I J WAS THERE FRAUD IN
'
I THE ELECTION OF 1896 ?
I If So , Was It in Eepublican or Dem-
I „ ocratic States ?
H i
Some Startling Figures Showing Systematic Suppression
Hj I of Republican Votes.
. The South Would Hare Given a Majority for jttcKinley , as Did the
B v North , Could Her Voters Have Had Fair Treatment
'
ft
B A Non-Partisan Discussion of the Election Results Based Upon
H Official Figures.
M The final count by Congress of the elec-
1 toral vote , coupled with the various
H charges which hare been made by differ-
H ent people of excessive votes in certain of
M the Northern States and suppression of
H the Republican votes in the South , sug-
M gest a careful study of the figures of the
P I election in the light of those of other elec-
H _ tions and records of population as well as
B ! Gov. Altgeld and Senator Allen have
B charged a fraudulent excess of votes in
H nearly all of the close States which were
M carried by the Republicans in the late
H campaign , including Ohio , Indiana , Michi-
M gan , Illinois , Kentucky , Iowa , Wiscon-
H 6in , Minnesota , Oregon , California , West
B Virginia , Maryland and even Pennsylva-
H nia. Senator Allen published as an ollicinl
B | # document a paper containing a charge of
K J this character and also introduced a reso-
H | lution calling for an investigation , but
B I has not up to this time made any move in
Bj the way of even asking consideration for
K his resolution.
Bl ' Fortunately ; it is possible by examining
B the figures of the census of 18D0 to get a
H pretty fair idea as to whether the alleged
K j vote in any State was actually in , excess
H of the number of voters in the State. The
H census of 1S90 shows the number of males
K above the age of twenty-one in each State
H and it is reasonable to assume that there
H has been a very 'material increase in the
H number of males of voting age In all parts
Mi of the country , and especially in the Mis-
BB sissippi valley , in the six years between
H * Ue date of the census and the election of
HF 1S96. This makes it comparatively easy
Hi to examine in an intelligent way the
B charges ' , of rqud : os. _ , made by Senator AlB -
B leg andf gov. Jtitgeld.fU4 .u . . , # t ilA
Let us examine a few of these charges.
In Ohio Mr. Allen charges that the
"fraudulent excess" of votes in 1896 was
1 94,500. Let us see. Ohio , according to
his figures gave 1,011,576 votes. There
j were in Ohio in 1S90 , according to the
H I census , 1,016,464 males of voting age , or
M I more than 500Q ; in excess of the number
H 1 of votes cast in 1896. Ohio increased her
H population 14.88 per cent in the decade
H j ' 1 from 1SS0 to 1890 , and it. is reasonable to
B I assume that , with the great prosperity
M J ' 1 which has attended her development of
B t manufactories in the natural gas region
B 1 in the past few years , the increase of
H j > population from 1890 to 1896 has been , at
B . a very low estimate , ten per cent , which
H would bring the male population of 21
H years and upwards , up to 1,117,000 , or
M 106,000 in excess of the number of votes
M cast , yet Mr. Allen charges officially , but
M admits that he does not know by what
B | ' process he arrives at the conclusion , that
H , 94,500 "fraudulent excess" of votes was
H I cast in that State.
M In Indiana and Illinois the total num-
H . ber of votes cast in 1896 slightly exceeds
VB W j-\ \ the total number of males above 21 years
! \ of age shown by the census of 1890 in
1 those States. In Illinois the excess of
I • > * ' ' * • • lOOC tl > eve those of voting age
, I in 1890 in that State is less than 19,000.
J Illinois gained in population in the decade
I Mfrom 1880 to 1S90 24.32 per cent In view
of the great number of people drawn to
Chicago during the World's -Fair period ,
many of whom remained there , it is rea-
I sonable to suppose that the rate of gain
_ _ I since 1890 has been quite as rapid and
H I that the increase of population and in the
B J number of persons of voting age is fully
B I 16 per cent. This would bring the number
B B of males of voting ngc in the State up to
H I 1,243,000 , or 232,000 in excess of the numB -
B ber of votes actually cast. In Indiana
B the increase of population has been much
1 more rapid probably than in Illinois , be-
B cause of the wonderful development of
Hl the natural gas region of that State , where
Bj Industries have been extremely active and
" " 1 prosperous , even while there was depres
I sion and absolute inactivity in nearly all
other parts of the country. The total
_ , „ male population of Indiana above 21 years •
j \ of age in 1890 was 595,066 , but with the
j ' phenomenal growth of population which •
j it has had since that time , it has probably ,
H | increased 100,000 , so that there is every j
H reason to believe that the total number of
]
H > I voters in the State was , in 1896 , nearly
H or quite 700,000 , while the total number ,
_ of votes cast was only 637,284.
