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About Omaha daily bee. (Omaha [Neb.]) 187?-1922 | View Entire Issue (July 10, 1904)
TOE ILLUSTRATED BEE. July 10, 1004 . Russia's Attitude in '61 By John Callan O'Laughlin, Collier's War Correspondent in St. Petersburg Tn Illustrated Bee. Published Weekly by The Bee Publishlng Coinpauy, Building, Omaha, Neb. Trice, Je Per Copy Par Year, HoX Entered at the Omaha Postoffice aa Second CI aa Mall MatUr. For Advertising Rates Address Publisher. Communications relating to photo rap ha or articles for publication should be ad dressed,' "Editor The Illustrated Bee, Omaha." Pen and Picture Pointers ICTOR HOWARD METCALF, who Is the second to hold tue port lolio of Commerce and Labor In the cabinet of the president : of the United States, is accredited tu w.-ornla, altnough New York, is hi native eta. to. lie was Just finishing his third term as a member of congress from the Third California district when the president Invited him to assume the duties laid down by Secretary Cortelyou, who resigned to take the position of chairman of the republican national committee. He Is a lawyer by profession, and has been a practicing member of the bar at Oakland since 1871. Mr. Metcalf was born at Uttea, N. Y., In 1K3, and received Ms early edu cation at tbo Utloa Free academy. After being graduated there and also from the New Haven academy, he entered Yale with the class of 1811 Finishing his freshman year In the academic course, he entered the law school, and was graduated with tbe class of 1874, He was admitted to practice before the supreme court of Connecticut la 1S7G and In New Tork In 1877, and practiced law at Utlca two years. He then re moved to Oakland. Col, and resumed his practice. In 1SSI ho formed a partnership with Oeorgo Metcalf, also a Yale graduate, under the firm name of Metcalf & Metcalf, which stlU continues. The position to which Mr. Metcalf baa been called to one that has not yet been given Its' foil recognition by the public, although Its Importance and usefulness to Bo longer questioned.- It has already grap pled with some matters of great moment, through Its bureau of corporations, but the full extent of Its effectiveness In this direction are not yet known for the reason that they are not yet ready to report The Investigation of the Deef trust la one of the matters now In charge of this bureau. Other important questions are pending; uch aa the Inquiry Into the Industrial situ ation In Colorado, the coal Industry, and matters that come directly home to the people. In addition to these matters that Involve the commercial and Industrial In terests of the country . directly, tlte de partment la engaged In Inquiries that con cern the business of the country in other respects. Commercial relations with other people come under the purview of the de partment, and the avenues for American, trade abroad are Its constant care. In this effort It Is assisted by the consuls, who are directly under the State department, and through special agents, who ara gathering data and Information which Is given to the public from time to time In concrete form. From the department a dally bulletin la sent out, that deals with trade and labor conditions at home and abroad, furnish-, tng the most exact and accurst Inforroa x tlon obtainable, and In such form -as to he of the most value to those who depend on this souice of Information. Secretary Metcalf will find that he hag no light undertaking In the office, for Its ramifications are already as extensive aa those of sny of the older and more osten tatious of the government's departments. The fact that It Is a new organization will not deter people from expecting a great deal from It, especially aa It deals with matters that come directly home to such a large class of the population. In fact. It more nearly affects every cltlxen than any of the other departments, save -that of the Treasury, which collects and dis burses the revenues of the government. Its usefulness has been established; It now remains to determine Us effectiveness. It will have to deal with the great comblna Uona of capital and labor, and must sooner or later become a factor In both the commercial and Industrial life of the country, an active rather than a passive pertlclpaat hi the affairs of the people. That It will be wisely and conservatively conducted la a foregone conclusion, for Mr. Roosevelt la not likely to sanction any radical moves, even If the secretary were likely to propose any. It has ever been the policy ef the republican party to fos ter rather than to disrupt business, . and uch remedial action by the government as Is accessary will be applied In such a way as ta prevent any disturbance of bus' Bee. The exact scope of the Department ef Commerce and iJiboc has not yet been fully determined, nor haa its Influence been fully fott. hot both of these will rome In good time. The president's choice for Its second secretary has been generally com mended by those who