The Daily Nebraskan
Monday, December 5, 1966
Page 2
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Criticize But Respect
One of the most Important traits a student should
learn in school must be to have an opinion and to
be able to express it well.
In addition to a student having his own opinion, be
also should recognize everyone else's right to their opin
ions, agreeing or disagreeing with his own.
The Daily Nebraskan editor and columnists express
opinions daily and expect some people to disagree with
them. They respect the person with a differing opinion who
will argue with them in person or in the letters to the
editor column.
- But no where in this University on either side
of any issue is there an excuse for the student who
can not accept another's opinion intelligently.
Recently a columnist who was requested by the
Dally Nebraskan to express her personal opinion has
been receiving badgering telephone calls and various kinds
of threats.
These critics have little constructive disagreement,
only very unkind and rude comments.
The columnist has shown a great deal of courage
in expressing so well her very personal opinions. If some
students disagree, fine. But certainly they realize the
personal courage and high quality of this coed and her
right to say what she feels.
' Even worse than the critics are those people who
have so little character and personal dignity that just
because the columnist has become controversial, they
can't insist that her right to an opinion be respected.
The Daily Nebraskan would like to strongly suggest
that in the future these critics at least respect this colum
nist's right to her personal opinion and the courage and
character that it takes to write about very personal mat
ters. Furthermore since the paper requested this coed to
write these columns, disagreement should be addressed
(personally or written) to the editor of the paper.
The columnist, no matter if one agrees or disagrees,
certainly deserves respect for her courage, while the Ne
braskan deserves the brunt of the disagreement for re
questing and printing the column.
More Rules For Men?
University students have spent at least two years
now constantly complaining about the rigid housing rules
for women students.
Last Thursday a panel was called to discuss primar
ily these rules and the clause in the proposed Student
Bill of Rights which says students have the right to choose
their own living environments as citizens of a free demo
cratic society.
Instead of some type of compromise being proposed
between present University regulations and student wishes
a complete new threat to the rights of every student
was suggested.
The administrators did not suggest that women's
housing will be liberalized but rather that housing
rules for men will be made stricter.
The attitude of the administration on the panel and
in later explanations seems to be that they will equalize
the disparity between women and men students by mak
ing the men's rules stricter and by changing the women's
rules as little as possible.
Not by changing the women's rules or making it
easier for a coed to live wherever she wants but by
making it more difficult for a male student to live where
ever he wants the University will answer the students'
complaints.
Although the Daily Nebraskan has articles quoting
a Student Affairs representative making these comments,
we find them extremely hard to believe or to understand,
stand.
Certainly the problem Is to liberalize the women's
rights and restrictions as much as possible and not to
enforce the men's. We can see no male housing restric
tions which need to be made stricter or enforced.
A male .student who is old enough to go to Univer
sity certainly is old enough to live where he wants. Not
even the age old female protection argument can be
offered in defense of any type of restriction on male
housing rights.
The Nebraskan even feels a little ridiculous arguing
such an obvious point. The real argument, of coarse, is
about the women students whi have been completely
robbed of their rights to function as individuals and
adults by outdated and impractical! traditions and rules.
In the future, the Nebraskan hopes that administra
tors will not waste their time, effort or money worrying
about men students, but in finding ways to correct the
outdated and often unfair rules for women. Wise adminis
trators and students have too many problems in finding
compromises and gradual ways to liberalize the ridiculous
and unnatural rules for women without complicating mat
ters further with ridiculous restrictions on men.
Housing Clause Needed
, Other points mentioned at Thursday's panel on hous
ing, which should be of concern to all University stu
dents, are the possible restrictions which present housing
regulations could impose.
Administration representatives seemed to admit that
more mandatory campus housing could be a possibility
at Nebraska In the future.
. Some students recently seeing what has happened
on other campuses where new dorms have been quickly
built have worried that Nebraska too might find
Itself In a situation where some or all students would be
required to live in campus housing in order to fill the
dorms.
