telephone 613691.
Reduced Prices on
Summer Underw'r
. Beginning Thursday morning wo will make
u special effort to close out all linos of Sum
mer Underwear for men, women and child
dren. While we have been making special prices for some
time, wo have reduced them still more as fall lines are now
beginning'to crowd us for ropm.
THESE KOIt WOMEN'
10c ribbed vests, now 6c.
IBc ribbed vest-, now 7'4c.
23c ribbed vests, now 15c.
25c India Gauze Vests, now IZViC.
Me ribbed vests, now 25c.
85c ribbed gauze llsto vests, now GOc.
$1.00 ribbed gauze lisle vests, now 75c.
COc ribbed union suits, now 33c.
A lino of 11.00 union suits, now 50c.
COc ribbed pants, now 33c.
25 Per Cent Discount on Children's Summer Underwear,
Wo Cloae Our Store SAturJaya at O P. M.
AOBTO FOR rOSTISTt KID (Jl.nVUS AfD McCAI.IS PATTIBIIJU.
Thompson, Beldepi &Co.
THE ONLY EXCLUSIVE DRY GOODS HOUSE IN OMAHA.
T. M. C Jk. tSUILDlKQ. COB. 10TU AJtD DOUQCAS 8TB.
Cheer upon cheer greetod btm at every tel
ling' period. Ho spoke as follows;
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Noti
fication Committee: 1 shall, nt an car.y
day, and In n more forrnnl manner, uccept
the nomination which you tender, nnd l
Hhull at that time discuss the various queB
tlons covered by the democratic plntiorm.
It may not be out of plocc, however, to
submit a few observation at thlH time
upon tho general diameter of the. contest
before us and upon the question which l.i
declared to be of paramount Importnnce In
this campaign.
When 1 suy that the contest of 1910 is u
contest between democracy on the one hnn 1
nnd plutocracy on tho other I do not mnii
to say that all our opponents havo delib
erately chosen to Rive to organized wraith
a predominating Iniluencc In t lie affairs of
tho government, but I do assort th)U (in the
importnnt Ihsups of the dav the republican
party is dominated by' those Ititlucnccs
which constantly tend to sulntltlitn the
worship of Mammon for tho protection of
tho rights of man.
In MX) Lincoln said that the republican
party believed In the man utul the dollar,
but that In on i-o of conflict It believed in th
man before the dollur. This Is tho proper
relation whlrh should exist botweon the
two, Man, the handiwork of Qod. come'
first; money, tho handiwork of man, is of
Inferior Importance. Man Is the master,
money tho servnnt, hut upon nil Importnnt
questions today republican legislation tends
to make money the master and man tiio
servant.
Tho mux I in of Jefferson. "Equal rlshti'
to nil nnd special privileges to none,1' nnd
tho doctrine of Lincoln that this should b
a government "of the people, by tho people
nnd for the peoplo," nrff using dlsnjanrjeo
nnd tho Itiftrumcntn'.ltlos of govern rent rre
being used to advance the Interests of
those who arc In a position to secure favor.)
from the government.
.o IVnr on "Wealth.
Tho democratic pnrty Is not making war
upon .the honest acquisition of wealth: It
has no desire to discourage industry,
economy and thrift. On tho contrary. It
gives to every cltUen the greatest possible
stimulus to honest toll when It promises
him protection in tho onloymont of the pro.
ceeds of his labor. Property rights aro
most secure when human rights are most
respected. Democracy strives for a clvl l:m
Hon In which every member of society wjll
share according to bis merits.
No ono has a right to expect from so
ciety moro than n fair compensation for thq
servlco which he renders to society. If h?
secures moro It Is nt the expense of some,
ono else. It is no Injustice to him to p event
his doing Injustice to another. To him
who would, cither through class legisla
tion or In the absence of necessary legis
lation, trcspuss upon tho rights of another
tho dcmocrutlo party says, "Thou shalt
not."
Against us aro arruyed a comparatively
small but politically nnd tlnanclally power
ful number who really profit by republican
policies; but with them are associated a
large number who, becnuso of their at
tachment to their party ilumo, are giving
their support to doctrines antagonistic to
tho former tenchlngn of their own partv.
Republicans who used to advocate bimetal
lism now try to convince themselves that
tho gold standard Is good; republicans wlni
wero formerly attached to the Greenback
nre now seeking an exeuso for giving
national banks control of the nation's paper
money; republicans who used to bonst thai
tho republican party was paying off tho
natlonnl debt aro now looking for reason
to support a perpetual and Increasing debt:
republicans who formerly nbhorred a trust
now begutle themselves with the delusion
that there are-good trusts and bad trusts,
while, In their minds, tho lino between
tho two Is becoming moro and more
obscure;: republicans who, In times past,
congratulated the country upon the small
expense of our standing army, are now
mnklng light of tho objections which are
urged against a large Increase In the per
manent military establishment; republicans
who gloried In our Independence when th-s
nation wns loss powerful now look with
favor upon a foreign alliance; republicans
who three years ago condemned "forcible
annexation'' as Immoral and even criminal
are now euro that It Is both Immoral and
criminal to oppose forclblo annexation.
That partisanship 'has already blinded
many to present dangers Is certain; how
largo a portion of tho republican party enn
be drawn over to the new policies remains
to bo seen.
Tnkea ti riilllpplnrM.
For n time republican leaders were In
clined to deny to opponents tho right to
criticise the Philippine policy' of 'the nd
ministration, but upon Investigation they
found that both Lincoln mid Ciuy usscrto I
nnd exercised tho right to criticise a presi
dent during tho progress of the Mexican
war.
Instead of meeting the Issue boldly and
submitting a clear and positive plan for
dealing with the Philippine question the
republican convention adopted a platform
tho larger part of which was devoted to
"Woman's Work
is Never Done.
Tfte constant care causes sleeplessness,
loss of appetite, extreme nervousness, and
that tired feeling. But a ivonderful
change comes token Hood's Sarsaparilla
is taken. It gives pure, rich blood, good
appetite, steady nerves.
Hill I
dcuu Liu a wuuuuu uuu
Only IOc
to The Bee Publishing Co., Omaha, Nob !.
'For part...
Paris Exposition Pictures.
Sent postpnlct to any address,
' Stay at home and enjoy the groat exposition. 10 to 20 flews
evory week, oovoring all points of Interest. Altogether there will
be 20 parti containing 350 views. The entire set mailed for 82.00.
Deo, Aug. 8, 1900.
THESE VOIl MEN.
25c balbrlggan underwear, now 13c.
(iOc balbrlggan underwear, now 25c.
S3c balbrlggan ribbed underwear, now
COc.
T5c French balbrlggan underwear, now
COc.
$1.00 French balbrlggan underwear,
now 7Cc.
$1.00 Sea Island cotton underwear,
pink and blue, now $1.00.
$2.00 ribbed combination sutto, now
$1.30.
boasting and self-congratulation.
In attempting to press economic questions
upon the country to tho exclusion of those
...UI..I. (......I... . I . ........ ...... .......... .. . ..