B The Voters Did Not All Vote.
H > It is unnecessary to pursue in detail the
investigation of the relation of the votes
cast to the voting population in all the
States charged with a "fraudulent excess"
of votes in Senator '
Allen's official raper.
The following table gives the number of
males of voting age in each of the States
in question in 1890 and beside it the num
I ber of votes in .
cast 1S96. When it is re
membered that the
natural growth of pop
ulation in these States in the six years
since the census of 1890 is from 10 to 15
cent it will be
per seen that in no case
was the vote actually cast in 1896 nearly
as large as the number of males over the
[ age of 21 years which must have been in
these States on Nov. 3 , 1S96.
Table showing the number of males of
voting age in 1890 and the number of
votes cast in 1896 :
1
Males above
21 years of Votes cast
age in 1890. in 1896.
Pennsylvania . . .1,461,869 1,188,354
Maryland 270,738 240,866
H Ohio 1,016,464 1,011,576
Michigan 617,455 544,278
H. Indiana 595,066 637,284
Illinois 1,072,663 1,091,166
Kentucky 450,792 445,934
B J Iowa 520,332 521,551
. f .Wisconsin 461,722 448,106
B I
H'l I
fl T
H'B J
MB. I
Minnesota 370,036 341,539
Oregon 111,744 96,846
California 462,289 294,000
The student of the above table should
bear in mind constantly that it is entirely
proper to add from ten to fifteen per cent
to the figures of the first column in order
to obtain approximately the number of
male persons of voting age in the States
in question at the time of the vote about
which Mr. Allen complains , Nov. 3 , 1896.
The Vote of 1892 Was a LiKht One.
There is another way of looking at it ,
and a way which Senator Allen seems to
have entirely overlooked. He apparently
bases his assumption as to the number of
voles to which each State is entitled upon
the number of votes cast in 1892 , since he
includes in his table the figures of that
election and compares those of 1896 with
them. Had he taken the trouble to ex
amine the figures of the.presidential elec
tions during the past twenty years he
would have found that the vote of 1892
was the lightest in proportion to the pop
ulation that has been cast in a presidential
election for many years , perhaps the light
est at any time since the close of the war.
Certainly the percentage of gain in the
total vote in 1892 over the preceding presi
dential election is lighter than has been
the case in any presidential election since
1872. The following table gives the num
ber of votes cast in each presidential elec
tion since 1S68 , the increase in the num
ber of votes and the percentage of in
crease.
Table showing the total vote cast in
each presidential election since 1868 , the
gain in the number of votes in each elec
tion and the percentage of gain in the
number of votes cast :
iaj > - - - i
L iGaiu
preced&g - • * " * * - *
Total presidential Per cent
Tear. vote cast , election , of gain.
1872 6,466,165 741,479 12.9
1876 8,412,7331,946,568 80.1
18S0 9,209,406 796,673 9.4
1884 10,044,985 835,579 9.1
188S 11.3S0.860 1,335,875 13.3
1892 12,059,351 678,491 5.9
1896 13,951,283 1,891,932 15.6
It will be seen by a study of the above
table that the vote of 1892 was an unusu
ally light one , being a gain of but 5.9
per cent over that of the preceding presi
dential election. This is the lowest gain
made at any time in the quarter of a cen
tury which this table covers. The vote of
1892 was evidently the lightest in proportion
tion to the voting population that has been
given within the period in question.
It would not be surprising , therefore ,
if the increase in 1896 , compared with
1892 , should be an unusually large one ,
especially in view of the fact that the in
terest in the election was more intense
than was perhaps ever felt before , at
least in the memory of the present gen
eration. An examination of the percent
age column , however , will show that the
actual increase overilSDO was only 15.6
per cent , while in 1S76 the increase over
the preceding presidential election was
30.1 per cent , and 'the increase in 1888
over that in 18S4 was 13.3 per cent , nearly
as much as 1896 , on which occasion the
interest in the campaign was unusually
great and the efforts to rally every vote ,
by both sides , were exceptional. A study
of this table will show to those who ex
amine it that it cannot be successfully
charged that the total vote of the nation
in 1896 was excessive or out of proportion
tion in its increase , especially when it Is
remembered that the vote of 1892 was
unusually light and that the percentage of
gain is estimated upon that light vote.
