The McCook tribune. (McCook, Neb.) 1886-1936, October 09, 1896, Image 5

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    HL | j SUPPLEMENT TO THE
EJfl M'COOX TRIBUNE.
f PATRIOTIC FARMERS.
Hl * w •
1 tt Whenever Danger Threatened the
HrCountry They Have Kallierl
Bp ii o Its Support.
Bg
Oj HARD TIMES AND THE CAUSE ,
siT !
L\ml ) > l Employment of Labor in Mechanical
R v/J Industries and Not Debased
& W U'v Money is Needed !
_ > ftV \
Ui
% J > | Whenever danger llircatoned our insti-
Br4P tntion the farmer has always rallied to
Bft , f-M the support of his country. There is
Ky J peed reason in this , in the fact that he
H /F/1 / mvn ? the hroad acres of otir territory and
W J ( \ is ho identified with our institutions that
K ' , protect him in this ownership that his iu-
R lcrest is necessarily of a character to
H ninl ; * * him the safe conservator of our
H jjf | government's perpetuity , prosperity and
k m Fj Jjjf honor.
' '
Vt'l' , In the present campaign we are con-
HlV ) W. fronted by an issue that affects every
Hf'Vi \ t'hiss of our citizens , hence , there is an
MmW fA&l interest in the outcome more intense than
HraflH I j" aay caniIa > Ru fiiH < - ' 0 1S00uc ; reason
H& : for tIlL > i,11'f'stlt3on for so mucn 5 tcr-
VMl
&
Blf ) ? ( est is the fact that the country lias been
H 7 \ J suffering from an unprecedented period
HVtf if J of depression and is earnest in its intent
HY" ' "J tn smire " "lief. Anions those who la-
Hr ( ] tff ior none have more reason for com-
H _ 'f W J " 1aint , tIian thc farmpr- Prices of llis
B'f \ > \ | jiroducts have been low. values of land
H ( / | and stock have continued to decline ,
H i ' 1 until discouraged and disheartened ,
Mm demagogues seem to believe him ready to
BTl' IS accept anv promise that they make , but
b $ m the fact is * and better still , he is ready to
' the merits of the
HP t tev ew and discuss fully
_ P t -woporitions offered. The proposition
H VfL * < hat has been urged paramount to all
MMW rV others , is the free and unlimited coinage
! < tf silver.
B : < ! ' There never was a more deceptive
HfaK I proposition , one more startling in its
_ L iv effects and results and one that -would
' be more disappointing should it become
rfl' ) ? a practical fact. It is advocated by
* men having a pecuniary interest at stake ,
KI l backed bv a combination of capital un-
MmM'lr , equaled by any that has ever attempted
STWTi to control our government since the day
$ • # > . of the slave power. The silver mine
k ? * ' \V > owners of the United States , skilled m
_ & & > ' political maneuvering , have organized
& < UP ) hemselves into a * syndicate for the pur-
H&f fcS Pose of forcing upon the country , with-
H&ti vJ out regard to consequences , the free and
WBfu ii ) unlimited coinage of silver.