Mr. Brown, speaking for Student Affairs and other
parts of the administration, pointed out that this is not
the situation at Nebraska now. But in an explanation
of his comments Thursday in today's paper, he does ad
mit that according to present University regulations it
is possible for the school to require all students to live
in campus housing.
As Mr. Brown points out in today's paper the
Regents require that stndents live in University ap
proved homing and there is nothing which says the Uni
versity can't recognize only campus housing as "ap
proved." Since women students are already trapped In cam
pus housing this is primarily one example of how
new restrictions on men's student housing could be used.
In the Daily Nebraskan's opinion, if a student has thus
far taken little notice of the proposed Student Bill of
Rights these comments from administration about
housing should be enough to make each student take an
immediate interest in the bill.
The bill says that a student can live wherever he
wishes as a citizen in a free democratic society. For
the women there is no question about this clause being
an improvement. For the men It would be a protection
from future possible moves by the University.
Daily
Dm. ft, 1M
Nebraskan
VoL M. No. 44
Second-clue poetage said at Lincoln. Neb."
Member Associated Collegiate Press, National Advertising
Service, Incorporated, Published at Room SI Nebraska Union,
Lincoln, Neb., 66518.
EDITORIAL STAFF
Editor Wayne Knraaoheri Minulnf Editor Lota QuimMti Newt Editor Jan
ItMm NI(M Nawa Editor BUI attnltn tporta Editor Bob riaatilcki Senior Staff
Wrtlera. Julia ntorrla. Randy Iran, Teal Vlotor, Nancy Handrickaoai Jonior Stall
Writere, Cheryl Trltt, Cheryl Ounlap. Jotaa Pyar. Bob Rabpurm Nawa Aaeletant
Eileen Wlrtai Phetorraphere Tom RuMn. Howard Keuinjari Cop? Editors, f'l
Bennett, Barb Rooerteon, Jan Rooe. Bract QUee.
BUSINESS STAFF
Boalneaa ktanaaer Bob Glani National Advertlilna Waaaiar DwlsM Clarki
total Advertialna. Manager Charlat Baxtari Cluallled Athrerturina Ifaiuaert, Raa
Ana Cine. Mary Jo McDonnell! Secretary, Linda Lade; Baatneia Aaaletante. Itm
Wolfe. Jin Wallata. Chuck Saltm. Ruaty Puller, Cenn Prlendt, Brian Hala, Mike
Eyttcri Subecrlptlon Manaaer Jim It until Circulation Hammer Lynn Katnieai
Circulation AaeUtani Gary Meyer.
CUKV&-A-BOB'
That's What tSays
Our Man Hoppe-
Medieval Crossbow Theory
fa j
The theory that the late President Ken
edy was actually shot by six medieval
crossbowmen in a gas-filled balloon was
first advanced by a free-lance journalist
and service station attendant, Mr. Homer
T. Pettibone.
His book, "Behind the Inside Report
on the Exclusive Disclosures Exposing the
Warren Commission," was an instant best
seller. Appearing on Meet the Pres.', Mr.
Pettibone explained that his work was
the result of three years solid research
18 hours a day.
"I have," he said proudly, "read every
single book that exposes the Warren Com
mission and advances a new theory. All
of them.
"The purpose of my book," he said
with dignity, "is to exonerate the inno
cent, persecute the guilty, resolve history
and make a million dollars."
On his wildly successful nationwide
lecture tour, Mr. Pettibone displayed a
huge blowup of frame 247 of a fuzzy
home movie which clearly showed a gas
filled balloon in the sky. Either that or a
water spot on the film.
He then went into a complex analysis
of vectors, demonstrating that the deed
could only have been performed by a
medlval crossbow that shot around cor
ners. "As proof," he would say trium
phantly, "let me point out that no cross
bow arrow was found at the scene. In
deed, six crossbow arrows were never
recovered! And due to the average load
ing and firing time of the average medie
val crossbow 27.2 seconds this ob
viously means that it would require six
medieval crossbowmen to fire all six
nnrecovered arrow."