In order to give however
, , those who as
sume an excessive vote in certain States ,
the full advantage of every fact , let us
examine the votes in the States of which
Mr. Allen complains and compare them
with the vote of 1892 , confessedly a light
vote. Pennsylvania increased her vote-In
1896 18.4 per cent , as compared with the
vote of 1892 , and Mr. Allen complains
that there was a "fraudulent excess" of
94,000 in Pennsylvania's vote. He makes
no complaint , however , of the fact that
tne estate of Montana
, which was as
earnest for the free
coinage of silver as
was Pennsylvania against it , increased
her vote 21.9 per cent. Indiana increas
ed her vote 14.7 in 1896 , as compared with
1892 , yet Mr. Allen , whose party carried"
South Dakota , makes no complaint of the
fact that South Dakota increased her vote
17.1 per cent , nor does he refer to the
fact that Indiana , in the election of 1876 ,
when she went Democratic , increased her
vote 26.3 per cent. Iowa increased her
vote 17.6 per cent , and Mr. Allen charges
77,500 "fraudulent excess" of votes , but
makes no comment on the fact that North
Carolina , a Populist State , increased her
vote 17.8 per cent , nor does he refer to
the fact that Iowa in 1876 increased her
vote 35 per cent. California increased
her vote 9.1 per cent in 1896 , as compared
with 1892 , and Mr. Allen charges 22,000
"fraudulent excess" of votes , but makes
no reference to the fact that his own
State , Nebraska , increased her vote 11.1
per cent in the same election. Maryland
Increased her vote 12.9 per cent in 1896 ,
as compared with 1892 , and although Mr.
Allen charges a "fraudulent excess" of
8,700 , he raises no objection to the fact
that ten States , giving their votes to the
Populist-Democratic candidate , increased
their votes in a much greater ratio than
did Maryland , nor does he refer to the fact
that Maryland herself , in 1888 , when she
went Democratic , gained 13.5 per cent
over her own presidential vote in the pre-
ceding election. Ohio , of1 which Mr.
Allen complains as casting 94 , 'COO "fraud
ulent excess" of votes , increased her vote
19.1 per cent in 1890 over 1892 , yet Mr.
Allen contemplates with entire calmnefid
the fact that Wyoming , a Stnte as ar
dently for the free coinage of silver as
was Ohio nguinst it , ineresised her vote
25.8 per cent in the same election. He
also complains bitterly of Minnesota ,
which he says cast 12,100 "fraudulent
excess" of votes in the election of 1890 ,
but he omits to call attention to the fact
that Minnesota's vote in 1890 was actual
ly S.9 per cent less than her own vote in
the presidential election of 1892. Her
vote in 1892 was 374,807 , and that of 1890
341,539 , a falling off of 33,000 votes , but
as 107,000 of the votes of 1892 were cast
by the Union Labor party , which after
wards merged with the Populists , Mr.
Allen makes no complaint of the vote of
1892 , which was a gain of 42.1 per cent
over that of 1888 , while the 1888 vote
was a gain of 38.4 per cent over that of
1884. Illinois increased her vote in 1890
24.9 per cent over 1892 , and Mr. Allen
charges a "fraudulent excess" of yotes
amounting to 137,000. Yet he offers no
complaint over the fact that Mississippi
increased her vote 31.9 , or that Florida ,
the birthplace of Populism , increased her
vote 30.5 per cent in 1890 , as compared
with 1892 , nor does he refer to the fact
that Illinois also gained 25.8 per cent in
1876. The highest percentage of gain of
any State in which Mr. Allen charges a
"fraudulent excess" of votes is Kentucky ,
'where the gain was 31.1 per cent , as com
pared with 1892 , and the "fraudulent ex
cess" charged is 43,300. Mr. Allen does
not , however , offer any objection what
ever to the fact that Idaho , which sup
ported the free coinage of silver as enthu
siastically as the Kentuckians opposed it ,
increased her vote in 1896 52.5 per cent ,
as compared with 1892 , nor does he refer
to the fact that Kentucky herself gained
36.1 per cent in the year 1876 and 24.7
in 1888 , and also omits to mention that his
own State , Nebraska , gained 50.7 per cent
in 1888. It may be interesting to see some
of these figures side by side , as follows.