KIUl * * The magnificent scheme was outlined
SiKtf ' bv Mr. Brvau in his Madison square
H ftf speech when he said : "At the present
HI ! M time and nntler the present law. a silver
H ro'v ' * i dollar when melted loses nearly one-half
" f , f ; its value , but that will not be true when
"f ? * * -J 1ve can establish a mint price of silver
& ; * } ( and leave no surplus silver upon the
MO CM market to drag down the price of sil-
MlEXYu ver bullion , " and then to show the pos-
Hi % V sibiUtv of cornering silver and forcing
HW it to a price satisfactory to mine owners ,
Br ys"we , cannot even expect all of the an-
R 1 il rual product of silver because India ,
& ) JChina. . Japan. Mexico and other silver-
FWf y. $ T i slng countries must satisfy their annual
"
imJ K need from the annual product : the arts
PMKtJff } will require a large amount and the gold
l SOFstandard countries will need a consider-
MkHable quantity for subsidiary coinage ;
jM f > tfwe will be required to coin only that
1 % H which is not needed elsewhere , but if we
tf i XI stand readv to take and utilize all of it ,
MH * ' $ ° , lier nat'ons 'vv ' 11 hc read-v t0 buy at
i | , A the price we fix. "
JEJfc This is the silver miners' scheme as
MFf/A outlined by Mr. Bryan. The people are
MW * v ) invited to loan the resources of this gov-
WM& , \ \ ernment to a silver syndicate in order
# Ml \ that it mav be aide by taking all the
*
yM l silver that ! ? • * . offered to the world to
B/fl ( | > ' fix th& ' " /and compel other nations
W mff to p "price. This is worse than
" W > ' 1 free C * a Unlimited coinage , yet it is thom
m \ only way Mr. Bryan says whereby the
[ j ' ' price of silver can be maintained at
mWJ V' parity with gold. The magnitude of the
Bs T'v scheme and their audacity in attempt-
jK"S' ing its execution challenges admiration. .
i $ / j ut * e American people are accustomed
Hf § & J to investigate the claims of parties and
B fir men. They want to know for themselves
Bl@SY l * * e TV'iy ' and wherefores , if some great
BAP ! ' radical change is proposed. That tftoy
WmI A will thus investigate and judge for tliem-
fcMEKC selves is evidence that they are quali-
3RSv ! fied for self-government.
PT Wv. That present conditions are hard , es-
K . pecially among the farming class , every
te ' one a ( m "tsThere is undoubtedly si
Rnf lV'cause for this abnormal condition. The
BjBrffi I * " " ver advocntes attribute the > xisting
.HP \ depression to the demonetization-jf sil-
r , feifl Ter' "tbe c"me ° 1S73" as they desig-
K lls f nate the suspension of coinage of silver
JlpliM dollars in 1873.
mm \ < v i They fail to show how that legislation
l'j j reduced prices : they simply assert that it
fit ? ' ' Kit ? / * * They fail also to show why prices
IT , 'Sv J continued to decline after coinage of sil-
wJ oi Ter was rcsumed 'n 1S7S. They ignore
r K > M t a the facts , of development , the large
EJwin and unprecendented production of farm
wMmSRfi/ products and especially the unprofitable
FtKsHv division of labor. The building of new
fcj@ | > ixailroads and the opening of vast terri-
BfPD ! i tories for cultivation are entirely ignored.
ErUrl t During the years 1878-79 and 80 it is
mKJ tnown that over 000,000 mechanics left
ImP Jr. * ne fflctories and shops of New England
Bldfts and tne m'dd'e ' anc * older Western states
9kU to locate on the lands in Kansas and Ne-
BV " , Craska and the Dakotas. These all be-
mrmW ) , ' ' oame active producers instead of consum-
aBK : cts of farm products.
H 5 What we now need is to reverse this
' \ condition of affairs
HB'I and secure less pro-
IVk i dacers and more consumers of farm pro-
LV jL. ducts. If by any way we can do this , we
Effw will have accomplished something prae-
K BII tical in correcting the ills our farmers
& ii fcaveto bear. There is a method by
B K u * ij T\ihich this may be accomplished , a reme-
Sr'M J" tnnt it not onl.v practical but per-
Baflli'll soanent and far reaching in its effects.
HUbBM" ! There is a well established principle in
H nf plitical economy often referred to by
BmmWhwriters that "the greatest creator of
H Hv rraltli is the greatest possible division of
H Kv labor. " Previous to the election of 1892
HSBSc tinder the operation of the Republican
V p policy of protection , we were struggliug
BjflBM" ' t0 realize OQr henefits of this principle and
H sifrol ve were rapidly overcoming our adverse
B P Kl conditions by increasing the demand for
Btb * K iarm products. The interest which the
<
llpjn movement of labor hasjn protective du-
H | ties lies in the effect which the movement
HK > * f ia ° or has upon the supply and demand
WfmA * f agricultural products. . It is impossible
V Jfl tQ maintain a proper division of labor.