Arthur Hoppe
Critics hailed Mr. Pettibone's theory
for "its freshness and originality." Ex
perts agreed that it was "consistent with
the known facts." The public liked its
simplicity and afficionados its mystery.
So it was universally accepted and the
nation slept easier knowing how the deed
was done.
But Mr. Pettibone had made only
half a million dollars.
So he wrote a second book, "The
Return of Behind the Inside ... Et
cetera." In this he produced a deposition
from a fifth cousin twice removed that
Officer Ruby (cq) had once expressed
an interest in medieval crossbows while
Jack Tippltt (cq) had seen "Richard,
the Lion-Hearted," (a movie In which
crossbows were extensively employed)
in a theater only 13.7 miles from the
home of Oswald Lee Harvey.
From there, Mr. Pettibone went on
to prove conclusively the existence of a
conspiracy Involving the Right Wing, the
FBI, the Left Wing, the Secret Service,
all news media, Congress and Troop 102,
Boy Scouts of America. Its undeniable
purpose: the takeover of the nation by
medieval crossbowmen!
Unfortunately, the public had turned
its attention to a child star who had
died from a mysterious overdose of sleep
ing pills, and nothing much was done to
ban crossbows.
"Good heavens!" cried Mr. Petti
bone. "The whole nation's in this con
spiracy." Unable to face this horrible fact, he
shot himself with a crossbow. A Coroner's
Jury hastily ruled his death a suicide.
A friend later wrote a book proving
definitely it was a suicide. The book
didn't sell.
ffan 3tkin Writes
Who Would Have Thunk It?
Once upon a time there
was a University with quite
a span of personalities
existing witnin it. There
were students who were
conscientious and those who
were not. There were those
who were interested in
their education and (again)
those who were not.
Why was there such a
difference in attitudes?
Could it have been because
of the attitudes of some of
the professors? Heavens
no.
Recently one professor
was heard to comment that
students at the University
were not interested in an
education, that an intellec
tual atmosphere was just
a popular phrase that was
thrown around "What
students really want is a
large lecture where the ma
terial is spoon-fed to them
and no attendance Is re
quired." And no one answered him.
Oh dear, who would
have thunk it?
It is a strange phenv
mona that discussion
courses are not the final
answer. That one coed can
attend a large lecture
where attendence is not re
quired at 8:30 a.m. and
benefit and then cut a dis
cussion course with re
quired attendence later in
the morning with no qualms
is significant.
Education can be con
sidered an exchange of
ideas and knowledge.
Granted, in a lecture the
exchange is one-sided and
for that reason discussion
groups are preferable. But
discussion classes alone are
are not the answer.
The answer lies In a
seven-letter word respect.
The student must respect
the instructor as a person
and as an authority In his
field. This form of respect
may be found often even
If the student disagrees
with the instructor at limes.
The other form of re
spect is too often missing
from the University atmos
phere and that is an n
structor having respect for
the student. By having re
spect, I mean respecting
his view point and that he
is an adult.
Statements to the effect
of "I know you won't read
the assignment anyway, but
here it is" only motivates
(?) the student not to read
the assignment.
Making the class an ex
citing place where one is
not afraid to be berated if
his ideas do not agree with
the instructor's and where
one feels he is benefitting
from attendence is another
area of this respect that
Is far more effective than
pop quizzes and required
attendance. But the quizzes
and required attendence is
the vehicle that too mai.y
Instructors use.
Who would have thunk
it?
Mutual respect Is a ne
cessity to learning. It may
be difficult to develop as
a student to often classi
fies all instructors ai
"nurds" and instructors in
turn consider the students
"dumb Nebraska farmers."
But this respect is essen
tial and may be more of
as addition to an Intellec
tual atmosphere and the
concept f totnl education
than the Faculty Evalua
tion Book, the Student Bill
of Rights or the Free Uni
versity. Before there is learning
there must be a willingness
to learn and only through
respect Is this willingness
possible.
It sounds simple but it
Is too often ignored.
Oh dear, who would have
thunk it?