Table showing the percentage of gain
in 1890 , compared with 1892 , in votes
cast in presidential elections :
Republican States Democratic States
gain in 1896 over gain in 1896 over
1892- 1892
California 9.1 Nebraska 11.1
Maryland 12.9 South -Dakota. .17.1
Indiana 14.7 North Carolina..l7.8
West Virginia. . 16.3 Tennessee 20.2
Iowa 17.6 Montana 21.9
Michigan 18.8 Wyoming 25.8
Ohio 19.1 Missouri 24.8
Wisconsin 20.4 Florida 30.5
Illinois 24.9 Mississippi . . . .31.9
Kentucky 30.1 Idaho 52.6
Where the Real Fraud Was.
It must be apparent to anybody who
takes the trouble to examine the above
figures that the charges of fraud in the
election in the States carried by McKinley -
ley are false. Nobody , whatever his po
litical sentiments may be , can doubt that
if he examines carefully these figures ,
which are taken from the official publica
tions.
But how about the South , where the
Democracy is always triumphant by one
process another ?
It is a notorious fact that inthe , ex
treme Soufcern States the colored voters
have been disfranchised by one process
and another until their participation in
national and State elections has practi
cally disappeared. This has been accom
plished by various processes at various
times , that process which combines the
greatest success with the greatest showing
of virtue having finally been hit upon in
amendments to the State constitutions
which require an educational test as a
qualification for voting. With a clause
In the State constitution requiring each
voter to be able to read or "satisfactorily
explain" a clause in that instrument itself ,
and the jury which is to determine wheth
er the reading or "explanation" is well
done being "packed" beforehand , it is
easy to see that the average colored voter
In the South stands little show of an op
portunity to cast his vote. This require
ment exists in several of the Southern
States. In others there is also an educa
tional test in the form of a law which re
quires a separate ballot box for each can
didate with his name printed on the out
side , the voter being required to place his
ballot for each candidate in its proper box.
In order to prevent the successful coach
ing of voters not able to read the names
upon the boxes , the custom is to change
the location of the boxes from hour to
hour or more frequently if necessary , thus
making it absolutely impossible for the
voter who cannot read to know whether
he is putting his ballot In the right box.
In some cases it is found more convenient
to count the votes cast for Republican
candidates , as cast for Democrats and vice
versa , but those are now exceptions ) and
the "educational test" is becoming the
popular method in the South for keeping
the negroes away from the polls. It
sounds well , prevents charges of violations
of law and yet does the business most :
effectively. That the experiments which :
the people of the South have been making ,
In the last twenty years in the line of ,
"How to Exclude the Black Vote from '
the Polls , " have been highly successful , ]
will be seen from the following votes and •
figures taken from the official records of '
the Government. Seven of the extreme '
Southern States , which contain In them- '
uoIvpb more than one-half of the entire
colored population of the country , are
selected as an example. These States
occupy the extreme southern belt and in
them the art of depriving the negro voter
of his right of suffrage seems to have at
tained its highest perfection.
Suppressing Republican Votes in the
South.
The States whose vote will be examined
herewith are South Carolina , Georgia ,
Florida , Alabama , Mississippi , Arkansas.
Louisiana. Twenty years ago the art of
suppressing the negro vote was in its In
fancy. In the presidential election of
1876 the total vote returned from these
States amounted to 989,114. Since that
they have gained , according to the United
States census , 3,305,405 in population. Yet
in the year 1890 they report only 791,011
votes cast , an actual loss of 198,108 votes.
Here is an example for those who admire
the art of suppressing votes. A gain of
3,306,465 in population and at the same
time a loss of 198,103 in the number of
votes. A gain of 66 per cent as shown by
the official figures and at the same time a
loss of 20 per cent in votes , as also shown
by the ofiicial figures. That this ' reduc
tion in the number of votes was caused by
keeping away colored Republican voters
from the polls is shown by the fact that
the percentage of the vote cast for the
Republican tickets in these States has
dwindled year by year until it has reached
as low a figure as 4 per cent in Alabama
In 1892 , 3 per cent in Mississippi in 1892 ,
while in Florida and Louisiana no votes
I
* "
iir I i i
/ . - , .
were recorded for the Republican presi
dential candidates in that year. Not con
tented with this , the vote was brought
down In many of those States even lower
in 1890 than in 1892 , the number of votes
cast being actually less in the recent elec
tion than in an' which had preced
ed it.