(su i-i uiiit'ui wie icmiiiill'Ull iruueia Kitu
new evidence o.' their abandonment of tho
earlier Ideals of tho party and of their
completo subserviency to pecuniary con
siderations, Uut they shall not bo permitted to evade
tho stupendous and far-reaching Issue
which they have deliberately brought Into
the nrrna of politics. When the president,
supported by a practically unnnlmous vote
of the house and senate, entered upon a
wtvr with Spain for the purpose of aiding
tho struggling patriots of Cuba tho. country,
without regard to party, applauded. Al
though the democrats recognized that tho
administration would necessarily jraln u
political advantage from the conduct of a
war which In the very nature of tho ease
must soon end In a complete victory they
vied with tho republicans In tho support
which they gavo to tho president. When
tho war was over and tho republican lead
ers began to suggest the propriety of a co
lonial policy opposition nt once manifested
itself. When the president llnally laid be
fore tho senate ft treaty which recognized
the independence of.Cllbu. but provided for
the cession of tho Philippine Islands to the
united States, the menace of Imperialism
beenme so apparent that many preferred to
reject the treaty and risk the Ills that
might follow rather than take tho chance
of correcting tho errors of the treaty by
tile independent action of this country.
Dxeiises Support of Trent).
1 was among the number of thoso who
believed It better to ratify tho treaty nnd
end tho war. release tho volunteers, remove
the excuse for war expenditures and then
give to tho Filipinos the independence
which might bo forced from Spain by a
new treat:'.
In view of the criticism which my action
aroused In some quarters I take this oc
casion to re-stnte tho reasons given at that
time, I thought It safer to trust the Ameri
can people to give Independence to the
Hllpinos thnn to trust tho accomplishment
of Unit purposo to diplomacy with an un
friendly nation. Lincoln embodied an argu
ment in the question when he asked. "Can
aliens make treaties cusler than friends
can mnko Iaws7" I believe that we are now
In u better position to wuge a successful
contest agaliiBt Imperialism than we would
ly.v.' ucn llnd 'ho treaty been rejected,
With the treaty rntltled u clean-cut Issue Is
presented between a government by con
sent and u government by force,
and Imperialists must bear tho re
sponsibility for all that happens
until tho question Is sittied. If the treaty
had beer, rejected tho opponents of Impe
rialism would have been held responsible
for uny international complications which
might have arisen before the ratification of
another treaty. Hut, whatever differences
of opinion may havo existed as tr the best
method of opposing a colonial policy, thoro
never was any dlfTeronco as to tho great
Importance of the question and there is no
djrence now ns to the course to bo pur-
,.Ino UHo ,f Spnln being extinguished, we
uorty to deal with tho Filipinos
according to American principles, 'lhe
Hacon resolution. Introduced a month bo
!l?Li h0,"t1,",Ues '""oko out at Manila,
promlrud Independence to the Filipinos on
the same terms that It wus -iromlsed to
i.i Sl,na ., l. supported, this resolution
and believe that its adoption prior to tho
breaking -out of hostilities would hnve
prevented bloodshed, and that Its adoption
' subsequent time would have ended
hostilities.
If the treaty had been rejected con
s durable tlmo would havo necessnrllv
elapsed before a new treaty could have
been asreod upon nnd ratllled, nnd during
that time tho question would have been
agitating the public mind. If tho Hncon
resolution had been adopted by tho senate
und carried out by tho president, either it
tho time of tho rntllicatlon of the treaty
or nt any time afterwords, It would have
taken tho question of Imperialism out of
politics and left tho American people free
to deal with their domestic problems. Uut
tho resolution wns defentcd by the vote of
ho republican vice president, nnd from
that time to this n republican congress has
refused to tako any action whatever In the
matter,
When hostilities broko out nt Manila re
publican speakers and republican editors
at onco sought to lay tho blame upon those
who had delayed the ratification of the
treaty, and during the progress of the
.war the samo republicans havo accused the
opponents of Imperialism of giving en
couragement to the Filipinos. This Is a
cowardly evasion of responsibility.
AMloUe for Filipino Ilehelllon.
the Philippine Islands permanently and
Imitate hurontnn empires In tho govern
ment of colonies the republican parly ought
to stnto its position and defend It, but it
must expect the subject races to proton
against such a policy and to resin to the
extent of their ability. The Flhplnos do not
need any encouragement from Americans
now living, Our wholo history has b en
an eilcourugement, not only to tho Fili
pinos, but to nil who are denied a voice
In their own government. If the repub
licans ore prepared to censure all who have
used language calculated to make the Fili
pinos hato foreign domlnntlou let them
condemn the speech of Patrick Henry,
"hen ho uttered thnt pnssloate appeul,
'IQIvo mo liberty, or give me death." he
expressed a sentiment which still echoes
In tho hearts of men, Let them censure
Jefferson; of all tho statesmen of hUtory
none have used words so offensive to those
who would hold their fellows In political
bondage. Let them censure Washington,
who declared that the colonists must choose
between liberty and slavery. Or, If the
stntute of limitations has run against the
sins of Henry nnd Jefferson nnd Washing
ton, lot them censure Lincoln, whose
Oott.vsburg Bpeech will be minted In defenn
of popular government when the present
advocates of force nnd conquest nre for-'
gotten.
Some ono has said that a truth once
government the republican lenders give
THE OS! AH A DAILY BEEt THURSDAY,
spoken can never be recalled. It goes on
and on, nnd no one can sft a limit to Its
ever-widening Iniluencc. but If It were
posslblo to obliterate, every word written
or spoken In defense of the principles set
forth In the Declaration of Independence, a
war of conquest would still leave Its legacy
of perpetual hatred, for It was (Jod Him
self who placed In every human heart th
love of liberty. He never made a race of
people so low In the scale of civilization
or Intelligence that It would welcome a
foreign master.
Those who would have this nation enter
upon n career or empire must consider not
only the effect of Imperialism on the Fili
pinos, but they must nbo ciieu'.ate Its
effects unon our own nation. We rrfiin.it
repudiate the principle of self-sovcrnmcnt
in me rniiippincs wttnout weiiKeninc that
principle here.
Lincoln said that the safety of this na
tion was not In Its fleets, Its iirmlcs, lis
forts, but In tho -spirit which prizes liberty
as the heritage of all men. In all lands,
everywhere, nnd he warned his country
men that thev could not destroy this spirit
without planting the seeds of despotism at
their own doors.
Influence of Imperialism.
Rven now we nre beginning to see the
paralyzing Influence of Imperialism. Hero
toforo this nntlon has, been prompt to ex
press Its sympathy with those who were
fighting for civil liberty. While our sphere
of activity has. been limited to the western
hemisphere, ojr sympathies have not been
bounded by tho sens. We havo felt It due
to ourselves and to the world, as well ns to
those who Wore struircllnir fnr the rlnhf
to govern themselves, to proclaim tho In-
icresi wnien our people nave, from tile
date of their own Independence, felt In
every contest between human rights and
arbitrary power. Three-quarters of a
century ago, when our nation wns small,
the struggles of Greece aroused our peoplo
and Webster nnd Clay gavo eloquent ex
pression to the universal desiro for Oreclan
Independence. In USC nil parties manifested
n lively interest In the success of the
ubans, but now when a war Is In progress
!n South Afrlcn, which must result In the
extension of tho monarchical Idea, or In
the triumph of a republic, the advocates
of Imperialism In tills country dare not
say a word In behalf of the Boers, Hvm
pathy for the Uocrs does not arise from uny
unfriendliness toward Knglnnd; tho Ameri
can people nro not unfriendly toward the
peoplo of any nation. This sympathy
Is duo to tho fuct that, as staled In our
platform, we believe In the principles of
self-government nnd reject, as did our fore
fathers, the claims of monarchy. If this
nation surrenders Its belief In the mil.
