.tl
10 'Che Conservative ,
The question
ANOTHER ARMY
FOR CUBA ? cannot bo an
swered unti 1 f u r -
ther development at Paris. Signs of a
renewal of the war , however certain the
result might be , are not entirely want
ing. General Blanco is still in Cuba.
Ho commands a great army. Col.
Roosevelt and Santiago prove that it
knows how to fight with the deadly
Mauser and smokeless powder. Should
Spain invite a new declaration of war.
a great army would have to bo raised
without delay , not less , and probably
more , than 100,000 men. It will bo in
teresting to note the greater or loss alac
rity with which the states upon which
the president must , in this event , call
for their respective quotas , would respond
spend for another war for God and hu
manity in Cuba. A great number of
people in our country who have had ex
perience in waging war in a tropical
climate against a handful of Spanish
soldiers , half fed and half-clothed , might
well hesitate about trying it again
against an army of 140,000 men under
such an intrepid and fighting soldier as
General Blanco.
The enlightened
THE CUBAN and refined citizens
REPUBLIC.
of Cuba who un
der very able leaders accepted the over
flowing humanity of the United States
as a submergence of Spanish rule in that
delightful island are now kicking off
their swaddling clothes and beginning
to talk.
In a pronunciamento of October 81 ,
1898 , Senor Bartolomo Maso , president
of the Cuban administrative council de
clares :
"Tho Cubans accepted the assistance
of America , although not knowing exact
ly what were the Americans' aims , just
as they would have accepted help from
any country , in their fight against Spain.
"As the contest progressed the Cubans
in the field were gratified to hear the
solemn declaration by the United States
congress regarding the intentions of the
American government and the path it
would follow in the Spanish-American
war.
' 'Tho Americans came to our help to
compel Spain to relinquish her sovereignty
eignty over Cuba , in order that the
Cubans themselves might bo placed as
promptly as possible in possession of the
island ; might assume the administra
tion of its affairs , and have a govern
ment of their own.
"Therefore , the Cubans agreed to co
operate with the Americans , to obey
orders of American generals and help in
all possible ways to establish a Cuban
government when the Americans took
possession. Thoxigh America did not
recognize the government of the Cubans ,
it was well understood that the Cubans
would not on that account abandon
then : organization , but that , on the con
trary , the time would come when such
recognition would bo granted. Indeed ,
it was asserted to our Cuban representa
tives by one of the most distinguished
members of the United States govern
ment and also by the members of the
United States senate that in order to do
away with any obstacle that might
hinder the United States to go into the
fight for the cause of Cuban independ
ence , recognition of a Cuban govern
ment must conio later.
"Nevertheless , it has not been possi
ble to establish direct relations between
the Cuban and American governments
for the transaction of the public busi
ness , although the general character of
our relations throughout the war was
friendly. But we have now reached a
time when , even more than in the days
of fighting , it is incumbent upon all Cu
bans to show true patriotism , and while
making every expression of gratitude to
America for having given Cuba freedom
and independence , to make prompt ar
rangements for paying off the Cubans
news in arms and for getting the coun
try into working order. "
The Cubans "accepted" they never
asked , it would seem "the assistance of
America. "
"Cubans in the field were gratified to
hear the solemn declarations by the
United States congress" solemnity in
congress is generally a farce.
Altogether the condescension of Souor
Bartolome Maso and the lofty style in
which he refers to "one of the most dis
tinguished members of the United States
government" is gratefully refreshing.
His entire proclamation is an assurance
that "a war for humanity" brings vast
and incalulable satisfactions. The sick ,
the wounded , and even the dead of the
Spanish-American war , should be in
spired by the rhetoric and truthfulness
of Senor Bartolome Maso.
Ifc is th ° duty of
every man who
has a family , or portions of a family ,
like a mother , or sister , dependent upon
his income for the comforts of existence
to insure his life in their behalf. But
before insuring one's life it is a duty to
investigate all the best methods of mak
ing such provision as your affectionate
solicitude may suggest , for those whom
you love and desire to protect as benefi
ciaries.
The oldest level-premium companies ,
like the Mutual Life of New York ,
should be first thoroughly examined as
to methods , management and safety.
Then all the assessment companies and
schemes ought to bo carefully investi
gated. And then that insurance which
seems the most certain to bo paid at
death of the iusureo ought to bo taken
and the premium promptly paid year
after year.
Good life insurance is the best benefi
cence evolved by modern civilization.
All good men should bo insured for
good kindred.
CONFOUNDED
CONFUSION.zens of the United
States , at the out
break , during the progress , and since the
alleged close of the Spanish war with
more or less doubtful glory to the
American name and nation , have been
trying to find out its real objects and
purposes. The higher brand of political
patriots declared in advance that it had
for its great and glorious end "liberty , "
' freedom , " and "independent govern
ment" for the Cubans. The army of
the United States , after meeting the
Dolly Varden race-mixtures which bear
the Cuban appellation , have laughed
that plea out of existence. The presi
dent says the war was for "humanity , "
whatever that may mean in view of the
pitiful inhumanity which it has already
produced and abundantly promises.
Men holding high commissions to speak
as those having authority declare that
the government of Spain of her own col
onies was not pleasing in the sight of
the American people. A more religious
version of the objects and purposes of
the war says it was to vindicate God
himself at the cost of wholesale sacrifices
of human lives and a whole ocean of hu
man suffering. It is to bo hoped that
before the high debate which is sure to
precede the next presidential election ,
the authors of the late war and of fu
ture wars of which it threatens to be
prolific , will "get together , " that pos
terity , at least , may find some solid
ground for judgment.
Senator Proctor
j j . .
pitocToii.nas broken loose
again. The last
time he exploded was as an advance
agent of a yellow journal in Cuba.
What was facetiously called a judicial
statement made by him in the senate on
his return is said to have assisted the
disaster of the Maine in dragging the
president to declare war upon Spain by
turning the whole business over to a
congressional mob of hungry and ambi
tious politicians without distinction of
party. Major-General Bailey of Texas ,
in the house , and Major-Geueral Thurs-
tou of Nebraska , in the senate , per
formed a furious but feeble part in as
sisting Mr. Proctor , but the chief glory
of it all rested upon the senatorial war
monger from Vermont. This great and
patriotic man is now telling his country
men what a beautiful thing it will bo
for the government of the United States ,
in the common interest of "God and hu
manity , " to enter into the missionary
work of building great navies and or
ganizing vast armies to rule over eight
or ten millions of barbarians by the mil
itary power in the Philippines in order
to give them the blessings of good gov
ernment on the good old Now England
plan of extermination.
