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THE COURIER
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AN BTHI6AL VIEW OF AMERICAN POLITICS.
Origin of Political Parties.
NO. I.'
Tiie following is the irst of a series of articles written especially for The
Cocrisk br a resident of -Washington. D, Gr who prefers to write orer an as
sumed name. The second article will appear next week. It will be a consider
ation of "Localism and Nationalism."
f WELL known member of congress recently remarked in in.
Cj traducing a public lecturer that the demagogue is a much
abused person, and that he is of more use to the community
than most people imagine. The philosophy of this statement is not
apparent at first impression, but it has prompted an inquiry into
what might be termed the ethics of national politics. It is not the
purpose of these papers to set forth the political history of th'e
United States, but merely to consider some of our principal political
characteristics which hare been brought forth prominently in the
origin and growth of our political institutions.
The close of the revolution found the American colonies practical
ly bankrupt, each with its own local government, and extremely
jealouB of its neighbors. In those days, before the advent of the
railroad, the telegraph or the steamboat, and, in fact, before the be
ginning of our modern industrial development, the ways of life were
comparatively simple; the business of the new world was confined
mostly to farming, store keeping and the practice of tho learned
professions. The corporation was a novelty, and that distinctively
modern institution, the trust, was unknown. The masses of the
people seldom traveled far from home, even iu the course of a life
time.
The whole life of the people was essentially local in character;
there was but little commerce among the colonies and the people
having just thrown off a foreign yoke which had proven very op
pressive, were extremely loth to enter into any new arrangements
which would curtail, in the slightest degree, their right to govern
themselves, and in their own way. This feeling was bo intrenched
In' the manhood of the new America that it is probable the consti
tution of the United States would never have been written, had it
not been for the fear of foreign entanglements and oppression.
As it was, the opposition was so strong that the colonies were only
able to form, in what is known as the articles of confederation, a
union or rather an alliance, so weak that it was mistrusted at home
and despised abroad. Foreign nations declined to accredit repres
entatives to the embryo republic; the union was without an ex
ecutive; and the congress,with power to declare war, could not raise
an army or build a navy. The federal court of appeals had juris
diction of certain cases, but had no power to enforce its decrees.
This chaotic condition of affairs, the direct result of local jealous
ies, could have but one effect, and that to intensify the mistrust
with which the government was regarded at home, and force
the colonies to form a stronger union one that would at least com
mand the respect of the civilized world, and have power enough to
supervise the relations of the colonies themselves. It was to meet
this want that the constitution of the United States was adopted by
all the colonies if reluctantly by some of them.
It is said that "self preservation is the first law of nature," or to
put it in a less attractive form it might be said that selfishness is
one of the principal characteristics of human nature. Through all
the mazes of the world's political development, two contending forces
can be detected both usually find expression in the selfishness of
self interest of its exponents; one of them has naught else to recom
mend it, while the other, though its leaders are usually unconscious
of the fast, stands for some great principle, civil or religious,which is
a necessary factor in the development of civilization. That force
which stands for progress would often defeat its own end by over
zeal were it not restrained by the opposing force.
Down to the period of the American revolution the world's prog
ress was largely on military lines; the feudalism of the middle ages
bad finally produced great empires governed by military strength; it
.ts in the American colonies that the germs of modern industrial
ism first began to grow. It had cost many battles and countless
lives even since the Magna Charta, to wrest the principles of civil .
liberty from the ruling powers, and the colonists intended they
should be preserved forever as an heritage unto their descendants.
Under such conditions and surroundings it was the logical conso
quence otthe adoption of the federal constitution, that the people of
the new nation should resolve themselves into two political 'parties
or divisions, one standing for the augmentation of the. federal power
while the other should follow the standard of localism, meaning the
retention of as much power as possible by the states themselves.
This party, if such it might be called at this time, had for its battle
cry the charge that heir opponents were striving to re-establish
monarchical institutions in the new world.
Political parties are apt to favor or oppose a given measure purely
as a matter of political expediency, and as a general rule, it may be
said that just as. the party in power is wise in its administration of
the nation's affairs sowill the party out of power be forced to take
an unwise position on questions of the day to preserve the party
autonomy. '
The shifting sands of political expediency have so affected
the development of party politics in the United States, that careful
observation of almost any given period will fail to discover a clear
alignment upon any known principles of division, except that through
all the turmoil of party feeling from the beginning of the govern
ment -to the present time, one principle of party divisions seems to
be localism and nationalism. As a general rule to which there are
many exceptions, one of -the parties has favored measures having for
their object the strengthening of the local power known sometimes
as "states' rights" while the other favors extending the power of the
national government known at this time as federalists.
Nixon.
TENNIS NOTES.
Tennis is once more popular in this city. The state university
courts and the "dudes' pasture'' are in demand every evening.
The old name "dudes' pasture," used here as a matter of habit,
should be renounced unless the boys engage a number of "bloods' to
occupy the benches and wear blazers. The boys go there now to
play tennis. Let us propose a new name Capitol courts.
On "Wednesday evening there were a number of young ladies at the
Capitol court. There will probably soon be a court reserved for the
use of ladies, or one evening of each week will be made ."ladies even
ing." Perhaps both of these arrangements will be.made.
Among the new members of the Lincoln tennis club are the fol
lowing: Will Owen Jones, John M. Stewart, Harry A. Reese and
Mr. West
It is 6aid that Miss Pound and Dr. Ward of the - university club
will be much in evidence in the coming tournament They played
opposite Shepherd and Northam at the Capitol courts on Wednes
day evening. The result was in even sets and even games.
Mr. Geisthardt is in his usual good form and plays the "Lawford"
with his old-time speed. Fred Shepherd sayB that "singles" require
too much work. Fred always was opposed to violent exertion. He
proposes to confine himself to "doubles" this year. He and Hal
Northam play a splendid team game. They will be among the lead
ers in the tournament -
It is to be regretted that Mr. Shepherd will not play "singles," for
as a tournament player, he has more nerve and staying qualities
than any player in the city.
In order to add interest and to give zest to the city tournament,
the business men will be called upon to contribute some appropriate
prizes for the contest.
The meeting of the executive committee of the state association
will be held at the Grand hotel on May 2nd. The object of the meet
ing is to arrange the dates and places for the state tournament. It
is likely that there will be two tournaments this year, one in singles
and one in doubles, at different places.
Hood's Pills do not purge, pain or gripe, but act promptly, easily
and efficiently.
Your dollar will do you great service at Herpolsheimer& Co.'s first
annual May sale, which begins next Tuesday, May 1, last balance
of the week. Great bargains will be offered in every department in
the big building in shoes, dry goods, capes, millinery, wash goods,
linens, hosiery, corsets, silk mitts, fans and hundreds of other
articles.
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