J'crsai application of the principles set
"" ' ie ueciaration or independence, it
will lose tho prestige nnd influence which It
has enjoyed nmong the nations us an ex
ponent of popular government.
pur opponents, conscious of tho weakness
of their cause, seek to confuse imperialism
with expansion, and have even dared to
cla m Jefferson as a supporter of their
policy. Jefferson spoke so freelv anil tirted
language with such precision that no one
can be Ignorant of his views. On ono
occasion ho declared: "If thero be one
principle niore deeply rooted than nny other
in the mind of every American It is that
we should have nothing to do with con
quest. And iiKiiln he said: "Conquest Is
not In our principles; It is inconsistent with
our government. '
Xot Opposed to I:iiiiiisIoii.
The forcible annexation of territory to be
govetned by arbitrary power diners ns
much from tho acquisition of territory to be
built up Into states us ,i mounrchy diners
from a democracy. The democratic party
does not oppose expansion, when expansion
enlarges the area of the republic and In
corporates laud which can bo settled by
American citizens, or ndds to our popula
tion people who uro willing to become citi
zens und nro cnpnblo of dlschorglng their
duties as such. Tho acquisition of tho
Louisiana territory, Florida. Texas and
other tracts which havo been secured
from time to tlmo enlarged the republic
and tho constitution followed the Hag Into
the now territory. It is now proposed to
seise upon distant territory already more
densely populated thnn our own country,
ana to force upon tho peoplo a government,
for which there Is no warrant In our con
stitution or our laws, IEven the argument
that this earth belongs to those who de
sire to cultivate it nnd who have the
physical power to acquire It cannot be In
yoked to Justify the appropriation of tho
Philippine Islands by the I'nlted State.
If the Islands were uninhabited American
citizens would not bo willing to go thero
and till tho soil. Tho whlto race will not
live so near tho equator. Other nations
havo tried to colonize In the same latitude,
rho Netherlands have controlled Java for
5$ eilrs anii 'et today there nro less thnn
60.000 people of Kuropean birth scattered
among, the 25,000,000 nntlves. After a con
tury and a half of English domination In
India less than one-twentieth of 1 per cent
of tho people dt India, arpif English birth,
and it requires on army-of- 70,000 British
soldiers to take rare of tho tax collectors,
fapain has asserted title to the Phlllpplno
Islands for three centuries nnd yet when
our fleet entered Manila bay thero were les
than 10,000 Spaniards residing in tho Phil
ippines. A colonial policy means that wo shall
send to the Philippine Islands a few trad
prs, n few taskmasters nnd a few oince
holders and nn nrmy inrge enough to sup
port the nuthnrlty of a small fraction of the
people while they rule tho natives.
Senreil by the- Army.
If we havo an Imperial policy we must
havo a great standing nrmy us Its natural
and necessary complement. Tho spirit
which will Justify tho forclblo annexation
of tho Philippine islands will Justify the
seizure of other islnnds nnd tho domination
of other people, nnd with wars of conquest
we can expect n certain. If not ranld,
growth of our military establishment. Thit
a large permanent Increase In our regular
army Is intended by republican leaders Is
not a matter of conjecture, but a matter of
fact, in his message of December 6, 1SUS,
the president asked for authority to In
crease the standing nrmy to 100,000. In
1SS6 the nrmy contained about a.f0. Within
two years tho president asked for four tlmC3
that muny, and n republican house of repre
sentatives complied with tho request nftcr
the Spanish treaty had been signed nnd
when no country was nt war with the
United States. If such an army Is do
mended when nn Imperial policy Is con
templated, but not openly avowed, what
may be expected If the peoplo encourage
tho republican party by endorsing its policy
nt tlie polls? A Inrge standing nnvy is not
only a pecuniary burden to the people nnd,
If accompanied bv compulsory service, a
constant sourco of Irritation, but it Is over
a menace to a republican form of govern
ment. Tho army is tne personlllcatlon of
force, nnd militarism will inevitably change
the ideals of the people nnd turn tho
thoughts of our young men from tho nrts of
pence to the science of war. Tho govern
ment which relics for Its defense upon Its
citizens is more likely to be Just than one
which has at call a large body of profes
sional soldiers, A smnll standing nrmy and
a well equipped and well disciplined state
mllltla are sulllclent nt ordinary times, and
in an emergency tho nation should In the
future, as to the past, place Its dependence
upon tho volunteers, who come from nil
occupations nt their country's cnll ami re
turn to productive labor when their serv
ices nre no longer required men who light
when the country needs fighters and work
when the country needs workers,
The republican platform nsiumes that
the Phlllpplno Islands will be re
tained under American sovereignty,
nnd wo hnve n right to demand of the
republican leaders n discussion of the
'uture status of tho Filipino. Is he to be
a citizen or u subject? Aro wo to brliw
Into tho body politic 8,000,000 or 10,000,000
Asiatics, so different from us In raco nnd
hlstorv that amalgamation is Imnosslblo?
Are they to share with us Ip making tho
nws and shaping tho destiny of this na
'Ion? No republican of prominence has
been bold enough to ndvncuta such a
proposition. The McF.nery lesolutlon.
adopted by the senate Immediately after
tin ratification of tho treaty, expressly
negatives this Idee The democratic plat
form describes the situation when It savs
that the Filipinos cannot bo citizens with
out endangering our civilization. Who
will dispute It? And what Is th? alternative''
If the Filipino Is not to be a citizen, shall
we mnko him a subject? On that question
the democratic nlatform speaks with equal
emphasis, it declares that the Filipino
cannot bo a subject without endangering
our form of government. A republic ran
havo no subjects. A subject Is possible
only In a government resting upon forco;
he Is unknown in a government deriving
Its Just powers from the consetft of the
governed.
HldlrulCN tlir Promises.
The republican platform says that "tho
largest mensuro of self-government con
sistent with their welfare and our duties
shall bo secured to them (the Filipinos) by
law," This Is a strange doctrtno for n
government which owes Its very existence
to the men who offered their lives ns a
protest against government without consent
and taxation without representation. In
what respect does tho position of tho re
publican pnrty differ from tho position
taken by the Kngllsh government in 1776?