V 9k except we produce the largest amount of
K' | 1 manufactured goods possible \vithm our
B jfBt © wn territory. Open our ports free and
K .Kp allow our markets to be supplied by the
Mm BI manufacturers of Europe and the effect
mmiiSB&i would be to compel our wage oarniu
IW
mmmL-
• * i
class to become fjfliier8 or prodncers of
farm products. .
The year 1892 shows a record of mar
velous activity in the direction of secur
ing a larger division of labor by em
ploying more in our mechanical indus
tries. Our Hhops were filling up , new
enterprises were started , labor was in
demand at good prices in mechanical in
dustries , .reciprocity was enlarging and
extending our markets and we seemed
in every way to be realizing for the
American farmer and artisan the full
value of that law of political economy
and creating wealth by "division of la
bor. "
In 1892 the policy of protection was re
versed and thus the laborers from the
shos and factories were forced- from
sheer necessity to go out upon the lands
and become producers instead of consum
ers. It has been estimated that over a
million laborers have since the election of
1892 when compelled to seek employ
ment in farming in order to obtain sub
sistence for themselves and families ;
many of these have converted parcels
of ground near and around their homes
into corn and potato patches , thereby
enormously decreasing the demand for
the products of the regular farm. It
is easy to understand when the full effect
of this shifting of lnborfrom the mechan
ical Industries to the farm is considered ,
what the effect must be upon prices
of farm products.
In view of these facts , all of which can
be verified in the past history of our
country , it is plain that our farmers are
directly interested in the employment of
labor and that their prosperity depends
largely upon whether that labor is em
ployed as competitors in the production
of farm products , or as consumers em
ployed in the mechanical industries of
the country. We are certainly learning
from a severe practical experience the
truth and value of the economic principle
aheady referred to that "the greatest
creator of wealth is the greatest possible
division of labor. " We are also learning
that this division of labor may be
brought about by a wise policy of protec
tion.
tion.The
The effect of production upon thc
products of the farm can be summed up
in a fnw words. First , will it increase
or diminish the number engaged In ] > reducing -
ducing the products of the farm ? Second
end , will it increase or diminish the num
ber of consumers of farm products ?
When you have answered these * wo
plain propositions you will be master of
the entire argument of protection and
free trade , so far as the farmer Is con
cerned. You need be concerned in no
way about the free coinage of silver
as this cannot in any way possible in
crease or diminish the consumption of
your products. Its adoption , however ,
would have the effect , as Mr. Bryan ,
admits , of producing a panic and con
tinued depression in our mechanical in
dustries , forcing more labor to the farm
and thereby add to the number already
producing farm products.
The employment of labor in our me
chanical industries and not the free
coinage of silver is the thing that inter
ests the farmer and is to secure for him
the prosperity he so much desires. H.
A. Willard , Chattanooga , Tenn.
ISO MOW IS T0fG00D. (
MaJ. McKInley Recalls the Days of
State Banks and Wildcat
Currency.
Maj. McKinley said to a delegation
from Indiana which visited his home on
September 23 :
I believe in America for Americans-
native-born and naturalized. ( Applause. )
I believe in the American pay roll.
( Laughter and applause. ) And I do not
believe in diminishing that pay rolj by
giving work to anybody else under an
other flag while we have an idle man
under our flag. ( Tremendous applause. )
Four years ago the laborer was agitat
ing the question of shorter hours. We
then had. so much to do. I have heard
no discussion of that kind for four years.
( Laughter and applause. ) But I have
never heard of the laboring man dis
cussing the desirability of having short
dollars. The complaint the chief cause
of complaint of our opponents is first ,
that we have not enough money ; and ,
second , that our money is too good.
