
flattered by having anybody assume
they could vote for anything but a
republican ticket, so they have treat
ed it as a novelty, being naturally as
E. T. Atwell says, “jiners.” When
the Vare steam roller, fired by the
petty jobs they ladle out in Quaker
town, gets through rolling and the
Pittsburgh ward bosses pass the word
down the line, the usual majorities
will be counted, according to those
who are in the know.
Maryland is putting up an interest
ing fight. Tom Smith has gangs of
Negro democratic workers rounding
up the vote, in the manner which is
his wont. Thus is the first time he
has felt free to support a presiden
tial candidate, because though the
democratic boss of Baltimore, he is
an ardent “race man.” His influence
is wide. It had been rumored that
Negro Roman Catholics would not
support Smith, but a white priest
brought fourteen colored nuns to a
Baltimore polling place and regis
tered them last registration day.
Smith Win*, Then Lo*e» East
Republican activity has been usual
and normal. Democratic activity be
cause it is unusual, is news. A1 Smith
and Chairman Raskob have not
shown the same ability that the re
publican chieftains have. At one
time it was conceded that coupled
with the popularity of Senator Walsh
he had Massachusetts sewed up and
New Jersey the same way. That |
made the colored vote a big factor, j
but the brand of political sense which j
can win in New York City does not ,
suffice for the “big game” and in j
both states the republicans are now I
confident, even though in Bosten 10
days ago under the direction of Dr.
“Shag” Taylor, democratic leader,
the largest colored political meeting
in the history of the city was held.
The confidence of the republicans is
perhaps reflected in the pitifully
small appropriation which was made i
for State Chairman Larkland Hewitt j
and Walter Foster, the recently ar- I
rived Moses, to carry the 32,000 Ne
gro votes which, while all the state
boasts, still in a close race, have a 1
decisive voice.
We»t Safe From Start
There has never been any doubt
in the west, unless it is in the state
of Missouri. There the resentment
against the present republican state
ticket which has been most shoddy in
its treatment of colored people, is
great. Governor Sam Baker, out
going governor, has the hatred of
nearly all Negroes v.ho follow state j
affairs. Congressman Dyer is try
ing to have him appointed federal
commissioner of education, where he
will have a finger on our land grant
colleges.
St. Louis, republican stronghold, is
wet. The Negroes are expected to
follow their German bosses in voting
damply, except in Dyer’s district,
where McLemore, the colored demo
cratic candidate, is oposing him. If
the Negroes voted by race and the
white democrats supported McLem
ore, his election would be a certain
ty, but present indications are that
neither course will be followed and
Dyer will win.
Indiana is another state where Ne
groes are opposed to the state gov
ernment, which is said to be totally
Klan. But headquarters takes the !
position that if the entire Negro vote j
w'ent against it, the intolerant Hoo
siers would still beat the Roman :
Catholic Smith by a wide margin.
In Chicago, Oscar DePriest is cer- !
tain of election, in spite of the indict- j
ment hanging over him. In fact, it
is proving an aid, for by posing as a
martyr, people readily proclaim that
his indictment was for the purpose
of keeping him c^t of congress. The
opposition to DePriest is weak and
poorly financed. “Judge’’ Harrison
has little strength aside from that of i
L. K. Williams’ church following.
Some funny things are happening
in Chicago, though. Powerful in
fluences are trying to defeat the state
and county republican tickets. The
Chicago Tribune articles, declaring
that the republican party was holding
out the bait of a white party in the ;
south, has stirred Negr •<*« as nothing
ever printed in their own organs has.
The leading newspaper there after a
long period of waiting is carrying
Smith propaganda, though not with
the vim and dash it would put behind 1
it, if its convictions followed its oth
er interests. Leaders, however, de- i
dare that the migrant vote which
hates the word democrat, will make
| the famous second and third wards
safe for Hoover.
Al! Negro Districts for Hoover
In fact, if reports made to Wash
ington headquarters can be relied on,
; not a single Negro center, including
the border states of Kentucky and
Tennessee, will go for Smith. The
Negro is republican at heart and this
campaign has not materially changed
him. It has just stirred him up and
left him dizzy. More than that, the
country is republican and Protestant
and while many Negro communities
may have been apprehensive because
of the new democratic trends, the
white leaders are said to have felt
that while they did not wish to drive
them from the party in the last an
alysis, save in certain doubtful sec
tions, it does not matter which way
the Negro votes.
Republicans Work at Disadvantage
“Colored republicans have been at
a painful disadvantage this year,”
said a spokesman at the Barr build
ing, who refused to have his name
used, but who was a leader in activi
ties there. “As much as we love our
party and her traditions, and with
I the reverence and fine confidence
i which we have in the man Herbert
Hoover, it has been next to impos
sible for us to put the usual pep and
confidence into our work.
“In times past, the democratic par
ty has been an ogre and there seemed
absolutely no reason to support it.
But this year, with the republicans
bidding for the solid south, with our
bewilderment at their program of
white leadership in Dixie and with a
growing sense of helplessness in a
situation where both parties were
bididng for our support above the
Mason and Dixon line, and both of
them using every type of scurrilous
propaganda calculated to incite ra
cial hatred below it, we seemed “to
i be between the devil and the deep
I blue sea.’