Did not tho English government prnmlso a
good government to the colonists? What
King ever promised u bad government to
his people? Rid not tho English govern
ment promise that the colonists should
hav the largest measuro of self-government
consistent with their welfare nnd
English duties? Did not the Spanish gov
ernment nromlso to give to the Cubnns
the largest measuro of self-government con
sistent with tlfelr w'fare and Spanish
duties? The wholo di.fereneo between a
monarchy and a republic may bo summed
up In one sentence, In h monarchy the
king gives to tho people what he believes
to be n good government: In a repuhlle
the people secure for themselves wlvit
they believe to be a good government Til
republican party has accepted the Europ"an
Idea und planted Itself upon tho ground
taken by George III and by every ruler
who distrusts the capacity of the peoplo
for self-government or denies them a voice
In their own affairs
Tho republican platform promises that
somo mensuro of self-government is to be
given tho Filipinos by law; but even this
pledge Is not fulfilled. Nearly sixteen
months elapsed nfter the ratldcatlon of tho
treaty before the adjournment of congress
last June and yet no law was passed deal
Inn with tho Philippine situation, Tho
will of tho president lias been tho only
law In the Phlllpplno Islands wherever the
American ntithority extends, Why does the
republican party hesitate to legislate upon
the Philippine question? Because a law
would disclose the radical departure from
history and precedent contemplated by
those who control the republican pnrty.
The storm of protest which greeted tho
Porto Ulcan bill was nn Indication of what
may be expected when tho American peoplo
nro brought fare to faco with legislation
upon mis subject, ir tno l'orto menus,
who welcomed annexation, nre to be denied
the guaranties of our constitution, what Is
to bo the lot of tho Filipinos, who resisted
Our aUthnrltv7 If secret Influence roiild
compel n Oisregnrd of our plain dutv toward
friendly people, living near our shores, wnat
treatment will thoso same Influences pro
vide for unfriendly people 7,ono miles away?
If, In this country where the people havo
the right to vote, republican leaders dare
not tako tho sldo of the peoplo against the
great monopolies which have grown up
within the last few years, how can they bo
trusted to protect tho Filipinos from tho
corporations which are waiting to exploit
wit: Iflilliutw ,
Ittilnri a I'liiintom.
Is tho sunlight of full citizenship to be
enjoyed by tho peoplo of the I'nlted States,
and the twilight of scml-cltlzenslllp en
dured bv tho peoplo of Porto Ulco, while
tho thick darkness of linrnetiuil viixsnlnie
covera the Philippines? the Porto Hico
tariff law asserts tho doctrine that the oper
ation of tho constitution Is confined to
i hp loriy-uve states, tiio democratic parly
disputes this doctrine and denoiineeH It ns
repugnant to both the letter nnd spirit of
our organic law. There Is no placo In our
"i government mr me deposit oi ur-
hltrarx' ntul Irrnannnattil, hnttni. Tl,,.l 11,
leaders of a great purty should claim for
any president or congress the right to
iniuons oi people ns mero "posses
sions and deal with them unrestrained by
the ronstltiitlnn ni th.. mil nt
how far wo havo already deported from tho
ancient landmarks and Indicates what may
..u .-aih-i'iuu ii uun iiuiiuu iieuucruteiy en
.PJi a career of empire. Tho ter
ritorial form of government Is temporary
and preparatory, and tho chief security n
citizen of n territory has Is found In tho
rnci that he entovs the same ennutltiittnimt
guaranties and Is subject to the same gen-
-! iuwb as me citizen or a state. Take
'.!ny. ',h,s security and his rights will bo
wolated nnd his Interests sacrificed nt tho
..r mum or moso wno nave political ln-
..UetlCC. This lx tll nell rt tl,n ,.ll,.l
system, no matter by what nation It Is
Ill'lUll'Ilt
i W,l?t, our iiUc 1 the Philippine,
Islands? Do we hold them by tieitv or by
conquest? Did wo buy them or did wo take
them? Did wo purchase the penile? If
not, how did we secure title to them?
oro they thrown In with the land? Will
Urn republicans say that Inanlnvilo earth
"ns .value, hut that when that (f.rlh Is
""'led by the Divine Hand and stomped
with tho likeness of the Creator It becomes
a fixture and passes with tiiu Fell? If
governments derive their Just nowrr from
the consent of the governed It Ih Impos
sible to secure title to people, cither by
force or by purchase. We could extinguish
Spain's tltlo by treaty, but if we hold
title we must hold It by some method
consistent with our Ideas of government.
hen wo made ullles of the Filipinos and
armed them to fight against Spain wo
disputed Spain's title, if we buy bpaln's
tltlo we nro not Innocent purchasers. But
even If we had not disputed Spain's title, It
could transfer no greater title than It hod,
nnd Its tltlo was based on forco alone.
Wu cannot defend such u title, but at
Spain gnve us n quit claim deed we can
honorably turn tho property over to tho
party In possession. Whether uny Ameri
can ofllclnl gave to tho Filipinos formal
assurance of independence Is not material.
There enn be no doubt thnt wo ncccpted
and utilized the services of tho Filipinos
nnd that when we did so we-hod full knowl
edge that they'were lighting for their own
Independence, and I submit that history
furnishes no example of turpitude baser
than ours If wo now substltuto our yoke
for the Spanish yoke.
Duty tn the I'hll liiplnes.
Let us considor briefly tho reasons which
have been given In support of on Imperial
istic policy. Some say that It Is our duty
to hold the Philippine lslunds. Hut duty
Is not an argument; It Is n conclusion. To
ascertain what .our duty Is, In any
emergency, wo must apply well settled
nnd generally jiccepted principles It Is
our duty to 'ilvold stealing, no mattof
whether the. tiling to bo stolen Is of great
or llttlo value. It Is our duty to avoid
killing a human being, no matter where
tho human being lives or to what taco or
class he belongs. Every one recognizes
tho obligation' Imposed upon individuals to
observe both the human und the moral
law, but us some deny th application of
those laws to nations It may r.ot be out
of place to quote tho opinions of other.
Jefferson, than- whom there is no higher
political authority, said;
"l know of but one code of morality for
men, whethor acting singly or collectively.'
Franklin, whoso learning, wisdom nnd
virtue aro a part of the priceless legacy
bequeathed to us from the revolutionary
days, expressed the same idea In even
stronger langunge when he said:
"Justice Is ns strictly due between neigh
bor nations as between neighbor citizen.
A highwayman Is ns much a robber when
ho plunders In il gang as when sinjle, and
the nation that mukes an unjust war is
vnlv a great gang.", ,
Men may dure to do In crowds what thoy
would not dare to do ns Individuals, but the
moral charucter of un act Is not determined
by the number of those who Join It. Forco
can defend n right, but force has never yet
created a right. If It wns truo, as doclared
in tho resolutions of Intervention, that tho
Cubans ''are and of right ought to bo
free and Independent," (language taken
from tho Declaration of Independence) It la
equally true that tho Filipinos "are and of
right ought to bo freo nnd Independent."
Tho right of tho Cubans to freedbrn was not
based upon their proximity to tho United
States, nor upon tho language which they
spoke, nor yet upon the raco or races to
which thoy belonged. Congress by n practi
cally unanimous vote deelnrcd that the prin
ciples enunciated nt Philadelphia In 177t
wcro still alive nnd uppllcablo to tho
Cubans. Who will draw a lino between the
natural rights of the Cubans nnd tho
Filipino? Who will say that tho former has
a right to liberty und that tho latter has no
rights which wo aro bound to respect?
