THE BEE: OMAHA, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 18, 1916.
HUGHES LAUDS HARD
ON WILSON SHAMS
.Trade -Commission Law Mud
dles Instead of Clarifying
! ' ' ' Situation.
FUTUSE FOR AMERICANS
' ' (Oeathnei tnm Fm Oim.)
ample, it it now laid in substance that
if I am elected to the position of ex
ecutive responsibility (or which I have
been nominated, that it will result in
installing invisible government. What
a preposterous suggestion I
Ho Invisible Government.
"I came into' public life long before
this administration was thought of as
the ooponent of invisible government
(Applause.) The fact that I was an
opponent of invisible government was
mv title to nublic confidence, and it
was because i was an opponent of in-j
visible government that, not accord
ing to my liking; indeed, against my
desire, I was nominated for the presi
dency of the United States. (Ap
plause.) I know that we are in con
stant danger of subversion of the
principles of government, and I desire
to say that as there was no invisible
government in the state of New York
when If had: the honor (o hold the
executive place there, there will be no
invisible government in the United
States if I have the honor to hold the
position of president
"I believe in government through
constitutional agencies. I believe in
government through the recognized
officers of government according to
the intent of the constitution and the
statutes. I think, indeed, it might be
said that the present administration
has been in large measure an admin
istration of unofficial spokesmen, of
mysterious influences, and I can say,
In entire good humor, that I desire
government through two houses and
not three. (Applause.) ' '
..Not an Agent of War.
"Now, another thing that surprises
me very -much; and that is that in
answer to-our criticism of the record
of the administration, it is said that a
vote for me is a vote for war. I have
devoted myself to the institutions of
peace. My whole energies have been
spent in connection with the peace
ful settlement of controversies, and
if there 'ie anything that I represent
it is the idea that controversies, how
ever sharp and determined, . can be
satisfactorily disposed of, provided
there are adequate tribunals, and op
portunities for peaceful disposition.
Who desires war? Who, in the face of
the present conflict in Europe, could
think .without horror of the ravages
and waste .of war? Who, indeed,
would .think for a moment of plung
ing this country into war? On the
other hand, does anybody suppose
that ft it the path of peace not to
stand firmly and convincingly for our
known rights under international
law? (Applause.)
"Does anyone suppose for a mo
ment that any nation desires our
enmity? We desire, the friendship of
every nation. We wish to live in
amity with all, and to pursue our
ideals, which can be attained only
through the activities of peace. We
art a great peaceful people, fortu
nately removed rom all temptation
to strife. We have no desire for do
minion beyond our borders. We have
no desire for territory that we do not
possess. We do not seek by aggres
sion anything to which we are not en.
titled. We have no wish to exploit
We are fortunately free from policies
that endanger our peace. The peace
of the United States need not be for
feited by standing for its rights. We
stand in self respect before the world,
maintaining our prestige, demanding
only that to which we are known to
be entitled, ready for any emergency,
and you may be sure that our just
rights will be acknowledged by every
nation. (Applause.) . f
Mexico and "Peace,",
"And then it is said by way of
Illustration that in that untortunate
country to 'the south of us may be
found the policy of peace. If that
is not a most extraordinary asser
tion. I have never heard of one, for
the policy there taken is worthy of
our criticism and we ought to exercise
it, because it was not the policy of
peace. . The policy of peace was the
policy which would not have inter
meddled with affairs which did not
concern us. (Applause.) I do not
should have been recognized or not
have been recognized. That it a false
if sue. He could have been recog-
, mveif ft .the adminiatratfnn thouffht
his government was a (table govern
ment, and could perform its 'obliga
tions. If the administration did not
think hit government .was of that
cnaracter, was not unaer oouga-
cinna frsx rarnem vest liim TlitatV at
matter for executive discretion. But,
..J.. .... I 1....
under the constitution of the United
States wat the executive entrusted
with the broad power to launch this
nation into war, not for the purpose
of withholding recognition, but of de-
. siTUjug iuc win suTGinmcni war
Mexico had: ' (Applause.) That was
not a policy of peace, and the con
trary was toon demonstrated, for in
the pursuit of that policy our armed
forces went to tne, invasion of this
neighboring republic; we seized a
customs house, we engaged in battle,
v several nunarea men were slain, a
e core were slam of our own soldiers.