, “Those of us who live in Washing
| ton know that the present lily white
I program started two years ago un
I der the leadership of former Senator
Irvine Lenroot of Wisconsin, and
bore fruit at the Kansas City conven
tion. Hoover personally, probably
does not believe in it, but many of
the advisors about him are steeped
in it deeply. Under the circum
stances, Chairman John R. Hawkins
j and Secretary A. L. Holsey, together
1 with their associates from top to bot
] tom, have done an exceptional piece
, of work. Not only have they dis
I couragement with the republican p<»r
j ty on the part of the colored people
to fight, but also apathy on the part
of white officials who were willing
to let the Negro run his own little
circus over in the corner, so long as
he did not spend too much money or
get in anybody’s way.
Campaign Activities Guarded
“On both sides campaign activities
among Negroes were carefully guard
ed. Four years ago, Clarence Mat
thews worked directly under Chair
man William M. Butler of the na
tional committee and conferred with
him frequently. This year Chairman
Hubert Work, whose detractors say
he has little liking for close contact
with Negroes, has had practically no
conferences or direct associations
with colored workers. Walter F.
Brown of Toledo, Ohio, master strat
egist of that state and a high-caliber
ed gentleman, assumed the post of
contact man between the colored di
vision and Dr. Work. Under his di
rection it was organized and func
tioned capably. Later, when his oth
er duties made the difficulties at
tendant thereon too numerous, the
load was shifted to Ray Benjamin of
California, friend of “Bob” Church
and former state chairman of Cal
ifornia and an assistant of Dr. Work.
“The demo rats operated in the
same way. On account of the solid
south, they scarcely dared own that
they had a colored division. It had
separate quarters from the national
committee and assumed the name,
‘Smith for President Colored
league.’ It was financed by William
Gaston of Boston, a young blueblood
who actually had charge but who
brought as chairman of the organi
zation committee, his friend and
schoolmate, Julian D. Rainey. Lester
A. Walton of the New York World,
was drafted as publicity man. The
result was two Negro divisions made
up of competent men, who, putting
forth their best efforts for their re
spective causes, were at the same
time conscious of entirely different
activity insofar as their racial groups
were concerned, in the south where
frank appeals to hillbillies and red
necks were being made in the only
language those gentry understand,
that of Negro hatred.
Party’* Future in South Puzzling
“Southern democracy of course
had nothing to offer the Negro. Per
haps they were a little more vicious
than usual, if that is possible, be
cause their territory was being in
vaded. Republicans, however, set up
; a separate campaign organization and
wherever there was Negro control or
influence the regular republican
' groups were ignored or turned aside.
How much of this has been abetted
j by the selfishness of our Negro lead
ers there by their attitude in the past
; we can only conjecture. Perhaps the
white republicans cannot be blamed
! for desiring to see a vigorous repub
lican party in the south by whatever
means they might obtain it. If suc
cessful and it leads to a two-party
system, eventually the Negro may
come into his own. In the meantime,
the colored voter will be in a mighty
bad way politically unless some un
! forseen development proves that his
vote is more important than it at
present appears. That is why many
of us are praying that Hoover will
win, but not by a landslide.
“The only way I see out, is for
them to solidify and start getting in
members of the group elected to con
gress, where they can form a block
that will command respect. The elec
tion of Oscar DePriest in Chicago
most of us have looked upon as a
ray of hope. His indictment putting
the whole group, as it will, in an em
barrassing position when the dirty
linen of the second and third wards
is W'ashed out before the congression
al committee, which will challenge his
right to be seated, is just another ex
ample of the vagaries which best us
politically.
Speculate on Future
“The way it looks to me is that
Hoover and Curtis will be elected.
Hawkins, after overcoming internal
dissension and attempts to dominate j
him, will deserve credit for his ac- j
complishment. The colored divisions
will go back home. The Washington |
contingent will start trying for na
tional offices and the rest of us will
sit by while our citizenship status
continues to serve as a football. Per
haps eventually we may start financ
ing some of our own organization ac
tivities, developing units which we
can offer to the rival parties. If the
republicans can take $100,000 and
the democrats a like amount and
raise so much enthusiasm amnog Ne
groes, what could we do with a hun
dred thousand of our own? Then
perhaps we can trade on the basis
of some of the bigger issues affect
ing us, enforcement of the amend
ments to the constitution, abolish
ment of segregation, a fair chance in
civil service and fair play as citi
zens.
“For the present, I think the Ne
groes have decided that Hoover and
Curtis will win anyhow, and that with
Hoover’s fair record to gamble on,
it will be better to go along with the
republicans with whom we have a
fighting chance than to rush blindly
into the camp of the Carraways, Jo
sephus Daniels, Pat Harrisons, and
Joe Robinsons.”
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I ARTHUR J. WEAVER i
i REPUBLICAN ■:
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Native Nebraskan '•
Successful Grain Farmer and Ij
Fruit Grower for Twen- ;I
ty-five Years I;
President Constitutional !j
Convention 1919-20
City Attorney and Mayor of ■!
Falls City, County Attor- I;
ney, Member Legis- ij
lature ;!
A Notable Record of *1
Public Service ||
!An able, forceful, public-spirited citizen, whose election 5
means a progressive, business-like economical £
state government. £
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