And, If the Filipinos "aro nnd of right
ought to bo freo and Independent," what
right havo we to forco our government
upon them without their consent? Be
fore our duty can bo ascertained their
rights must bo determined, nnd when their
rights nre onco determined It l.i us much
our duty to respect those rights as it was
tho duty of Spain to respect the rights of
the people of Cuba or thf- duty of England
to respect the rights of the American col
onists. Rights never conflict; duties never
clash. Can It be our duty to usurp political
rights which belong to others? Can it be
our duty to kill those who, following the
example of our forefathers, love liberty well
opough to fight for It?
OlillKntlmi Sits Llirlitly.
Somo poet bus described the terror which
overcamo n soldier who In tho midst of
battle discovered, that ho had slain his
brother. It is written "All yo aro brethren."
Let us hope for the coming of tho duy when
human life which when onco destroyed
cannot bo restored will be so sacred that it
will never bo tnken oxcept when necessary
to punish a crime already committed or to
prevent a crime about to bo committed!
If It is said that wo have assumed before
tho world obligations which make It neces
sary for us to permanently maintain A
government In tho Philippine Islands, I re
ply, first, that tho highest obligation of
this nation Is to bo truo to Itself. No
obligation to any particular nations, or to
all the nations combined, can requlro the
abandonment of our theory of government
and the substitution of doctrine: against
which our whole natlonnl life has been a
protest, And, second, that our obligation
to the Filipinos, who Inhabit tho Islands,
Is greater than any obligation which we
can owo to foreigners who have a tem
porary residence In tho Philippines or desiro
to trudo there.
It Is argued by somo that tho Filipinos
aro Incapable of self-government n;id that,
therefore, we owo it to the world to tako
control of them, Admiral Dewey,
In an official report to the Navy
department, declared the Filipinos
moro cnpablo of self-government than
the Cubans nnd raid that he based
his opinion upon a knowledge of both rucea,
But I will not rest tho case upon tho
relatlvo advancement of thu Filipinos,
Henry Clny. In defending tho right of tho
peoplo of South America to self-government,
said;
"It Is the doctrine of thrones that man
Is too Ignorant to govern himself. Their
partisans assert his Incapacity In reference
to all nations; If they cannot command unU
versal assent to tho nroiiosltlon. It lx then
demanded to particular nations; and our
priuo anu our presumption too otten maun
converts of us, I contend that it Is to
arraign tho disposition of provldenco Him
self to suppose that He has created beings
incapable of governing themsolves and to
bo trampled on by kings. Holf-govern-ment
Is tho natural government of man."
Clay was right. There are degrees of
proficiency In tho nrt of self-government,
fut It Is a rollectlon upon the Creator to
say that Ho denied to nny people tho
e.ipuclty for self-government. Onco admit
that some people nre capable of self-government
and thnt other me not and that
the capable people have a right to telio
AUCtTTST 0, 1000.
upon and govern tho Incnpable, and you
mnko force brute foreiv-tbe on v fniitntn.
Hon of government and Invito the reign of
n uenpoi. 1 am not wining to believe that
nn all. wise and an all-loving Ood created
the Flllnlnos nnd then left them tlioiisniidn
of years helpless until the Islands at-
iractca tno attention or European nations,
IlniillniT Dimvii the l'lnit.
Ilemibllrnnn nsk! "Rim II vn lintll ,1nvn
tho flag thnt floats over our dead- In the
Philippines?" The same question might
haVO been asked when the Amerlrnn ilnir
floated over Chapultepec and waved over
1110 ue.iu who iru mere; nut me tourist
who vleits the City of Mexico llnds there
n national cemetery owned by the I'nlted
Slates and cared for by an American
citizen. Our flag still Hoats over our dead,
but when the treaty with Mexico was
elgnod American nuthnrlty withdrew to tho
IllO Ornnde. and 1 venture the nnltilnii Hint
d.trlng tho Inst fifty years the people of
Mexico have made more progress under
tho stimulus of Independence nnd self.gov
wrnmcnt than they would have mtulo under
u cnrpeiDag government held in place by
lmVnnetM. Thn tTnllt.,1 mnfn nnA A f I
friendly republics, aro each stronger nnii
happier than they would have been
had tho former been cursed nnd the
lntter crushed by nn Imperialistic
policy, disguised as "benevolent assimila
tion." "Can wo not govern colonics?" wo nro
nsKcu, The question Is not whit we can
do. but what wo otiuht to do. This nation
run do whatever it desires to do, but It
must accept responsibility for what It does.
If the- constitution stands In the way the
peoplo can amend tho constitution. 1 re
peat, tho nation enn do whatever it desires
to do, but It cannot avoid the natural and
legitimate results of Its own conduct. The
young man upon reaching his majority can
do wnat he pleases. Ho can disregard the
teachings of his parents; he can trample
upon nit thnt he has been taught tn con
sider sacred; he can disobey the laws of
me siuic, me laws or society anti ir.e laws
of God. Ho can stamp failure upon his
life and make his very existence a cumo
to his fellow men, and he can bring hi
father und mother In sorrow to tho grave,
but bo cannot annul the sentence. "The
wages of sin Is death." And so with the
nation. It Is of age nnd It can do nhat It
pleases It can spurn the tradition.! of the
past; It can repudiate tho principles upon
which tho nation rests; it con employ
force Instead of reason; It run substitute
might fnr right; It can conquer weaker
peoplo; It can exploit their lands, appro
iirlate their property and kilt their people,
but It cannot repeal the moral law or
escape tho punishment decreed lor tno
violation or numan rights.
Becomes Poetle.
"Would wo trend In tho paths of tyranny,
Nor reckon the tyrant's cost?
wno lOKem anomer s liberty
His freedom Is also lost.
Would we win as tho strung have ever won,
Moke ready to pay the debt,
For tho Ood who reigned over Babvlon
Is tho Ood who Is reigning yet."
Somo argue that American rule In the
Phlllpplno Islands will result In the better
education of the Filipinos. Bo not deceived.
If wo expect to maintain a colonial policy
we shall not llnd it to our advantage to
educato tho peoplo. The educated Filipinos
nro now in revolt ngoinsi us ana mo mom
ignoinnt ones nave made the least resist
once to our domination. If wo arc to gov
em them without their consent and give
them no voice In determining tho taxes
which they must pay we dure not educato
tnem, lest they icnrn to renu tne ueciHra
tlon of Indeiiendenco and the constitution
of the I'nlted Stutes and mock us for our
Inconsistency.
Tho prlnclpnt arguments, however, nd-
voncea by those wno ctucr upon a uciumsu
of Imperialism are:
1. That we must Improve the present op
portunity to become a world power und
enter Into international politics,
2. Thnt our commercial Interests In the
Philippine Islands and In tho Orient mnko
It necessary for us to hold tho Islands per
manently. 3. That tho spread of the Christian re
ligion will bo facilitated by a ioI ntiit
policy.
4. That there Is no honorable retreat from
the position which the nation has taken.