The above statements are verified by the
following figures taken from the official
records of the Government. They indi
cate the population of those States in 1870
and 1890 as shown by the United States
consuls , and also show the total vote In
each State in the presidential elections of
1870 and 1896 as shown by officinl returns.
Table showing the population in 1870
and 1890 , and also the vote in 1870 and
1896 :
Population Population
1870. 1890.
South Carolina 705,606 1,151,149
Georgia : . . . .1,184,109 1,837,353
Florida 187,784 891,422
Alabama 969,992 1,513,017
Mississippi 827,922 1,239,660
Arkansas 4S4.471 1,128,178
Louisiana 720,915 1,118,527
Vote Vote
1876. 1896.
South Carolina 182,766 68,938
Georgia 130,534 102,744
Florida 40,770 44,740
Alabama 171,697 194,576
Mississippi . 104,778 09,513
Arkansas 96,740 149,454
Louisiana 145,823 101,040
The above table , it will be seen , shows a
large gain in the population in each of the
States in question from the census of 1870
to the last census of 1890. It also shows ,
however , that in every case except two
the vote of 1890 was much less than that
of 1870. The total population in these
States increased from about five millions
in 1870 to nearly eight and a half millions
in 1890 , yet the total vote fell from 939-
000 in 1876 to 791,000 in 1896.
The detail of the vote by States with the
gain in population and loss in votes is
shown in the tables which follow.
Table showing by States the gain in
population in twenty years and gain or
loss in votes in the corresponding period :
Gain in Gain or loss
population in vote
20 years. 20 years.
S. Carolina. . 440,540 Loss 113.82S
Georgia 643,244 Loss 17,770
Florida 263,038 Loss 2,636
Alabama . . . 516,025 Gain 22,879
Mississippi . 461,638 Loss 95,265
Arkansas . . 643,70S Gain 52,714
Louisiana . . 391,672 Loss 44,777
Totals . . .3,366,462 Net loss 195,003
Table showing by States the percentage
of gain in population in twenty years and
the percentage of gain or loss in votes in
the corresponding period :
Percentage Percentage
of gain in of gain or
population loss of vote
in 20 years. in 20 years.
S. Carolina. . .Gain 63 Loss 62
Georgia Gain 53 Loss 10
Florida Gain 108 Loss 4
Alabama Gain 51 Gain 18
Mississippi . . .Gain 55 Loss 57
Arkansas Gain 132 Gain 54
Louisiana Gain 53 Loss 31
ELECTION FIGURES.
The Story of the Presidential Canvass
of 1896 in a Nutshell.
The canvass of the electoral vote for
President and Vice-President in the 'two
houses of Congress presents some inter
esting figures. The popular and electoral
vote were as follows :
McKinley. Bryan.
Popular vote 7,105,959 6,454,943
Electoral vote 271 176
States Lz rT 23 22
The nsa erof votescast shows that
ti y v of McKinlf over Bryan , and
P ifcSr all , indietes a decisive vic-
over
t < > 3Jj F ! T : wMi pacty. Old party
lines were obliterated , and ahigh principle
was vindicated by men wio believed in
the honor of the nation above mere party
adherence. The total result of the can
vass is exhibited in the following figures :
Total popular vote il3,875,653
McKinley over Bryan ? 651,016
McKinley over all / 336,255
National Democratic vote. . . . 132,870
Prohibition vote \ 131,870
Socialist Labor vote * . 36,260
Free Silver people * 13,873
Populnr votal892. . . , . 1 .5 51
Increase in four years 12& ; . 1
Electoral vote for Watson f. 27
Bryan received the total Popinist vote
of 1892 , in addition to which w s the Re
publican silver vote , as well asihe vote of
those Democrats who "voted first and
read the platform afterwards/ This ac
counts for the large number or votes cast
for him. From Missouri heeceived the
highest number of electoraJ-fotes seven
teen. The votes of nine Sates were giv
en him , the highest ofVhich had only
four electors. The canvass indicates a
divergence in the vofesVf States contrast
ed by the moral lines of wealth and popu
lation. For McKinley the votes from the
prosperous , conservative and largely
wealthy and populated States were almost
unanimous. Bryan's strength lay in those
States consisting mainly of territory and
not of people. The figures and facts show
that after all , while the plurality of Mr.
McKinley was great , yet the comparisons
of territories make it still more signifi
cant St. Joseph Herald.
DEMOCRACY AND POPULISM.
They Cannot Co-operate Remains but
One Course for the Democrats.