EDITOR'S NOTE: The following is
a personal appraisal of Black Power by
Gerald Bruck, a Yale Daily News re
porter who covered events in Selma,
Ala., in 1964 and has since maintained
close contact with the civil rights move
ment in the South. He spent two weeks
last spring travelling with Julian Bond.
He first met Stokely Carmlchael at that
time.
New Haven, Conn. (CPS) I first
met Stokely Carmichael in Lowndes Coun
ty, Ala., last March. Do not mistake me:
I don't pretend that we're friends. I
doubt if he saw me when we shook hands
back then, and when I tried to ask him
some questions during his visit to Yale
several weeks ago, his secretary stepped,
in to tell me, "If you wish an interview
wfth Mr. Carmichael, you may apply
through our national office in Atlanta."
Several hundred black residents of
Lowndes had journeyed by car and foot
to the Mount Moriah Church. It was the
first anniversary of the Lowndes County
Organization, a county-wide third party
known to the national press by its sym
bol, the black panther.
At last, it was Carmichael's turn to
speak. "There's some 'educated' Neg
roes," he said, "and that means they've
been to school and they've been taught
what to think that's what it means.
They say our party is not going to go
anywhere 'cause there's only two parties
in this country, the Republican party
and the Democratic party. They say the
Democratic party is the way we're gonna
be free.
"Let's talk about that," he said.
There were "crackers" (white rac
ists) in the Democratic party; that was
the way it had been since the beginning,
and that's the way it would stay. "And
they ask us to change it," he said
scornfully. "Did they ask Jews to get
into the Nazi party and change it?
"That's right," he called back to his
cheering audience, "we want the power!"
' " "And unless we get the power, we're
gonna be like Julian Bond, invited to
speak across the country, to speak to
other Negroes, but we can't represent
ourselves.
"Don't be afriad, 'cause you're black
and nappy-headed and got a broad nose,
that you can't handle power. Don't you
let'em shame you!
"Don't you ever talk about anything
all black is bad, 'cause you're hating
yourself. We're gonna find the blackest,
most nappy-headed nigger and make
him sheriff, just to spite the white folk.
"We're gonna do it. Sure 'nuff, that's
what we gotta do. We're tired of being
ashamed of ourselves.
"We gotta be in those new pictures
so my children can look at another Ne
gro and say, 'Now he is somebody!' I
want a black sheriff in this county so
our kids can look at him and say, 'Some
day I'm gonna be sheriff!'
"K you're ashamed of yourself, go
in a corner and sit by yourself, but let
your children live!
"Now if you're 'shamed of power, if
you're 'shamed to control, now you
better step back. Shucking and jiving
time is over. From now on, we're rolling
over people who won't' get out of our
way. Don't stop us, just get out of our
way. Black, white, indifferent, we're roll
ing over you.
"You understand that? It's gonna be
the power. You tell Carl Golson, you tell
Tom Coleman, you tell all of them crackers
I said so."
The people in the church cheered.
"You tell 'em I said so. You tell 'em
I'm gonna take the power and use it
like it should have been used.
By the end of this speech, I was
standing outside of the church, holding
the microphone of my little tape record
er close to the loud speaker that carried
his voice for those who couldn't squeeze
inside.
Some old Negro men stood nearby,
and they smiled at Carmichael's com
ments about being proud of being black
and they laughed with glee when he told
about the power they were going to get,
and how they were going to set their
masters straight.
I was holding the microphone because
I was a reporter, and I gave the old
men sort of an embarrassed smile, be
cause I am white.
After the speechmaking, the women
opened up baskets of food outside the
church, and everyone had something to
eat. "Just reach in and grab something,"
a lady told me, and so I did, and I
turned over a plate of something by mis
take, and generally messed things up.
My desk is cluttered with articles
by and about Carmichael. I have twenty
hours of tapes of SNCC people talking
about civil rights and SNCC. I have
piles of newspapers' clippings, documents
of one sort or another, and stories and
anecdotes to tell.
Perhaps at another time and place,
I should have been prepared to make
some kind of pronouncement on Black
Power.
But now I feel differently.