Tho llrst nrgument Is nddrcssed to tho
notion's prido and tho second to tho nation 3
pocketbook. The third Is intended for th-i
church member and tho fourth for tho
partisan. ,
It Is a sufllclent ntiBwer to tho llrst argu
ment to say that for more than a century
this nation haB been a world power. 1'or
ten decades It has been the most potent
Influence In tho world. Not only has It
been a world power, but It has done moro
to affect the politics of tho human race
than all the other nations of tho world
romblned. Because our Declaration of In
dependence was promulgated, others have
been promulgated. Because the patriots of
1776 fought for liberty others have fought
for It; because our constitution was
adopted, ottfer constitutions have been
adopted, "The growth of tho principle of
self-government, planted on American soli,
has been the overshadowing political fact
of. thd nineteenth century. It lias made
this nation conspicuous among the nations
and given it a placo In history such ns no
other nation has ever enjoyed. Nothing
has been able to check the onward march
of this Idea. I am not willing that this
nation shall cost asldo the omnipotent
weapon of truth to seize again tho weapons
of physical warfare I would not exchange
tho glory of this republic for tho glory of
all the empires that havo risen and fallen
since tlmo began.
Ai-Komrnt of Commerce.
Tho permanent chairman of the last re
publican national convention presented the
pecuniary argument In nil It baldness
when ho said; ... . .
"We make no hypocritical pretense of
being Interested In the Philippines solely
on account of others. While wo regard the
welfare of those peoplo as a sacred trust,
wo regard the wolfure of the American
people llrst. Wo see ojr duty to ourselves
as well ns to others. Wo believe in trade
expansion. By every legltlmato means
within tho province of government nnd
constitution wo menn to stlmulato tho ex-
iuinslon of our trado and open new mar
cots." , . ,. .
This Is tho commercial argument. It Is
hnu.,1 t.rtnn Din fhprtrV thnt WHP COn 1)0
Tightly waged for pecuniary advantage, and
mat 11 is prouiauie u iiiiiuouro i..."
forco nnd vlolonco. Franklin denied both
of these propositions. When Lord Howe
nssorted that the acts of Parliament, which
brought on tho revolution, wero necessary
to prevent Amcrlcun trude from passing
Into foreign channels, Franklin replied:
"To mo It seems that neither tho obtain
ing nor retaining of any trade, how Valua
ble soever. Is an object for which men may
Justly spill each other's blood; that the
true and sure means of extending nnd
securing commerce aro tho goodness and
cheapness of commodities, nnd that the
profits of no trado can ever be equnl to the
expense of compelling It nnd holding It by
flewts and armies, I considor this war
against us, therefore, as both unjust and
"i'pIoco the philosophy of Franklin ngalnst
tho sordid doctrine of thoso who would
put a price upon tho head of an American
soldier nnd Justly "a war of conquest uprni
the ground that it wilt pay. Tho democratic
party is in favor of tho expansion of trado.
It would extend our trndo by every legiti
mate and peaceful means, but It Is not
willing to make merchandise of human
blood. . , ,
But a war of conquest Is ns unwise as It
is unrighteous. A harbor nnd coaling sta
tlon In tho Philippines would answer every
trndo and mllltnry necessity and such a
conceslon could havo been Bccured at nny
tlmo without dlfllculty.
For Voluntary Trnde.
It is not necessary to own peoplo In order
tn irnHA wiih them. We carry on trndo to
day with every part of tho world, nnd our
commerce bus expnnded mora rapidly than
tho commerce or any European oraimr.
Wo do not own Japan or Chlno. but we
tth their neonle. Wo havo not ab
sorbed tho republics of Central and South
America, but wo trade with them, It has
not been necessary 10 nave uny ijuhuii
connection with Canada or tho nations of
Europe In order to trade with them. Trade
cannot be permanently prolltablo unless It
Is voluntary. When trndo Is secured by
tnrnn the mxt nt seeurlnii It nnd retnlnlng
It must bo tnken out of tho profits, and tho
prollts nre never largo enough to cover the
expense. Such a system would never be
defended but for the fnct that the ex
pense Is borno by ail tno people, wnuo tne
prollts nro enjoyed by a few.
Imperialism would bo profitable to tho
army contractors, It would be profitable to
the ship owners, who would carry live
soldiers to tho Philippine and bring dead
soldiers back; It would be profitable to
tbnnn who would sctzo unon the franchises.
and It would be profitable to tho ofllclals
whoso saiuries wnuiu oe nxeti nere unci
paid over there; but to the farmer, to thf
laboring man and to the vast majority of
thorn, enirnced In other occunatlons it
would bring expenditure without return and
risK without roworu.
Farmers nnd laboring men have, us n rulo.
smalt incomes and, under systems which
place the tax upon consumption, pay moro
than mrir inir snaro or mo expenses or
government. Thus the very peoplo wtin
receive least bcnellt from imperialism will
bo Injured most by the mllltnry burdens
which accompany It.
In addition tn the evils which ho and the
farmer shuro in common, the laboring man
will bo first to suffer If oriental subjects
seek work 111 the United States; tho llrst
to suffer If American capital leaves our
shores to employ ortentul labor In the
Philippines to supply the trado of China
and Japan; tho first to suffer from tho vio
lence which the military spirit arouses ami
tho first to suffer when tho methods of
imperialism are applied to our own government
It Is not strange, therefore, that the labqr
organizations huvo been quick to note tho
approach of these dancers and prompt to
I
protest against both mllltnrlsm and Im
Doriailsm.
The necuiilarv argument, thouch moro cT
fcctlvo with certain classes. Is not llkelv
to bo used so often or presented with so
much emuhasls ns the rrllirlnus nrmiment.
If what has been termed the "gunpowder
gosper- were urged against the Filipinos
miiy, u would no a suiiicient answer to say
that a majority of tho Filipinos nro now
members of ono branch of the Christian
L'hUrch: but tho Itrltielnte Involve,! In mm
of much wider application and challenges
Boriuus cuiiKiacrniion,
An Christianity Vnder Duress.
The religious arsument varies In tmsttlve
IICHS from a lmsslvo belief Dint Providence
delivered the Filipinos Into our hands for
meir good nnd our glory to tho exultation
of the minister who said that wo ought to
"thrash tho natives (Filipinos) tintlf they
understand who we are," and that "evory
umiui rem, overy cannon snot and every
Hog waved means rlshtenusneaq."
Wo cannot approve of this doctrine In one
plnco unless we nro willing to apply it
every wiiaro. 11 mero 18 poison in tno UIOO'l
of t ie hand It will iiltlmnti.lv murli thn
heart. It Is caually truo that forcible
Christianity, If planted under tho American
flag In the faraway Orient, will sooner or
mier no transplanted upon American soil
It true Christianity consists In carrying otn
In our dallv lives the tenehlmiH of riirlst
who will say thnt wo. are commanded to
elvlllzo with dynamite and proselyte with
tile SWord7 lie who would rleelnre th.