was not to enforce American
s: that was not to maintain the
nity and honor of this nation. As
subsequently confessed bv
er -ot the cabinet, and as the
plainly shows, it had but one
he elimination of the disliked
tne only existing govern
that country. That was i
war, not a policy of peace.
r! -inat lea to Carrizal.
another instance of war:
ye recently had upon our
entire ouard assembled
lion stated on official
i be a condition of war.
s, not to detail the con
existing, or the record
vstratioo in respect to
Iprotest against the as-
itne alternative of the
J administration It
d for Americana.
I frequently said, I do
1st particular condition
t shall find thing! in
we are entrusted with
fcrer, but I do know the
At must be applied, that
ive been applied.. They
ktn applied. They must
Hard Hits Made
How to Obtain Peaca.
The peace of the United States need not
be forfeited by standing; for its rights. We
stand in self-respect before the world, main
taining; our prestige, demanding only that to
which we are known to be entitled, ready
for any emergency, and you may be sure
that our just rights will be acknowledged
by every nation.
Shipping Bill Unwise.
If rates are too high, provision can be
made to correct them. If there is unjust
discrimination, provision can be made to
eliminate it; but the creation of a govern
ment board to purchase ships, even foreign
built ships, and allow them the privilege of
our Coastwise trade, is, to my mind, not an
aid to business, but a very unwise govern
mental policy. :
American Butiaet Abroad. ,
Dn Eliot, former president of Harvard,
a man whom I hold in the very highest es
teem, examined the record of the adminis
tration and came to the conclusion that its
record, with respect to Mexico, meant this:
That hereafter we did not propose to afford
full protection by force of arms to those who
represented American enterprise in foreign
parts.. Yet, it is said that we have the best
genius in the world, and should go forth
into all parts of the world bearing the fruits
of this genius for the benefit of others. What
does that mean practically? it means
American engineers, it means American
salesmen, it means American bookkeepers,
it means American Clerks of every descrip
tion in branch establishments in connection
with enterprise in various places, in some of
which revolution is frequent, where only the
flag of their country stands between them
and death; and, fellow citizens, while there
is no occasion to use the force which that
flag symbolizes, if we are firm and strong in
the protection of American rights, it is unbe
lievable that we should depart from the his
toric doctrine of protecting those who carry
American trade to the four corners of the
globe. ": ' :
What Future Demands. ' .
We must have an application for the
benefit of American labor; for the benefit
of American agriculture and for the benefit
of American industry, of the doctrine of a
be applied In Latin-America and in
Mexico and throughout the world if
we are to have lasting peace and
security. (Applause.) They are, first,
that we do not meddle with matters
which do not concern us, and, second,
that we not only say, .but that in
fact we do respect the rights of other
states, smalt as well as great; and
finally that it must be known in this
hemisphere and throughout the world
that American lives and American
property and American commerce
will be safeguarded. (Applause.)
There are tome, when that assertion
It made, who think that it meant
war. It does mean the sanction of
peace. What it does mean is thit:
You have in .organized society, the
sanction of force behind your- courts,
behind all your peaceful instrumen
talities. You do not have to indulge
in riott and bloodshed to carry out
the decreet of your courts, because,
behind all that is done through the
peaceful activities of free institutions,
you have the sanction of the force of
organized society. 'Ann in our inter
national relations, if we are to invite
respect, we must respect ourselves.
If we are to ,nave tne esteem oi oiner
nations, we must show that we under
stand our rignts ana respect mem.
If our citizenship is to have its dig
nity maintained, we must show that
we understand its dignity and are pre
pared to maintain it II in a world ot
arms we are to live undisturbed, with
our rights recognized, it will be be
cause we understand ourselves, and
make our convictions known and
stand before the world prepared,
peaceful, secure. (Applause.)
' In the Matter of Business.
"Now. then. I turn from consider
ations of this character. I meet with
the tuggettion that the present ad
ministration hat done a great deal
for business. It it taid I believe it
wat said in this city that it had un
shackled busness. Well, when I in-
?uire how this has been accomplished
am referred to the anti-trust act.