Carmichael's Lowndess County talk
can be an example of anything you wish
it to be. If members of the press had
attended, they would have termed it the
speech of a racist. To me, it did not
seem so.
But I am an outsider.
He was speaking to black people
about matters which directly concerned
their everyday lives. He and the neople
he had worked with for a year, in an
atmosphere of tremendous fear, had their
own language. I cannot pretend to under
stand it.
Most basically, I cannot pretend to
understand the feelings of the people ia
Lowndes County. How can I say that
Carmichael was speaking for them, or
for what they "should" believe?
I feel that Carmichael is right, and
I believe the things he says. But for me
to argue for black power as a disin
terested observer, for me to present "all
sides" of the story and "document" my
case would be dishonest.
I simply feel that I should own up.
My experience comes from a white world,
and it is from my setting that I must
put forward my case.
The civil rights struggle embarrassed
me when I was a freshman. It was far
from me, and I didn't care to think
about it.
In that spring, stories from Selma
begin to fill the newspapers, and one
rainy day, as I walked through the mud
of the Old Campus, I realized how des
perately I wanted to get away from
Yale. I decided that it was time to "see
something" for myself. So I bought a
notepad, borrowed some money and set
out for Selma.
I did not go as a freedom fighter,
I went as a reporter. Armed with a Yale
Daily News press card and indefatigable
ability to compromise myself, I set out
to learn.
I wormed my way into curious places.
I talked to Sheriff Clarke in his office,
was treated to an endless series of com
ments by his secretary about "that sassy
nigger" who "came in here and said we
weren't protecting him," and I convinced
the good sheriff that, as an objective
Yankee, I had a right to a press card.
I talked to leaders of the march, to
the Northern agitators, to "community
people." I got free coffee from the black
church, and on one occasion bummed a
cigarette from a state trooper. On one
particular night, I ducked rocks thrown
by white people from a passing oar and
soon after was threatened with extinc
tion by a group of black kids.
Chalk it up to "education experi
ence." I saw the hatred I had read
about in the papers, I tasted the fear,
a little of the frustration, some of the
love, and I liked the excitement.
So I did what a good Yalie should.
I returned and took courses about the
South, read books and articles, wrote
papers, and otherwise gained "back
ground." Last spring, I ventured forth again.
At first I planned to spend spring va
cation in Lowndes County, observing lo
cal customs and Stokely Carmichael.
It was a stupid idea.
Lowndes County is a dangerous place;
I would have had trouble surviving. What
reason was there for Carmichael, who
risked his life there daily, to tolerate a
white term-paper writer following on his
trail? I told myself that perhaps I would
be willing to die for some great prin
ciple, but certainly not for a term pa
per, and so I set out instead for Atlan
ta, to find out about Julian Bond.
Julian Bond twice had been elected
to the Georgia House of Representatives,
and twice denied his seat by Georgia
legislators. Bond himself does not look
like a member of SNCC (and he no
longer Is). The white moderates of Geor
gia admire his "Ivy-league" Ijk, and
they like the fact that he wears a tie.
He is an anthologized poet, and that's
nice, they say.
He is quite, courteous, poised, re
laxed and has a clear, sharp intelligence
that baffles his critics whenever they are
forced to confront it. The New York
Times described him as "easily the
most articulate" of the representatives
elect. He was elected by black people in a
truly "grass-roots campaign' He was
denied his seat because he agreed with
a SNCC statement condemning the war
in Viet Nam.
While Bond minces no words, and
endorses Carmichael's stand on black
power, he represents the earlier years of
SNCC. He was a leader of the Atlanta
restaurant sit-ins. He seems, In manner
and disposition, Ideally suited for the
reformer role. He operated within the
existing political framework, running 'or
a Georgia House seat on the Democratic
ticket.
Not only was he denied his seat, but
people refused to listen to him. Rural
legislators referred to him - in public
at least as the "Infamous Mr. Bond."
With celestial irony, Georgia's laymakers
spurned the one spokesman for the in
creasing militancy of black people who
talk to them politely.
Now they will have to reckon with
Mr. Carmichael.
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