( Laughter. ) To the first complaint I
answer that the per capita of circulating
medium in this country has been greater
since the so-called crime of 1873 than it
ever was before ( applause ) , and that it
has been greater in the last five years
than it ever was in all our history. ( Cries
of "That's right. " ) We have not only
the best money in the world , but we have
more of it per capita than most of the
nations of the world. ( Applause. ) We
have more money per capita than the
United Kingdom per capita ; than Ger
many , than Italy , than Switzerland ,
Greece. Spain , Roumania , Servia , Aus
tria. Hungary , Norway , Sweden , Den
mark , Russia , Mexico and the Central
and South American states , and more
than Japan or China. ( Great applause. )
So that some reason rather than the lack
of volume of money must be found to
account for the present condition of the
country.
To the second complaint that our
money is too good , it would seem to be
enough to say that the money of any
country cannot be too good ; and that
no nation ever suffers from having its
medium of exchange of the highest and
best quality.- ( Great applause. ) It has
been poor money not good money that
has been the cause of so much loss and
ruin in the past , both to individuals and
to nations. ( Applause. ) The older men
of this audience will remember that be
fore the war we did business with an un
certain and fluctuating currency known
as state bank money. Many of these
banks and their notes were absolutely
sound ; but for the most part they were
subject to a discount. The total num
ber of banks in 1800 , exclusive of state
bank branches , was 1570. Of this
number , the "counterfeit detector , "
then in constant use , reported
832 as "broken , closed. failed ,
fraudulent and worthless. " The notes
of these banks were in circulation
among the people and had been received
by them for their good labor and their
good products. They were absolutely
worthless and of no more value than the
paper upon which they were printed. Up
on whom did this loss fall , my citizens ?
There is scarcely an old gentleman in this
audience who will not recall that it fell
upon the laboring man and the farmers
of the United States. ( Cries of "That's
right. " ) I allude to this only to show-
that those who suffer most from poor
money are the least able to bear the loss.
It is the history of mankind that the least
valuable money which will pass current
is the money that at last finds its resting
place among the poor people and when
the crash comes , the loss must be borne
by them. And I doubt if there is a man
in this audience who has not among the
belongings of his family or the family of
his father some of the old bank paper as
a reminder of what they lost. ( A voice :
"I have S10 at home myself. " ) I cannot
imagine any interest that can be per
manently subserved by having poor mon
ey. The bare suggestion of such a propo
sition to a man of reason meets its in
stant rejection.
If the New Tork World wants to
bring either of the current Democratic
parties into a tariff fight the Republican
party is ready. The Democrats will be
defeated all the more emphatically. A
tariff for revenue only , which both Dem
ocratic parties demand , this country will
not have. Minneapolis Journal.
3" ' ' ff.gfe * . • a ? \4 ! . -i s ajfciLjy . t -c 'lV
.Socialist The reason I'm a Ilryan man Is because I want to cut down the wealth of these plutocrats.
Workingman Yes. I've thought a bit about that , but it strikes me a good deal like biting off one's nose to spite one's face.
.Socialist How's that ?
Workinginaii 'Well. I'll tell you. Just suppose , for instance , that a man whose income 'is S10.000 a voar lias its purchasing
power cut down to ? 300O by free silver : he can worry along verv nicely , can't he ? Iiut how about the " fellows who e income *
amount to ' only $000 , or even $300 ? If free silver cuts the purchasing power down to $ a00 , or $1. 0 , it will wpicezc them prettj
hard , won't it ? St. Paul Pioneer Press.
I0DLD AFFECT I0MEH
Free Silver Issue of Vital Import
to Wives and Mothers of
Wage-Earners.
HIGH PRICES AND LOW WAGES.
>
Working Women will Also be Far
Worse Off Than the
Men.
While the value of the wages earned
by everyone who works for a living will
be greatly reduced by the free coinage
of silver , the working women will be far
worse off in this respect than the men.