It is said that business was heavy
with uncertainty, because of the lack
of clear definition- of the wrongs
described in the anti-trust act, and
that this administration had come to
ihn rlirf of business, and had se
cured adequate definition of evil.
"I know tomething of. the statutes,
and I think I know what they de
clare and what they mean, er at
least what it can be said they do
not accomplish, and I am free to say
that I am amazed at any such claims
at there hat been put forward. There
hat been no clarification of the anti
trust act. There hat been no defini
tion of the offentet described By tne
anti-trust act What hat been done
it the addition of a phraae to the
law, the content of which no lawyer
knows. (Applause.) I refer to the
phrase uniair competition or un
fair methods of competition," which
has been introduced into the law
through the Federal Trade commis
sion bill, a term ot unknown pur
port. -When statutes are skillfully
drawn and legal terms arc utcu mty
are supposed to be used in connec
tion with the meaning they have ac
quired, and so the ancient meaning
of words referred to has a sort of
index to the meaning of the statute.
Ample remedies exist tor that
Our courts, federal and state, are
full -of that description. Every mer
chant knows there is a remedy for
that- No action, of course, wat ne
cessary for that. This unfair com
petition manuestiy aoes not mean
that and vet nobody knows just
what it does mean, and that is what
the clarification of the anti-trust act
is: but it is said that the matter is
referred, to-the Federal Trade com
mission and here it another extra
ordinary fallacy the Federal Trade
commiaaion cannot define itl own
powers, or the legal meaning of the
terms which confer these powers,
and what has been accomplished by
the introduction of this fake nhrase.
is the invitation of years of litiga
tion, in order that in some way we
may find out wnat it means. (Ap
nlauae. i .'''
"Then, it is said that business hat
been aided' by the government ship
by Hughes in His
protective tariff to safeguard our industries.
If there were ever any opportunity for de
bate on that question that time has passed.
If there ever was a chance for a doctrinary
discussion, that time has passed. We are
facing today economic problems which we
must meet squarely according to the facts.
Prosperity for All.
Now, we must not conserve our industries
alone, but we must conserve our human life
and resources. I am not interested in mere
statistics of wealth ; I am interested in pro
tection i for the sake of protection. I am
not interested in seeing a prosperity which
is not justly distributed. This is a country
of men and women devoted to work. It is
not a country intended for a few to .prosper
at the expense of the many. It is the country
of plain people, and I want to see prosperity
in order that the plain people may have a
proper basis lor that prosperity. V
For the Eight-Hour Day.
Now I believe in the general principle of
an eight-hour workday. That principle has
"this for its basis, that by a restriction of
hours of labor there will be a more whole
Some life ; there will be not only an absence
of excessive strain, but there will be oppor
tunities for leisure, there will be opportuni
ties for education, opportunities for enjoy
ment; in short, a better rounded life, which
tends to contentment. -
Who Pays the Bill?
You will find that rates must be raised
in order to pay expenses if expenses are in
creased. And, now, who pays the rates?
Well, you say the shipper pays the rates.
Well, if the shipper is a farmer, I guess he
will understand fully what that means; and
the farmers of Nebraska have not been slow
to understand what railroad rates mean.
But, if he is a manufacturer, what does he
do? Why, he passes it along to the jobber
with his percentage, and the jobber passes
it along to the retailer with his percentage,
and the retailer, my friends, passes it right
along to you, and you, and you, and every
man in the country. That is to say, the great
consuming public of which the workingmen
themselves constitute the large majority;
and that is where you come again to greet
our dear old bosom companion, whom we '
cannot lose, "The High Cost of Living."
ping bill. Now, that is the kind of
aid to business which it does not seem
to me business can afford to have.
I do not believe in introducing the
government into competition with
private ' industry in this country.
(Applause.)' Thit Is a serious thing.
We can encourage industry. We
should do all we can honorably to
stimulate industry, but the introduc
tion Of the government into the ship
ping business, while I admit that the
terms of the act are .of such, a char
acter at' to make it impracticable for
the present, yet the act conttitutes a
menace to an important industry in
this country, and in my judgment
should not have . been passed. If
rates are too high, provision can be
made to correct them. If there is
unjust discrimination, provision can
be made to eliminate it; but the
creation of a government board to
purchase ships, even, foreign-built
ships, and allow them the privilege
of our coastwise trade, is, to my
mind, notan aid to business, but a
very unwise governmental policy,
"If we desire, however, to ascertain
what is the real attitude of the ad
ministration to business, we have lit
tle difficulty in ascertaining tne fact.