There is no possibility of amalgamation
between Democrats and Populists , as the
principles for which they stand will no
more mix than oil and water. It requires
no particular powers of political prophecy
to foresee that the result will be the same
as it was in the last national convention
of the Democracy the Populistic forces
will control it and name the platform
and candidates. Making due allowance
for the many thousands who voted direct
ly with the Republicans , the sound money
Democrats can have no reasonable doubt ,
after their experience in the last cam
paign , that they are in a hopeless minor
ity In their own party , and that the most
they can expect to do , either as individuals
or as an organization , is to defeat the aims
of their former party associates by sup
porting the Republican candidates and
platform either directly or through a de
coy organization contributing to the same
result. To recapture and dominate the
Democratic organization or to win as a
separate organization they have not a
ghost of a show. The most effective and
consistent course , therefore , for them to
pursue is to take the advice recently given
to them by Senator Piatt , to unite directly
with the Republican party. Pittsburg
Commercial Gazette.
The truly great are those who conquer - {
quer themselves. j
i
1
- - * * - * *
? 'iw * * * * i . . . i
PRESIDENT AND
VICE PRESIDENT.
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF
M'KINLEY AND HOBART.
Their Tublic and Home Life Interest
ingly Outlined.
The new President and Vice-President
and their families are naturally subjects
of much attention in the public mind and
the public eye at the present moment , both
in Washington and elsewhere. Both those
gentlemen have been before the public for
some time , and the Btory of their lives Is
pretty well known. It may not be amiss ,
however , now that they are just assuming
the reins of government , to sketch briefly
the career of the President nnd Vice-Pres
ident , and to give to those interested some
facts relative to their families and home
life.
William McKinley celebrated his fifty-
third birthday a few days before his in
auguration. Born Feb. 20 , 1844 , in the
State of Ohio , his career has been a re
markable one nnd full of activity in public
affairs since reaching the age of seven
teen. At that early age he entered the
Twenty-third Ohio Volunteer Infantry in
May , 1801 , as a private soldier , serving
continuously until the close of the war ,
when he was mustered out September ,
1865 , as a captain and brevet major. He
was then but 21 years of age. Returning
to his home in Stark County , Ohio , he
resumed his studies , making such rapid
progress with his pursuit of the law that
in 1869 , only four years later , he was
made prosecuting attorney for his county ,
which position he filled with honor to
himself and satisfaction to the people of
his county until 1871. His success in
this work was such as to clearly point to
him as valuable for service in more im
portant fields , and he was elected to the
Forty-fifth Congress as member of the
House of Representatives , taking his seat
in that body when it met in special session
Oct. 15 , 1877. It is a somewhat singular
coincidence that he himself will call a
special session of the Fifty-fifth Congress ,
twenty years from the time that he sat
as a member of the special session of the
Forty-fifth Congress.
His congressional career was an inter
esting one , indicating from the first that
his constituents had made no mistake in
placing in his hands the responsible busi
ness assigned to him. From the beginning
of his work he developed a special inter
est in tariff matters and maintained that
interest through term after term until
reaching the Fifty-first Congress , the
careful , persistent work which he had
done in his earlier years proved the turn
ing point in his career. He was the can
didate for the Speakership , but fate seem
ed to have reserved for him the higher
honor of the presidency , for his defeat for
candidate as Speaker was followed by his
appointment as chairman of the Commit
tee of Ways and Means , and he thus be
came leader of the Republican majority
in the Fifty-first Congress , which enaeted
what has since been known as the "Mc
Kinley tariff act. " That act , taking effect
but a short time prior to the national
election , had not time to prove its value ,
which , as a result , went Democratic , as
did also the presidential election which
followed two years later , by which the
control of Congress and the presidency
was swept into Democratic hands. Mean
time , however , the McKinley tariff law
had made a record for itself which has
since proved so valuable as to commend
to the public for the presidency the man
whose name it bears , and when its work
ings were compared with the Democratic
tariff law which was enacted three years
later , the comparison proved so favor
able that in 1896 the people of the coun
try voted not only to elect William Mc
Kinley President , but to put into Con
gress a power which could sweep off from
the statute books the Democratic tariff
law and enact one framed upon the gen
eral lines which gave prosperity during
the years the McKinley law was in opera
tion.
tion.Mr.
Mr. McKinley , at the close of his con
gressional career , was soon taken up by
the people of his State and made Governor
of Ohio in 1891 and again in 1893 , by an
enormous majority.