Their wages will not probably be re
duced in a greater ratio than the wages
cf the men , but they will stand a poorer
chance of securing an advance to meet
the increased cost of living. They will
have to submit to the hardship of high
prices and low wages with less hope of
remedying their condition.
One principal cause of this disadvant
age is that the women employed in pro
ductive industries have not the organized
unions with which to sustain their inter
ests. The great advance in the wages
of labor , especially of skilled labor ,
which has been made during the past
twenty years , is due in large measure to
the intelligent organization of the work-
ingmen. It is an error to regard the
labor unions as the machinery for producing - \
ducing strikes and boycotts. Properly
and sagaciously conducted , these organi
zations are preventive of labor contro
versies , for they provide the means of
conference and adjustment of questions
on which there is disagreement between
employers and workmen ; and especially
when the question is that of increase of
wages they have been effective in secur
ing a proper recognition of what is due
to labor as its share in the compensation
of production.
The wages of women workers have ,
indeed , advanced along with those of
men , though not to a corresponumg ng-
ure , and the labor unions have regard
in some degree for the wages of female
operatives as well ; but the lack of or
ganizations of their own will leave the
thousands of women workers in our
manufacturing industries at a marked
disadvantage if their wages should be
cut down in value by the free coinage
of silver and the consequent depreciation
of the money in which they are paid.
In this respect , as always , it is the
weaker that must bear the greater share
of the burden ; and the struggle to bring
wages up to a living rate after free coin
age has reduced them by perhaps one-
half of their purchasing value would be
long and weary for the working wom-
< m. It is not a pleasant prospect for
the thousands of women who today work
for wages in our mercantile and manu
facturing establishments. They are an
industrious , self-supporting class , many
of them contributing to the family fund
from their weekly enrnings and having
a just pride in their own independence
and their ability to aid others. Any
public policy which cuts off their re
sources is a cruel wrong by which the
whole community must suffer.
Everv mother of a family has ever be
fore her the dread possibility of the
death of the one whose labor provides the
means of living before the day comes
when the sons will be able to take up
the burden of support and the daughters
be comfortably settled in homes of their
own. Even if the children are grown up
and taking care of themselves , and even
if thev are doing sc well as to be able to
give her a home after the death of the
husband and father , she looks forward to
the time when she will be left alone with
a dread of the loss of independence in
case the accumulations of her husband's
working years. have not been great
enough to provide her means of subsist
ence after he is gone. So it is that the
prudent man insures his life for the bene
fit of his wife and his children , paying
from vear to year during his active life
the cost of assurance that at his death
his family will receive a sum of money
sufficient to avert the lufferings of desti
tution. , . . . .
In many cases , the insurance , policy is
the onlv thing of value the husband and
father can leave to the wife and chil
dren. He may have been able to lay by
no monev in the savings bank , he may
die suddenly in a period of hard times
ind business reverses , which have strip
ped him of the savings of better days ,
and the insurance money may thus be
come the sole resource of the widow and
orphans. Surely , a fund such as this
ought to be sacred against robbery
through depreciation of the value of the
money in which it is paid. Free silver ,
on the basis of the present value of the
two metals , would rob every widow of
half .the money value coming to her
from the insurance carried by her hus
band.
And this would be a stupendous rob
bery indeed. The five Massachusetts
life insurance companies of which sta
tistics are given in the commissioner ' s
report , paid $4.G , ° 7.aSS in death claims
last year. The grand total reported of
all life insurance companies doing busi
ness in this state was $ (5G.Sol.477. ( Can
the women , for whose benefit most of
this insurance money was paid , regard
with equanimity the loss of ? 3j.000,000 :
in one year ? There are millions of wom
en dependent upon the payment of such
policies. The- Massachusetts companies
had 122.000 policies in force last year ,
calling for SH22.S74.022 in case of death.