know Mr.. Metcalf, and though the choice was a personal one, Irs wisdom haa not been oueaUooed. (Copyright, 1904. by Collier's Weekly.) SI burg I have met many Russians I whn hflv MtirpMcd sincere re gret that the United States should so soon have forgotten the "great services" rendered by their country to the United States during the war - of the re bellion. They have accused us of the cardinal sin of Ingratitude, the blacker In their view because national sentiment In America favors a heathen againet a Christian nation. The International effect to not so apparent in the United States, but It la to European statesmen. If Ger many should become embroiled with the United States, the latter will not enjoy the friendship of Russia, which would be a restraining Influence upon the Berlin government. Tbe commercial effect Is al ready felt by representatives of our busi ness houses, who have sought, with com paratively little success, to furnish Russia with supplies- for Its armies operating In the far east. American citizens resident in Russia, who. prior to the war, enjoyed the warm hospitality of Russian families, bow rarely receive invitations to the homes) of their former friends. The experience of aa American woman la St. Petersburg Il lustrate tbe new feeling of Russians to ward us. She recently returned to the Russian capital, and her first call was upon the wife of a distinguished official, with whom, before the war. she had been on moat cordial terms of friendship. When aha entered- the reception hall, the hostess, who was conversing with two other callers. Immediately arose, burst Into tears, and left the room. The constant charge of Russians that we had developed Into an ungrateful nation, coupled with the discussion of the ques tion In ' tbe United Eta toe, caused me to call at the Foreign office and the admiralty and ask permission to examine the cor respondence In regard to America from 1861 to 1865. the period of the civil war. - From the secret archives were produced original dispatches of Prince Gortchakoff, Russian minister for foreign affairs, to the diplomatic representatives of his govern ment at foreign capitals; from Monsieur do Stoekl, minister of Russia In Washington; Baron do Brunnow, minister of Russia In London, and from the ministers and charges) d'affaires In the countries of con tinental Europe. These dispatches showed that England earnestly sought to further the cause of the south, in order to remove the menace of a strong American rival; that France) under Napoleon III, desired the disruption ' of the union In the hope . that with Its disappearance would vanish the bogie of a republican form of govern ment, a view sympathetically entertained In Prussia and Austria. Russia alono manifested friendship for the American union, emphatically asserting her deepest Interest in Its preservation. The first dispatch shown me . was signed by Baron de Brunnow,' dated London, Jan uary IS, IDEt, exactly three months before Sumter fell. "If the power of the Unltod States," the dispatch stated, among other - things, "should be divided Into two parts, England, it is certain, would have nothing, to lose thereby. This summarizes the sit uation. At the bottom of Its thought, the English government hopes for the separa tion of America Into two republics, which would control each other, and mutuary counterbalance. Then, England, In peace ful and commercial relations with both. Would have nothing to fear from one or the other, because che would domlnat them,' curbing them by their rival ambi tions, 'Tills idea forms today the secret of a hope which exists, although mut tered." The French people were cordially sym pathetic with the efforts of tbe federal government to preserve the Union, but Napoleon I1L, Imbued with the doctrine of the "dtvtna right of kings, felt strong enough to Initiate a policy counter to too wishes of his subjects. It Is evident froaa a statement attributed by a dispatch from Paris to Monsieur Thouvenel, French m!n- -later for foreign affairs, that Napoleon's only objection to this policy was that England would be benefited thereby. "Na poWos) will regret," Monsieur 'Thouvenel declared, "the dissolution qf the Union the more because the cabinet at London will be delighted by It, In spite of all that Palmerston says." England was the first nation to act In behalf of the Confederacy. On May IS, last, she Issued a proclamation of neutral ity, which. In view of the federal govern ment and of European nations, recognized the Confederates aa belligerents. Les than . a month elapsed before Napoleon issued a similar proclamation. Prior to the outbreak of hostilities Russia had evinced a live!y Interest In the internal situation In the United States, through Monster de Stoeckl urging the federal gov ernment to And some means to maintain peace. She regretted the action of Knglind and France, and. In the report of the mln Instry for foreign affairs of 1861, took occa sion to proclaim publicly that It was not