Divine will must prove his authority either
by holy writ or by cvldcnco of a special
dispensation. Imperialism llnds no war
rant In the bible. Tho command, "go yo
Into all the world nnd preach tho gospel to
every creuture," has no catling nun at
tachment. When Jesus visited a village of
Samaria and tho people refused to lecelve
Him some of the disciples suggested that
lire should be called down from heaven to
avenge tno insult, but tho Master rchilKCd
mem and said: "Yo Know not what man
ner of snlrlt vo nre nf. fnr the. Son nf Man
Is not come to destroy men's lives, hut to
save them." Suppose Ho had said: "Wo
will thrash them until thoy understand
who wo ure," how different would have
been tne history or Christianity! compare,
If you will, tho HWagKcrlng. builvlmr. brutal
doetrlno nf lmorNiillfctn ulth the ridden
rulo and tho commandment, "Thou shalt
lovo thy neighbor ns thyself."
Love, not force, was the weapon cf the
Nazarene; sacrifice for others, not the
exploitation of them, wns Ills method of
reaching; tho human heart. A missionary
recently told me that the Stars and Stripes
onco saved his llfo because his assailant
recognized our Hag ns a (lag that had no
blood upon It. Let It be known that our
missionaries nro seeking souls Instead or
sovereignty; let It be known that Instead
of being the advance guard of conquering
armies tncy nre going rortn to neip anu 10
uplift, having their loins girl nbout with
truth and their feet shod with the prcpara
tlon of the gospel of peace, wenrlng tho
breastplate of righteousness nnd carrying
the sword of thu spirit; let It be known that
they aro ctllzens of a nation which respects
me rignts oi me citizens oi otner n.iuuun
as carefully na It protects the rights of Its
own citizens and tho welcomo given to our
missionaries win no more corouu uiin mu
welcome extended to tho missionaries of
any other nation.
Hoverelmity Not Xreessnry.
Tho urgument mude by some that It was
unrorttinute ror the nation mat u nnu any
tlilmr in ,ln with Dm Phlllnnlne Islands.
but that the naval victory at Manila made
tho permanent acquisition of thoso lslunds
necessary, is niso unsounu. we won a
naval victory at Santiago, but that did
not compel us to hold Cuba. The shedding
of American blood In tho Phlllpplno Islands
does not mnko It Imperative that wo should
retain possession forover: Amerlrnn blood
was shed at San Juan hill nnd El Canov,
and yet tho president has promised the
Cubans Independence. Tho fnct that tho
American Hag flouts over Manila does not
rnmnel us to exercise nernetual sovereignty
over the Islands; the American Hag waves
over Havana today, but the president has
promised to haul it down when tho ling of
the Cuban republic is ready to rise In Its
place. Better a thousand times thnt our
nog in me urient give way m u iiuk ' '
resenting the idea, of self-government than
that tho flag of this republic should bo
come tho ling of nn empire.
There is nn easy, honest, honorable solu
tion of tho Philippine question. It Is set
fortli In tho democratic platform and It Is
submitted with commence to tno Amen-
..on r.nhln 1't.lu nlnn I II lirenerveill V I .1.
dorse, if elected, I will convene congress
In extraordinary session as, soon as In
imiTiirAteil nnd recommend an Immediate
declaration or mo nations purpose nrm.
to establish u stable term nt government
In tho Philippine islands, Just as wo ore
nntv ..Ktnhiiniilrir n ittnhln form of govern
ment in Cuba; second, to give Independence
to the 1'lllplllOH just ns wo nave promised
to give Independence to tho Cubans; third.
to protect mo 11 inpinos trom ouwiuo nner
fnrnnrn whilA thev work nut their destiny.
Just ns we hnve protected the republics of
Central nnd sown America ana are, uy uio
Monote doctrine, pledged to protect Cuba.
An European protectorate often results in
tho plundering of tho ward by tho guardian.
An Ameriran nratnctornte elves to the
nation protected tho advantage of our
strength, witnout moaing u inn victim oi
our greed. For three-quarters of a
century the Monroe doctrine has been n
shield to neighboring republics and yet It
has Imposed no pecuniary burden upon us.
After tho Filipinos hnd aided us in the
wnr ngalnst Spain wo could not honorably
turn them over to their former mnBters;
wo could not leave them to bo the victims
of tho ambitious designs of European
nntlons, and since wo do not desire to make
f,,m 11 nnrt nf ii or to hold them as sub
jects, wo propose tho only alternative
namely, to give mem iiukji.i.-iiu.-.h.v
guard them ugalnst molestation from with
out. .. , .....
xot n lienevrr in urunj-.
When our opponents aro unable to defend
their position by argument they fall back
imnn thn assertion that It is destiny, and
Insist that wo mimt submit to it, no matter
how much It violates moral precepts and
our principles of government. This Is a
,mmJni niiiininniu' It obliterates the
distinction between right and wrong and
moKes individuals ana nauuiw uiu iwuii-o
victims of circumstance.
Destiny Is tho subterfugo of the inverte
brate, who, lacking the courage to oppose
error, seeks some plauslblo excuse for sup
porting It. WnBblngton said that tho des
tiny of the republican form of Hovernment
wns deeply, If not finally, stuked on the
experiment entrusted to the American
people. How different Washington's dcllnl
tlon of destiny from tho republican defini
tion! Tho republicans say that this nation
is In the hands of destiny; Washington be
lieved thnt not only the destiny ot our own
nation but the destiny of the republican
form of government throughout the world
waB entrusted to Atnerlcan hands. Im
measurable responsibility! The destiny
of this republic Is in the hands of Its own
people, unci upon tno success ot mo ex
periment here rests tho hope of humanity.
No exterior forco can disturb this repub
lic, and no foreign Influenco should be per
mitted to chango its course What tho fu
lura has In storo for this nation no ono
has authority to declaro, but each Individual
lias 1U8 own idea ot tue nation mission
nnd ho owes It to his country as well as to
himself to contribute us best lie may to tno
fulfillment of that mission,
AuUnowlcriues Honors Bestowed.
Mr. Chairman und Gentlemen of the
Committee, I enn never fully discharge tho
debt of gratitude which I owo to my coun
trymen for tho honors which thoy have so
generously ucbiowcu upon mo; oui, nun,
whether It he mv lot to occunv the high
oihco for which the convention has named
mo or to spend tho remainder of my days
in privuto lllo it snail no my constant urn
bltfnn Htill mv controlling nurnoso to aid
In realizing tho high ideals of thoso whose
wisdom und courage and sacrifices brought
this republic into existence.
I can conceive of a national destiny sur
nasslnir the ulorleu of the nrcsent and the
past a destiny which meets tho responsi
bilities of today and measures up to the
possibilities or tno niiure, ueuuiu u re
public, resting securely upon tho founda
tion stones ounrrled bv revolutionary
patriots from the mountain of eternal truth
a republic applying in practice and pro-
claiming to tne worm tne seii-uvuiem i imp
osition that ull men nre created equal;
that they uro endowed with Inalienable
rights; that governments are Instituted
among men to secure these rights; anil that
governments derive their Just powers from
tho consent of the governed, Behold a re
publlo in which civil and religious liberty
stlmuluto nil to earnost endeavor and In
which tho law restrains every hand up
lifted for n nelKhbur's Injury a republic
In which overy citizen is a sovereign, but in
Which no ono cares 10 weur u eruvvn,
Behold a republic standing erect whlln em
pires nil around aro bowed honoath the
weight of their own unnnments a republic
wlinxe flnsr Is loved while other flags ore
only feared. Behold u republic Increasing
In population, In wealth, In ntrongth and lu
Influence, solving the problems of clvlllzii
tlnn .mil huHtenlnir thu comllifr of an mil.
versal brotherhood a republic which shakes
lironcs and dissolves urlstocracles by Its
silent example and gives light and Inspira
tion to thoso who sit in darkness. Behold
a republic grudunlly but surely becoming
the supremo moral factor in the world's
progress and tho accepted arbiter of tho
world's disputes a republic whose history,
like the path of the Just, "Is as tho shining
light that shlneth more and more unto the
perfect day."
fJovornor Thomas .of Colorado followed,
notifying .Mr. f-tevenson of bis nomination.