The grand total , including all companies ,
was 1.743.330 policies , amounting to the
enormous sum of S4.703.0SSSG4. Right
here in Masachusetts there is S2S7,910 , -
400 at stake in this > way.
In addition to all these there are the
assessment life insurance companies ,
with 39.320 certificates in force , repre
senting S93.f 22.4r 7 ; the fraternal bene
ficiary associations , with a membership
of S. > 4.Gr.O. which paid out S19,0C3G. "G
for 10.0G9 death claims last year ; the
casualty companies , which paid out
S300.301. All these , which are primari
ly for the relief of widows and orphans ,
would have to pay in depreciated money
under free silver.
But the money in which the premiums
on these policies bave been paid is
money as good as gold , worth 100 cents
on the dollar. In Massachusetts alone
last year S10.740.SG7 was thus paid. Do
not the women want , and is it not their
right , to receive from the insurance com
panies as ; ; oed money as their husbands
paid for the insurance ? Boston Tost.
CAMPAIGN NOTES.
There is not so much fanaticism and
foolishness in the country as was sup
posed when Bryan captured the Chicago
convention with his "crown of thorns"
and "cross of gold" harangue. The
level-headedness of the masses is still
to be counted upon as a safeguard against
Socialism and anarch.v.
Powderly hits the nail squarely on the
head when he tells the workingman that
his motto with regard to money should
be. "The best is none too good for
me.
me.A
A man is said to have injured his ankle
in a silver debate. That's what comes
of letting people with comparatively lit
tle strength juggle with these heavy ar
guments.
Mr. Powderly. who says the Bryan
free-silver panic would be worse for la
bor than all the strikes ever known , will
come in for the abuse of the Debsites ,
who want strikes galore , fre silver ,
free rum and a general break-up.
A government , like an individual , must
have a reputation for honesty and have
good backing if it does business with
the great world outside of its own lim
its.
Mark Hanna is firmly of the belief
that the only effective confidence restora
tive is put up at Canton.
Bryan says that "the present dollar has
too great purchasing power. " Ask some
one who sweats through eight hours to
earn one whether this is true.
Spain wants more money. She should
send for Bryan.
An honest dollar is the noblest work of
politics.
Even the Democrats of Michigan.
Wisconsin and Ohio are flocking to the
standard of McKinley. The same thing
afflicts Mr. Bryan , it seems , that led the
parrot of story into serious trouble. He
talks too much.
Neither free silver nor any other cheap-
money device can bring prosperity to a
nation burdened with a tariff which op
erates adversely to the interests of its
own people.
Bryan appears to be one of those men
who think they know it all. and an in
telligent and observing public does not
need to be informed what usually hap
pens to them.
To put money into circulation is the
need of the time , and that can be done
only by a protective tariff that will re
vive industry.
Bryan's campaign speeches are like a
minstrel show. You hear one , you hear
them all.
Scared capital runs faster than light
ning.
It is bad enough to give away our
markets to other countries , without giv
ing them our mints also-
ADVISES FIRST VOTERS
>
Maj. McKinley's ' Felicitous Re
marks to a Delegation of
Young Buckeyes.
•
TRUE WORTH OF SUFFRAGE.
Priceless Privilege of Beng : Able to
Vote for Protection and Na
tional Honor.
The first visitors to Maj. McKinley's
home on September 2. > were members
of a big delegation of voters from Wood
county , O. They were headed by At
torney K. S Parker of Bowling Green ,
who made tbe speech of presentation.
In responding Maj. McKinley said in
part :
"Mr. Parker. Ladies and Gentlemen :
I am very glad to meet at my home this
representative delegation from Wood
county. I cannot imagine a body of
citizens more representative than that
which I see before
me here today men
and women , old and young , workingmen
and farmers , men of every profession
and calling in your county ; and it indi
cates to me that no matter what may
be asserted in other quarters of the
country there is such
no thing known as
'classes' in Wood county. ( Great ap
plause and cries of 'That's right. ' ) I
am especially glad to make suitable
recognition of the women who have hon
ored me with their presence todav.