In his Tiome and family life Major Mc
Kinley is extremely happy , though a
shadow has been cast over it by the loss
of his two children , both of whom died
in early life. Mrs. McKinley is a native
of Canton , which has been Major McKIn-
ley's home for many years , and is the
daughter of James Saxton , whose father
was for sixty years editor of the "Ohio
Repository. " published at Canton , and
still a prominent paper in the State. Mr.
Saxton , who was a banker , placed his
daughter , at the termination of her col
lege life , in his bank , where she acted as
cashier until her marriage with William
McKinley , Jan. 25 , 1S71. Mrs. McKin
ley always accompanied her husband dur
ing his life in Washington , but being an
invalid , was able to appear but little in
social life , though she was extremely pop
ular with those who were so fortunate as
to make her acquaintance. She has , dur
ing the past few years somewhat improv
ed In health , and although the duties of
the mistress of the White House ar * nf
an exacting nature , It is hoped that she
will be able to assume them without en
dangering her health.
Vice President Hobart.
Garret A. Hobart , who is to serve as
Vice-President during the term of Presi
dent McKinley , was born at Long Branch ,
N. J. , in 1844. He was graduated from
Rutgers College before he was 20 years
old , and studied law with Socrates Turtle
at Paterson , being admitted to the bar in
1866. In 1872 he was elected a member
of the New Jersey House , and was re
elected and chosen Speaker. He declined
an election in 1S75 and in 1877 he was
elected Senator from Passaic County. He
was re-elected to that position and served
until the expiration of the year 1882 , be
ing president pro tem of that body for
the last two years of his service. In 1884
he was nominated by the Republican cau
cus of the Legislature for United States
Senator , but was not elected , as the Leg
islature was Democratic , and John R. McPherson -
Pherson was chosen. In 1SS4 he became
a member of the Republican National
Committee.
In business life he has been energetic
and active. He is president of the Pas
saic Water Company , the Aquackaknonck
Water Company , the Paterson Railroad
Company's consolidated lines , the Morris
County Railroad and the People's Gaa
Company. He is a director in several na
tional banks , including the First National
of Paterson and the Paterson Savings In
stitution. He is also on the directory
boards of the New York. Susquehanna
. . .
' " * 'i j- - .j-
_ _ _ t Z.lTT" -
* | | w * JW11" ' '
- MniwWBWPw
. i .i . gg iiatajB < n B
' - i B
and Western Railroad , the Lehigh aa 1
Hudson River Railroad , the Barboa * *
Bros. Company , the Barbour Flax Spla-
ning Company , the Piouecr Silk Company. m
the American Cotton Oil Company an * M
some forty or more additional corpora- k
tions. With ninny of these concerns h > H
holds the position of legal adviser. Mr. W m
Hobart is a resident of Puterson , where * H
ho has a beautiful home , which in th M
center of the social amenities of the city. j M
Mr. Hpbart will reside temporarily ia t H
one of the hotels in Washington , for , although - ! H
though a wealthy mnn , . he has up to this W M
time omitted the selection of a permanent ff H
residence for himself for the term of hb H
service in Washington. His family consists - M
sists of a wife and one son of twelve years M
of age ; their daughter , who is spoken of H
as an especially attractive young huly , | H
having died in Rome a few years siuec. H
Mrs. Hobart is highly spoken of by H
those who have known her in socinl lif M
in New Jersey , and will doubtless prove M
helpful to Mrs. McKinley in the official B
socinl duties which devolve upon the head M
of an administration. H
DYING , A HUNDRED A DAY. H
The Veterans of the Lnto War Pass- H
inir Rapidly Away. H
The veteran Union soldiers are dying at H
the rate of one hundred a day. That I * H
what statistics of the Grand Army and of H
the pension office show. Away back in H
the days when the battles were being _ M
fought the news that in any day's engage- 9I
|
ment one hundred men had given up their H H
lives would have pierced the hearts of H
waiting millions , would have deepened the J H
gloom that overhung the land. In many ] H
battles thousands rather than hundreds j H
were the victims , but days and weeks , H
even months , elapsed before the record H
of the dead was lengthened. It was not H
every day in the fiercest , bitterest , bloodl- M
est days of the war that a hundred met H
fell from the ranks , with ' their pulses still- J H
cd forever. Those who did die then were M
mourned , not alone by their own mothers i H
and sisters and sweethearts sitting in B
their lonely homes , but by the sympathetic Hfl
heart of the nation. They ranked as heroes - H
roes , as martyrs , as men worthy of all H