"We saw at the veryoutset of the
administration a great opportunity for
thit nation to participate I mean for
certain bankers who had taken up the
work really. 1 believe, at the tug
gettion of former administrations to
oarticloate in tne great loans wnicn
were to be made for the development
of China. Here waa a legitimate basis
for the extension of American enter
prise. If the administration really
desired that we should have Ameri
can enterprise expanded throughout
the world, and that we should have
our just influence in the Far East,
there was an opportunity for a proper
basis for it Instead of that, it was
discouraged, and the result wat that
the participation was not taken ad
vantage of.
No Protection or Americans. .
"And then, a little later, under the
administration, we hsd the action in
Mexico, which disclosed one thing
very clearly. I say this, because we
have the word of one of the most dis
tinguished supporters of the admini
stration for the conclusion that is to
be stated. I refer to Dr. Eliot, for
mer president of Harvard, a man
whom I hold in the very highest
esteem. He examined the record of
the administration, and he came to
the conclusion that its record with
respect to Mexico, meant this: That
hereafter we did not propose to afford
full protection by force of arms to
those who represented American
enterprise in foreign parts; and yet it
was onlv four vears ago that our op
ponents wrote large in their platform,
that the constitutional rights of
American citizens should CO with
them throughout the world, and that
they should have full protection
wherever they were lawfully, for their
lives and their property. (Applause.)
The result is that, according to the
analysis made of the record of the ad
ministration, notice nas dccii scrvcu
that full protection will not be ac
corded to those who go abroad car
rying American enterprise in foreign
parts; and yet, it is said we should
encourage foreign trade; yet, it is said
i i j i . 7 -. :
we snouiu serve numanuy. ici, it la
said that we have the best genius in
the world, and should go forth into alt
parts of the world bearing the fruits
of this genius for the benefit of
others. What does that mean prac
tically? it means American 'engin
eers, it meant American 'salesmen,
it means American bookkeepers,
it means American clerks of every
description in branch establishments
in connection with enternrise in va
rious, places, in tome of which revo
lution it frequent, where only the flag
of their country stands between them
and death; and fellow citizenarwhile
there is no occasion to use the . force
which that flag symbolizes, if we are
firm and strong in the protection of
American rights, it it unbelievable
that we! should depart from the hu
toric doctrine of protecting those who
Omaha Speech
carry American trade to the tour cor
ners of the globe. (Applause)
In a Tool's Paradise.
"But, when we consider the rela
tion of the administration to business,
we have a far more important matter
under review, and that is in con
nection with our domestic activities.
No thoughtful student of our affairs
can fail to look with apprehension on
our present condition. What is our
present condition? American trade is
under a stimulant. We are drugged
by the demand created by the Euro
pean war. We are living in a fool's
paradise, entertaining hopes that are
destined to be blasted: We have got
labor abundantly employed in satisfy
ing wants1 created by w, that wiU
cease as toon ai'the war is over. . Why
is that?- It it because on the other
side millions of men have been taken
out of their ordinary pursuits. They
have been taken away from agricul
ture; they have been taken away from
industrial plants, by -the million, they
have been set to fighting, and con
suming,, instead of producing. The re
sult is-a great abnormal opportunity
for American labor; and American
labor is employed on every side. Now,
in filling that demand, I do not refer
simply to munitions of war. That is
a small part. Our exports, as you
know, have been going abroad in tre
mendous quantities to fill this gap,
created by the condition of things in
Europe that cannot last. That labor
so employed will shortly, when the
war" ends, be turned into competition
wun our otner laoor in mis countrv.
We have had, through this abnormal
employment on an unprecedented
scale, the purchasing power developed
in this country, by which all of our
trade has been stimulated, and men
are going about feeling prosperous
and happy, just because they are un
der the influence of thit abnormal
stimulant the withdrawal of which
will bring them down to the actual
conditions of normal life in times of
peace. (Applause.)
