the Conservative * TIbe Conservative. J. STERLING MORTON , Editor. A "Weekly Journal devoted to the Dis cussion of Political , Economic and Socio logical Questions. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. Ono dollar and a half per yuar , in advance. ' , postpaid , to any part of the United States or Canada. Remittances made payable to The Morton Printing Company. Address Tin : CONSKUVATIVK , Nebraska City , Nul ) . Advertising Rates made known upon appli cation. Nfliriikn City , Tlinmlaif , July SS , 1SVS. PHKSKNT DIOIAXDS OV PATRIOTISM. 15Y imVIX HUUUITT SMITH. We have witnessed within recent years a revival of patriotism , which has in "Christiaii-Citi'/en- found expression - / - shiji" leagues , schoolhouse flags and the great movements for civil service , ballot : aml municipal reform. This revival , in : so far as it Jius assumed a lack of pa- ttriotic sentiment among us and sought ( to supply its place by a noisy din in , cant phrases , and in so far as it has ( cheapened our flag , has been harmful , lit has made such terms as "old glory" aind "Americanism" cant mere expres sions .of n narrow provincialism. On fhe contrary , in so far as it has assumed that patriotic sentiment among us is as un iversal and sacred as love of parents , and has sought to enlighten this sentiment and lead it into wise and definite polit ical action , this movement has already produced results of incalciilable value. The civil war left our people "party- mart , " with political power "condensed and packed for delivery. " For many years normal political action was impos sible. Party leadership fell completely into interested , often corrupt , hands. The distinction between allegiance to party and loyalty to country was all but lost. Government by public opinion was supplanted by government by pri vate interests. Not always and every where was public opinion submerged by the rising tide of private interests , but as a general proposition the thirty year ? following the war witnessed the capture by commercialism of municipal govern ment , its frequent control of state auth ority , and its occasional manipulation of congressional action. The measure of its control of the several agencies of gOTormnent municipal , state and na tional was in an inverse ratio to their . command of public interest and atten tion. Because these were mainly cen tered on the affairs within the national authority , commercialism acquired prac tically undisputed sway in the munici pality and state. The awakening finally came. Whei private interests had possessed them selves of public authority and imperiled free institutions , the revival of patriot- sin began. A now generation of voters , who could neither claim a personal share n the triumphs of the war nor bo bound by the dying prejudices of an historic epoch , had come upon the scone. These .nen , anxious to meet the obligations of their own time , refused to live in the : wist and submit to mere mercenary luthority. How effectively they , with some support from their ciders , have ad dressed themselves to the discharge of their duties as citizens is witnessed by ho progress made in recent years in jivil .service , ballot and municipal re form. The opening of the present year witnessed these great reforms well ben - n , a growing desire to recover repre sentative government , an increasing participation by private citizens in public vffairs a situation rich in promise. A few brief months have changed all this. We have turned away from the jreat problems of home administration to perform a police service beyond our jurisdiction and on behalf of an alien people who have no claims upon us. Most of us believe that war might have been averted , that it is without justifica tion in international law , and that the president would have obtained all we ought to have asked if loft a free hand by congress , Indeed , the final conces sions by Spain constituted a great diplo matic victory for the administration. "While no power on earth can give Cuba as good a government as that of Canada , wo could have compelled Spain to keep a direct promise to us to create similar conditions there. But war is now upon us , and what might have boon is no longer a practical question , Those who would have "war-at-any price , " those who had "extras" to sell , those who were so keenly alive to the exigencies of an approaching congressional election , and those who were led to support war by sentiments of humanity have irrevo cably committed us to the expulsion of the Spanish from the western world. Whatever wo may think of the necessity of this course , it has become our duty , as well as our united purpose , to press the war to a successful conclusion. Be yond this the demands of patriotism do not go. The really vital matter upon the seri ous consideration of which wo cannot too soon enter , is whether "a war begun in the cause of humanity shall bo turned into a war for empire. " That wo are to have a larger international influence has boon for some time apparent. Whether this influence shall make for the peace of the world or for selfish conquest whether our part in the leadership of the race shall be by force of ideas or of arms are the vital questions of the hoiir. Chief Justice Holmes of the supreme court of Massachusetts , in an address to students some three years ago , urgec' that "war is the business of youth and early middle-ago ; " that "in this snug oversafe corner of the world" wo need its discipline to make us "ready for flanger , " and that its losses would bo a 'price well paid for the- brooding of a ace fit for headship and command. " The Outlook , which has from the outset justified and favored war on grounds of Humanity , now contends that in times of peace "tho atmosphere grows heavy mrl the spirit drowsy. The energies of men , failing to find high adventure o ? splendid combat to excite and to employ them , either flag or are diverted into- narrow channels and directed to mean ambitions. The shock of war awakens the nation from its lethargy , summons it to heroic self-sacrifice , teaches it that there is something nobler in life than to > make money and accumulate wealth , fur nishes it a better standard for the meas urement of values than either gold or silver , and sots its pulses beating with new if not altogether higher life. ' ' This writer also finds in the war a remedy "for the last semblance of division between - tween north and south , " and for the "chasm whioh some alarmists thought they saw opening between- east and west , " the cause of the retirement of re cent political issues and the improve ment of "tho relations of classes to each other in this country , " and a cure for provincialism and for our former lack of perception that "the world is greater- than the United States. " What is this ; but a glorification of war for war's sake ? If the occassional "letting of a little * blood" is so good a thing in itself for all of us , what shall wo say of the vendetta , or of the case of the individual who , feeling his spirit grow drowsy in the heavy atmosphere of peace , slays a neighbor whom he has privately con demned as unworthy longer to live ? Patriotism requires us to prosecute the war to which we arc committed to a successful and speedy issue , but it does not demand that we shall accept a view of public policy that would engage in war for war's sake , that would require the nation from time to time to kill and destroy in order to maintain the physical courage of its people and testify to their indifference to material gain and of their love for the things of the spirit. The danger of the hour lies in the growing disposition to turn a war pro fessedly begun for humanity into "a. war for empire. " Mr. Moorofielcl Story , at the mass mooting in Fanouil Hall , protested "that an attempt to win for Cubans the right to govern themselves shall not bo made an excuse for extend ing oiir sway over alien people without their consent. " Ho adds : "Nothing can wipe from our flag the disgrace if it floats over any but a free people. " Wo can safely acquire no possessions whose people may not bo incorporated into the free citizenship of the United States. Mr. Justice Bradley , in the "Civil