honor. They had given up homes and the H
pursuits of peace for their country's sake ; H
they had lost their lives , and in losing H
won everlasting fame. But of the two ) |
millions of men enlisted a vast number J H
escaped the bullets of the enemy , tha |
bursting shells , the starvation prison H
camps and the scarcely less fatal hardships - H
ships of field life. They came home and I H
took up individual life again , but not H
where they had laid it down oh , no ; the O
threads had been broken that connected |
these returned soldiers with their former |
existence. They labored under certain H
disadvantages at first on account of this H
lack , but the soldierly qualities they had fl
gained as a compensation carried them |
through and they have made good citl- H
zens in peace , as was to be expected of H
men who were equal to their duty in great H
emergency. They have served their country - H
try and their fellow-creatures well in H
whatever capacity they have been tried , |
but through all the years since the war H
the soldier spirit in them has been dis- H
cernible. As they pass on , one hundred H
a day , they may have assurance that those < M
years and their glories are to grow bright- H
er and brighter in the country's record ; H
that they mark an epoch whose importance - H
tance is not yet to be measured. If the j H
veteran as an individual craves a little ' |
share of this praise and esteem it is a human - ' |
man hunger , and should be gratified. For |
the service that he and his comrades rendered - H
dered was great. And they are dying , one H
hundred a day ! Indianapolis Journal. |
j H
" ' ' "
- f M
OUR CASH PER CAPITA. f H
It Is Increasing Steadily and Kxcect/- * - |
That of Nearly Every Nation. H
The monthly statement from the Treasury - |
ury Department shows that there was in H
circulation on the first day of February , H
$1,665,977,688 , being an increase of $76- j H
257,081 over the amount in circulation on H
the same date last year. H
Estimating the population at 72,288,000. M
this gives a per capita circulation oi H
$23.05 , being perhaps the largest of any of H
the leading nations of the earth , excest H
France. H
The circulation of gold coin on Monday j j |
last was $645,568,492. One year ago H
it was S499,262,6S6 , being a gain of $146- H
293,806. This great increase in our stock H l
of gold is primarily due to the great trade * 1
balance which came up in our favor last |
It does not require so great a volume of |
money to do a given amount of business as |
it did five or ten years ago. This Is one of H
the reasons why so much cash is lying idle |
in the banks now. A country merchant |
can fill a small store with $3,000 worth of |
dry goods. Five or ten years ago it would |
have required $5,000 to do it An individual - H
vidual can buy his clothing , furniture and M
supplies for much less money than for- H
merly. So that , it will be seen , the bus- H
ness of the country can be done success- H
fully with relatively a smaller volume of H
money than at any time , perhaps , in oar 1
history. i H
This fact , taken in connection with the ] 1
other fact that we have a larger per can- 1
ita circulation than we had a few yeari |
ago , or at any time In the history of our H
country , strips naked the plea that all th * |
ills of mankind are due to the t-mw „ * - H
money in the country. There is plenty j H
of money. The people need more collat- 1
erais and better prices for their products. 1
The one is largely a matter of Individual H
effort ; the other , of supply and demand. H
How to regulnte the latter is not only H
the problem of the age , but it has been the H
problem of all the ages. H
BUSINESS IMPROVING. |
AStaKeof Substantial Improvement l l
Entered Upon. J |
During the past week the marked im- 1
provement in tone noted two weeks aeo H
has more than been retained. There has H
been an increase in Oia volume of trans- H
-
actions , and a further moderate advance l l
in prices , with little disposition to realise 1
upon the higher range of values now ea- 1
-
tablished. The buying of bonds for In- H
vestment has been a conspicuous feature. 1
The gradual return toward ease in the Bu 1 1
ropean money markets has induced mora fl
active movement in '
securities H
across the
Atlantic. In London this change has de- ssssH
veloped a return of speculation in Arner- H
lean stocks , and during the week the dut. - i ' H
chases in N ew York for that market have H
been larger than for
many months .sssH
, indl- .
eating some restoration of r H
our investments Mr. Clews confidence thinks tS sssB
tributable 6 m almost e investm t market is a iH
entirely to the H
con-
sdousness that at last we have entered ii
upon a stage of great and substantial S B
" ' * ° financial
ESS" ? eonditions.-Da
enport Republican , * * * - h