What the Future Holds.
"It is a very serious situation to
consider. We shall have, as I say,
labor to compete with labor. We
shall have reduced purchasing power,
and on top of that, we shall have the
product of Europe at peace, dis
ciplined and strong in production,
competing with our own products in
our own marketa. We have stores of
gold accumulated here, as a result of
the present condition. War factories
on the other side can be easily con
verted, and are made so that they can
be converted, into peace factories
Those nations, every one of them, are
stronger economically because of the
discipline that they nave undergone,
and because of the knowledge that
they have acquired. 'They are ex
traordinary in organization. They are
already planning for the future. We
do not seem to be planning much for
.v.. t xi -1 : .i..
future. After the cessation of the war,
there is not the slightest doubt that
they are looking to the American
markets. Now, what must we dor
Well, it is perfectly plain that we can
not do, or continue to dp, what our
opponents have said they would do,
and have done.
We must have an application for
the benefit of American labor; for the
benefit of American agriculture and
for the benefit of American industry,
of the doctrine of a protect tariff
to safeguard our : industries. (Ap
plause.) If there were ever any oo-
ponunity tur acuaie on mat question
that time hat passed. If there ever
. . t j . i . . . .
kwas a chance for a doctrinary discus-
1 . L . . : 1 ...... j ltr.
siuii, mat lime u ijasacu. vvc arc
facing today economic problems
wnicn we must meet squarely accord'
mg to the facts.
Tariff Host lie Protective.
"Now, my friends on the other side
do not believe in protective tariff.
They have never believed in it They
are a little soft in their whispers now.
They do not say as much aa they did.
And yet they tell us in their platform
that the Underwood bill represents
their policy. They say they want a
tariff commission. I want one. I agree
with them. And the party I represent
wanted t first (Applause.) We want
it because we want the facts. We do
not want abuses to creep in. We do
not want unnecessary duties. I would
be careful to prevent the abuse while
I was using the power. (Applause.)
And, so we desire the facts. But a
tariff commission does not legislate.
It is congress that passes the bill. It
is idle, if we judge what is said by
the leaders of our opposing party, to
accept the application of the protec
tive principle by that party. They do
not believe in it If you want to see
the protective principle fairly applied,
then send a senator and representative
to congress who believe in the pro
tective principle. '(Applause.)
"Now, we must not conserve our in
dustries alone, but we must conserve
our human life and resources. I am
not interested in mere statistics of
wealth; I am interested in protection
for the 'sake of protection. I am not
interested in seeing a prosperity
which is not justly distributed. This is
a country of men and women devoted
to work. It is not a country intended
for a few to prosper at the expense of
the many. It is the country of plain
people, and I want to see prosperity
in order that the plain people may
have a proper basis for that prosper
ity. (Applause.) And, so I desire that
in connection with all these matters
we recognize the interests of labor.
I desire to see proper, reasonable
hours of work, wholesome conditions
of labor, the best wages that industry
can afford. And I desire to see peo
ple engaged in the peaceful pursuits
prospering according to the American
method of free institutions.
Stands for Shorter Workday.
"Let me say a word with regard
to the bill that was passed in con
gress the other day. I thought a few
minutes ago I heard a whisper about
the bill from the gallery. I may have
misunderstood it, but I do not intend
to let any views I have regarding that
fail to be stated at this time. (Ap
plause.) ,
"Now, I believe in the general prin
ciple of an eight-hour workday. (Ap
plause.) That principle has this for
its basis, that by a restriction of
hours of labor there will be a more
wholesome life; there will be not only
an absence of excessive strain, but
there will be opportunities for leisure,
there will be opportunities for educa
tion, opportunities for enjoyment; in
short, a better rounded life, which
tends to contentment. The principle
involved is this: That through a re
striction of hours of labor there will
be added health, greater; happiness,
and a greater efficiency in labor it
self. Now, whether you apply that
principle at a particular time to a par
ticular activity or industry, depends
at a matter of common-sense upon
the condition of that industry, the
condition of that activity, and what
it can fairly bear. Of course, as I
said a moment ago, the first thing
for labor is work; there is no use
talking to a man who cannot get work
about wholesome conditions of work
and good hours of work and of the
things desirably incident to work, if
work cannot be had. And I may
digress to say that under the policy
of our opponents here, less than two
years ago we had the unemployed
walking the. streets of all our great
cities, looking for work, and it would
have been perfectly idle to discuss
with them the conditions of employ
ment when the very foundation of
everything it employment itself. So,
I want prosperity as a basis for so
cial justice. But I do not intend to
stop when I get that foundation laid.