In sympathy with their procedure. "Jn our assurances of friendship, and our counsela of moderation,", tho report states, "we have been careful to establish a extinction be tween our attitude and that of the mari time powers. We have not considered the two parties to the conflict aa belligerents but as two parts of the same state, mo nen- taiily divided, both of which had claims to our solicitude. We had recommended to them conciliation as the best means of settling their difficulties, and union as the only basis of their political power, so necessary to the maintenance of the uni versal equilibrium." Russia's action In cornection with the neutrality proclama tions of England and France was In tho nature of a slap to those countries. Prince Gortchakoff, under date of June 28, 1801, '" sent an Instruction to Monsieur de Stoeckl In which he gave reiterated proof of the friendly feelings animating Emperor Alex ander II. for the United States, and di rected the Russian representative to use his personal Influence to bring about an early peace. "The republic is not alone In our eyes," said Prince Gortchakoff. "an es sential element la tho world's political equilibrium. More than this. It constitute a nation toward which our august master, aa well aa tho whole of Russia, haa shown the most friendly Interest, because the two countries, placed at the extremities of the two hemispheres, both of which ara at tbe beginning of their greatness, seem to be called toward a natural comradeship by their Interests and sympathies, of which they have already given evidence one to the other. It Is In this sens that I ask you, air, to express yourself as well to the members of the federal gnvernmenot aa to tbe influential persona with whom you may find yourself In contact, giving them tho assurance that in any case tho American union can count upon the most cordial sympathy on tho part of our august master during the Important crisis through which It to now passing." Appreciating the effect of the publication of the dispatch. Secretary Seward asked permission of Prince Gortchakoff to give It to the press. This was willingly granted, and It appeared In all the papers of America and Europe. There la a mass of correspondence deal ing with the negotiation) twtwern Russia and the federal government in relation to the tatter's adherence to the Declaration of Paris of 18E6. By this declaration, tbe sig natory power agreed to abolish privateer ing, to recognise that the neutral flag cov ered enemy's goods, with the exception of contraband of war, and that neutral goods, with the exception of contraband of war, were not liable to capture under enemy's flag, and that blockades to be binding must be effective. Tbe American govern ment was moved to obtain International recognition of its adherence to the Declara tion of Paris by the operations of Confed erate privateers which were. In many cases, fitted out from English ports, Eng land thus giving force to Its previous ac knowledgment of tho belligerency of tha Confederacy. Russia cordially welcomed the American overture, and a treaty was negotiated which embodied the provisions . ef the Declaration of Paris, and a supple mentary article, proposed by Secretary Seward, declaring all private property, not contraband of war, to be safe from sela ure ot sea, even between belllgerentaEng Ileh hostility to the supplemental provision resulted In its failure, since it would have had.no practical value unless accepted by all the maritime powers. It was deter mined to sign the original draft, without modification, which waa done on August 25, 19a. The signature of the treaty waa import ant internationally. England even ex pressed dissatisfaction at the course of Russia. At the same time she was en deavoring through Mr. Bunch, her consul at Charleston, ft O, to obtain the adher ence of the south to the Declaration of Pari. She thus, according to Mr. Bunch's own expression, took "the first step toward the recognition of the southern states." But while England waa seeking southern adherence to the declaration, she was put ting obstacles In the way of general ac ceptance of the federal government's wish to Incorporate it tn treaty form,- and neither she nor France was willing to fol low the example of Russia. At the request of the federal government Russia post poned the ratification of the treaty. The notes exchanged by Russia and the federal government contain repeated assurances of friendship and sympathy, and on one oc casion It was stated trat the United States would "never take any steps to the preju dice of Russian Interests." Russia also furtherd the cause of the Union at Paris and London. The Ill-feeling between the Union and England waa accentuated by the Trent affair. England's demand for the Imme diate release of Mason and Slldell was supported by France, Prussia and Austria. Russia alone refrained from taking any action Inimical to the federal government, and when England's demands were com piled with Prince