Mr. Stevenson replied In a somewhat
briefer speech than that of Mr. Bryan,
Governor Thomas said;
For the serond time you have been chosen
by the national democracy us its vice presl.
dentlal candidate. This slcnul honor is n
unprecedented, but It Is non the lest,
exceptional. Elected to that high oilloo
right years ago. you discharged Its dtttlen
faithfully and well, retiring with the re
spect, tho love nnd the confidence of all
the people. Thus endeared to your parly.
Its recent action was both merited and
appropriate.
Long before tho Kansas City convention
wns called Its presidential candidate had
been selected, Its platform had been fore
shadowed by that of Chicago and by tho
events of the succeeding years. To com
pleto tho ticket wisely and appropriately
was n serious and exigent duty. Arrayed
ngalnst money, monopoly and militarism,
the associate of our great leader should bo
devoted to the same Ideals, equipped for
the same duties, Inspired by the same con
victions and prepared to sustain the same
burden If Providence should so decree.
Conscious of this great responsibility, but
readv to meet It squarely, our convention
on tiio first ballot gave you Its nomination.
Tho democracy long ago Indorsed Its
nctlon. Tho people wilt gloriously vlndlcato
it In November.
Mr. Stevenson said:
Kti'vriismi Accepts.
I nin profoundly grateful for the honor
conferred upon me by my selection by thee
natlonnl democratic convention as Its can
didate for tho high otllce or vlco president
of the I'nlted States. For the complimen
tary manner In which such action lias been
officially made known to mo I express to
you, Mr. Chairman, and to your honored
associates of the committee, my sincere
thanks.
Deeply Impressed with a sense of the re
sponsibility assumed by such candidacy, I
accept the nomination so generously ten
dered me. Should the action of the conven
tion meet the approval of the people In
November, It will be my earnest endeavor
to discharge with Illicitly the duties of the
groat office.
It is wisely provided by the constitution
thnt ut stated times political power shall
return to tho hands of tho people. Tho
struggle for political supremacy upon
wlileh we nro entering Is ono of deep,
moment to tho American people, Its su
premo Importance, to till conditions of our
countrymen cannot bo measured by words.
Tho His resulting from unjust legislation
mid from unwise administration of tho
government must find their remedy In tho
all-potent ballot. To It wo now mako our
solemn appeal.
The chief purpose of tho great conven
tion whose representatives aro before mo
was redress for existing wrongs und se
curity aguinst perils yet greater which
menacn popular government. Your conven
tion, In language clear and unmistakable,
has presented the vital Issues upon which
the pending contest Is to be determined,
'lo Its platform I glvo my earnest assent
Clearly and unequivocally the dcmocrutlo
convention has expressed Its sympathy with
the burghers of the South African republics
In llielr heroic attempt to maintain free
government. In this tho convention not
only voiced the sentiments of American
democrats, hut of liberty-loving men every
where. It Is not strange that those who
have kept the political faith of tho author
of the Declaration of Independence should
express their abhorrence at ttio effort of a
great European power to subjugate a peoplo
whose only crime Is n death struggle to
maintain their liberties.
(ir(N llni'k to TnrlfT.
The lavish appropriations by the present
republican congress should challenge thn
attention of nil thoughtful men. Subsidy
IiIIIm nnd nil llnnneeHMnrv tnvna nr emi.
demiicd by our platform, 'lie accumulation
of surplus revenues Is too often the pre
text ior wasieiiii appropriations or tno
nubile, money. The millions of surnlus now
accumulating In the treasury should re
main in tne pocKctH oi tno people, .to tins
end the democratic party demands a re
duction of war taxes to the actual needs nt
the government and a return tn the nnllev
of strict economy In all governmental ex
penditures.
In apt words tho Dlnglcy tariff law Is
(Continued on Third Page.)
ABSOLUTE
SECURITY.
Cenuln
Carter's
Little Liver Pills.
Must Baar Signature f
$m Pac-Slall Wrapper Blrw.
Vary assaU anal as aaay
tn taka as raan
FOR HEAIACNL
ran DIZZINESS.
FOR DIUOUSNESl.
O FOR TiRPIO LIVER.
V If OR CONSTIPATION.
' t rM it m t I m iaj
rua au.uw aaia.
ran THECOMPLEXIOI
aroaaaa na it
QURE SICK HEADAQHK.
HUTKI.S.
r
1
The.
y)tel Victory
Piit-in-Bay Island,
Ohio. . . .
AMERICA'S Largest and most charm-
ing nnd mont elegantly
furnished Summer Hotel, situated on
the highest point In Lake Erie, on ono
of the groups of beautiful Islands, CO
lilies from Detroit, Midi.; iO from
Tdledo, O.; 22 from Sanduulcy, O,; 65
.rem Cleveland, O,
HOTEL VICTORY CO.
Address all
Communications to
OPEN
FROM
JUNO 19
TO
SLTT 15
T. W. McCreary,
Gcn'l Mgr. and Rcprcsentathc.
Write for souvenir catalogue,
".lust far enough north."
"I.argo band nnd orchestra."
"l.'orty acres of golf links,"
"AmusementH Innumerable."
"Tho hay fever sufferer's haven."
"The Meren. nf the tourist. "
"Natures ucauty spot."
"Children's paradise." )
f RATIC8-S2.M to J5.00 per day; 110.W to )
I $23.00 per week. S
AML'.SHMISXT.S
Boyd's
Redmond
Stock Co.
H, II, Dear, Iter.
TONIOHT
Italancn of week
and Sunday mat.
QUEENA
Night Prlces-lOc, 16c, 20c.
ftiaunco Any Jicsorvca scat ic.
Kiciirxloii Hteiuiier
JACOB RICHTMAN.
li, m, anil 8 p. m, dally and Sunday,
Hound Trill ll.lc, Children Hie.
Phono 1001, Dancing and Refreshments.
i.nnceris ny
Junior Mllltnry lliuid.
.Music for Dancing by
.Mrs, l llennetl'x I, ml i- Orolii-Htrn.
Special rates to lodges, societies, churches,
BASE BALL TODAY
ST. JOE VS. OMAHA.
,H'J. II, 7, H, II.
I'lir.ilny, iiiriiat 7. I.nillr.' n.,,.
(iatne eaIKU, UlUO, Urounds. ICIk, mud
Vluton,
CARTER'S
Kittle