I want to tee, as I say, the principle
recognized, where it is fair to recog
nize it And, whether or hot : it is
practicable at a given time to apply
the principle depends on the .con
ditions of the industry at that time.
Effect of Adamson Law.
"Now, in railroading at this time
to which we are referring men were
not paid on the basis of hours alone.
They were paid on the basis of hours
and miles. In other words, the basis
was ten hours and 100 miles. If a
man made his 100 miles, say, in four
hours, he got his day's pay. If he
made his 100 miles in twelve hours,
he got his day's pay and two hours'
additional pay. It was a basis of hours
and miles. Now, this proposition was
not a proposition to put in an eight
hour work-day. Not at all. That was
not the proposal, and that was not
done. It was not proposed to restrict
the hours of labor. Men were left to
work just as long as before. Whereas,
the very principle of an eight-hour
work-day statute is that they should
not be allowed to work more than
the prescribed period except in an
emergency. (Applause.) We have
railroads with their division points
and tours of duty. There was no no
tion of revolutionizing the practical
business of railroading; there was no
notion of putting in an eight-hour
work-day. The men particularly rep
resented in this bill never desired any
thing of that sort. Sometimes hasty
legislation has extraordinary sur
prises as a result; for now, some of
our friends do not quite know
whether if they complete their 100
miles in less than eight hours they
are going to get a day's pay or not
if it is on an eight-hour basis. (Ap
plause and laughter.) But the point
is tnis, wnat was none was to cuaugc
the basis for paying wages, not to
impose an eight-hour work-day, but
to make a ditterent oasis tor wages
and thus increase wages. So. you see
what a subterfuge it was to invoke
the principle of an eight-hour work
day, in justification ot that measure.
If that measure, as a wage measure,
was a justifiable one, then there was
no need in trying to cloak it with
the eight-hour work-day suggestion
If. on its merits, it was not justifi
able, then it was inexcusable to try
and bolster it up by talking about it
as an eight-hour work-day measure.
(Applause.)
Why Make Distinctions.
"It is taid that trie judgment of
society had passed upon the matter,
so it was not arbitrable, so it was
not open to discussion. If that was
so, why did not they give it to the
100 per cent instead of to the 20 per
centf (Applause.) If that was so,
why did they except men who work
on electric railroads? Is the man
working on an elecrtic interurban rail
road outside the pale of the judgment
of society MLaughter and applause.)
Does the 'eight-hour work-day have
no aoolication to him? And then
think of the poor unfortunates who
labor on railroads that happen to be
less than 100 miles long. Because it
is ninety-nine miles instead of 101,
the judgment of society does not
seem to move any in tneir tavor. (.Ap
clause.) I
"Why, of course, the answer is
that we have nothing to do with the
judgment of society; that that was
not applicable, was not involved be
cause the eight-hour work-day was
not involved. What was involved
was an increase of wages by Chang
ing a wage scale. Now, if that was
a right thing to do, let it stand on
its merits. I do not oppose an in
crease of wages, if it is a fair thing
and shown to be a fair thing after
a proper inquiry. But when we deal
with increases of wages for a select
group, amounting to millions of dol
lars, we must understand what the
effect of that will be. What is the
effect?
Who Pays the Freight?
"Why, the effect, when you raise
the expenses of railroad companies
by millions of dollars is that some
body pays those millions. If you
think the railroads are not thinking
you have another guess coming, when
you buy your goods. (Applause.)
You will find that rates must be
raised in order to pay expenses if
expenses are increased. And, now
who pays the rates? Well, you say
the shipper pays the rates. Well, if
the shipper, is a farmer, I guess he
will understand fully what that means;
and the farmers of Nebraska have
not been slow to understand what
railroad rates mean. (Applause.)