Gortchakoff transmitted to President Lincoln Emperor Alexander's appreciation of "this proof of moderation and equity, the more meritorious because rendered difficult by tho national excite ment," Considerable disappointment was felt In England aa a result i of the peaceful set tlement ot the Trent affair. Count KisseleR, the Russian minister In Paris, wrote that, according to all the information he had received, many persons in England would have entered "with ' enthusiasm into a struggle with the northern states. The In ternal difficulties presenting undoubted chances of success, these same persona would have seen, with pleasure, the Eng lish government seize eagerly such a favor able opportunity to bring to reason once and for all a young, powerful nation, which In Its prosperous career baa not . yet had to record any reverses." The reverses sustained by the federal arms In 1863 strengthened In Europe tha idea of Intervention to end the war. Con . versing, on October 21 of that year, with Mr. Taylor, charge d'affaires of tha United States, Prince Gortchakoff said: "Your situation Is getting worse and worse. The e ha docs of preserving the Union ara growing more desperate. Can nothing be dona to atop this fearful war? Con you find bo best or arrangement Before your strength Is ao exhausted that you must lose for many years to come your posi tion ta the world? . . . The hop off reunion to growing leas and leas, and I wish you to Impress upon your govern ment that the 'separation I fear must come will be considered by Russia as one of tho greatest possible misfortune. . . . Rus sia alone haa stood by you from the first, and will continue to stand by you. We are very, very anxious that some means should be adopted; that any course should be pursued which will prevent the dlvlitont that now seems inevitable. One separation will be followed by another. You will break Into fragments. . . . You know the sen timent of Russia. We desire, above all things tho maintenance of the American . union as one Indivisible nation. . . . There will be proposals ofr intervention. We beUev that Intervention could do no good at present Proposals win be made to Russia, to Join in some plan of Inter ference. She will refuse any Invitation of tho kind. Russia will . occupy the same ground as at the beginning of the strug gle. You may rely upon it, she will not change." " Against the will of hi people Napoleon HI favored intervention. England waa more circumspect and wished Joint action by the great maritime powers herself, France and Russia. In October, J 862, Na poleon's cabinet made a formal proposition to Russia and to England to open nego tiations in common with, the federal gov ernment to Induce the two parties to con clude an armistice. The English govern ment Immediately notified Baron de Brun now that the three nations should nego tiate collectively, thus supporting tho French representation. Believing that such action would be considered in America as an unwarranted wounding of the national feeling Russia declined to do more than to charge Its minister at Washington to ex ercise a moderating and conciliating influ ence upon the federal government, at the same time warning him to avoid even the ' appearance of pressure. The refusal of Russia was followed by that of England. The people of the United States were deeply sensible of the action of Russia. Tbe necessity of cheap cotton in England, which it waa thought could only be ob tained by the use of slave labor, quick ened the desire of the English government 'for a termination of the war. Some Eng lish statesmen urged Napoleon, In 18C3, to recognise the sonthern states. The em peror expressed his desire that peace should be re-established, but he declined to act alone. The relations between the English and federal governments in 1863 were very strained. During the summer of this year the imperial cabinet determined to send two fleets to America, one to New ' York and the other to San Francisco, and thus to give the Union and the world signal proof of Its desire that the Union should be preserved. The secret orders given to the -commanders of these fleets have not been found In the archives of either the Ad miralty or the Foreign office. The only reference to them Is contained tn a dis patch from Baron de Brunnow. reporting that these orders had leaked out and were known In London. The Admiralty there-' upon called upoa the commander of the Russian fleet for an explanation of his ac tion In permitting the orders to become public. On October 10, 1863, Prince Gort chakoff wrote to Montuear de Stoeckl that the alliance . between Russia and the United States exists in fact by their com munity of Interests and their political tra dltlona" . Russia hailed with satisfaction the triumph of the federal government. How much she had contributed to this triumph the correspondence In her archives shows. I leave It to the American people to de cide whether Russia's charge of ingrati tude Is Justifiable,