But, if he is a manufacturer, what
does he do? Why, he passes it along
to the jobber with his percentage,
and the jobber passes it along to
the retailer with his percentage, and
the retailer, my friends, passes it
right along to you, and you, and you,
and every man in the country. That
is to say, the great consuming pub
lic of which the workingmen them
selves constitute the large majority
and that is where you come again
to greet our dear old bosom com
panion, whom we cannot lose, 'The
High Cost of Living.' (Continued
applause.)
"So, my point is this, that this is
not a matter when you are dealing
with the expenses of railroad com
paies, to toss off in a playful way
and dispose of as though it were
not a serious problem. Someone
told me today that it seemed that
the motto of the administration was,
'A problem avoided is a problem
solved.' (Applause.)
"If this is right, then it will bear
investigation; but, we ought not to
have legislation on. any subject with
out inquiry. We ought not to have,
least of all, legislation with regard
to a matter affecting the transporta
tion systems of our country without
inquiry and knowing that what is
done is fair. If there is an industrial
grievance, let us go to the bottom of
it and find out what is right, and then
attend to it.
"The public has got to bear, even if
it does not like it, whatever rates
are fair. The public has got to bear
whatever increases are fair; but, be
sure you know what you are doing be
fore you legislate wage increases
overnight. (Applause.)
It Will Work Both Wayt.
"Now, then, with respect to that,
I want to say this additional word:
I think that this is a very serious
blow at labor, and I think so for
these reasons: If you have, by the
application of force, a legislative act
passed without inquiry, to increase
wages overnight, then, by the appli
cation of force, you can have, without
inquiry, legislative action to decrease
wages overnight. (Applause.), I do
not think that labor, when it comes
to think this matter over, and when
it comes to study carefully, what has
been done and the way in which it
was done, will care to ratify that
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course of action. Only two years
ago, or less about that time the"
American Federation of Labor passed
a resolution putting itself on record
against legislation fixing hours of
labor and fixing wages, except in the
case of governmental employes or
where health or morals were involved.
They passed the same resolution in
1911 Now, what was the point of
that? It was not that labor did not
want shorter hours and did not want
improved wages, but they recognized
that in the long run it was better not
to have those matters fixed by leg
islation. I am not speaking now of
the validity of this bill; I am not
speaking of its effectiveness. Those
are questions of law. I am talking
of the policy of the bill. Labor has
stood for collective bargaining; that
has been its principle. Labor has
stood for arbitration; that has been its
principle. There wa a time, not so
long distant, when labor did not get
the hearing it thought it was entitled
to when it asked for arbitration of
great disputes that affected society.
We had, in 1898, an act passed pro
viding for a method of conciliation
in connection with disputes affecting
interstate commerce, that was re
'enacted with some amendments in
1913, indicating the policy of the
country.
"But what I want to emphasize is
this. I say it is un-American, abso
lutely without justification, ever to
surrender either executive power or
legislative power to the demands of
force of either labor or capital.
(Applause.)
Why We Are Great
"The old theory of our government
is that we have organized public
opinion; and that we have schools
and newspapers and every chance for
public information and of public dis
cussion. The idea is that while we
think differently, we have the free
dom of controversy; while we have
many points of view and varieties of
interest, we have a way of threshing
out our difficulties in open discussion
and following the processes of rea
son. That is the way we have won
in the past against every form of
tyranny and every form of force.
Every step of progress has been
through the rescuing of a people from
treason by those who would not per
mit treason to rule. Every Vantage
ground we got with pride in these
days has been for an opportunity to
take counsel and enforce a reason
able judgment. We have fought force
ir the past and it was a plain people
who rebelled against it. It wat the
plain people who finally became vic
torious over every form of tyranny
and e.tablished this free country
where we can reason things out
Will Solve Our Problems.
"I know the problemt that will
nress unon us. I can see the social
difficulties confronting us. I can see
the great ambitions and aspirations
that move us. I. know the difficul
ties in our path in these years of the
Twentieth century, but America can
solve them. We have the fulness of
vision and we have the . determina
tion to solve them and advance
progressively if we hold to the path
of reason, and say now for all time,
in rebuking this administration for
this act, that in this country force
shall never prevail." (Great ap
plause.) TT"
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