( Cheers. ) They are a mighty factor In
our progress and civilization , and they
have been most potential in everv crisis
of American history. ( Renewed ' cheer
ing. ) 1 am glad to know that they are
interested in the party of good morals ,
good politics , good government and pub
lic and private honesty. ( Great ap
plause. )
"The presence of this body of young
men who are to vote for the first time
next November is to me an inspiring
sight , and that you are so soon to enjoy
the priceless privilege of citizenship must
be to all of you an inspiring thought.
For twenty-one years you have been en
joying our free institutions , the protec
tion and opportunity of our laws , with
out-any political power or responsibility.
True Worth of Suffrage.
"I fear sometimes that few of us esti
mate suffrage at its true worth. It
clothes us with sovereignty. It is a
guaranty to our liberties and institutions
and is surest . It
our safety. is the con
stitutional mode of expressing the popu
lar will. Through it public policies are
determined and public laws enacted.
Through it administrations are changed
and administrations are made. Through
it our whole governmental machinery " is
conducted. It is indeed a priceless inher
itance , and should be valued as such by
every young man.
"With the privilege comes grave re
sponsibilities in its .
use. It should ex
press the intelligence and judgment and
conscience of the voter. It should never
be employed for any base use. It should
be exercised with courage , wisdom and
patriotism. It should never , no never ,
be thrown against the eountrr. and
should never represent public dishonor.
( Great applause. ) I recall , young men.
my first vote. With what a thrill of
pride I exercised for the first time the
full prerogative of citizenship. I bave
not realized greater pride since. I felt
that I had some part in the government.
The period and circumstances when I
cast my first vote may have made a
deeper impression upon me than it other
wise would , but I recall it now after
thirty-two years with sensations of joy
and satisfaction. ( Applause. ) In the
crisis of war , in the very field of con
flict , my first vote was cast for Abraham
Lincoln. ( Great cheering. ) It is to me
a priceless memory. What a glorious
privilege to have been permitted to vote
for a candidate for President whose serv
ices to his country in the greatest peril
of its life rank with the services of
Washington , the father of his countrv.
( Applause. ) Priceless memory to me that
I could vote for the martyr to liberty ,
the emancipator of a race , and the savior
of the only free government among men.
( Great cheering. )
"Yon , gentlemen , did not have that
privilege , but it having been denied you
there will be some satisfaction to you to
vote for the party of Lincoln , which ral
lied the young men of the country
around thc banner of liberty , union and H
national honor , between 1SC0 and 1805 j M
( applause ) , and now KiuninoiiH you under H
the same glorious banner. ( Itcuewed H
applause. ) H
Appropriate Quotation from Lincoln. |
"I cannot omit here to make a quotation - H
tion from Mr. Lincoln , written to the H
young men of Illinois on June 22 , 1S4S. H
Mr. Lincoln said : 'Now as to the young H
men. You must not wait to be brought H
forward by the older men. You young H
men get together , form a "rough and H
ready dub , " and have regular meetings H
and speeches. Take in everybody you H
can get. As you go along gather up all H
the shrewd , wild boys about town , H
whether just of age or a little under H
age. Let everyone play the part he can H
play best. Some speak , some sing nud H
all holler. ( Great laughter. ) Your H
meetings will be of evenings. The older - H
er men and women will go to hear you UWm
and see you. It will not only contribute H
to the election of Old Zach. but it will M
be interesting pastime and improving ' H
to the intellectual faculties of all en- 'W-M
gaged. Do not fail to do this. ' ( Great H
applause. ) H
"I commend these homely words of H
Mr. Lincoln to the young men of the H
country. Such organizations as he advises - H
vises will have powerful influence in the H
political contest which is now upon us. W
They will not only inspire the young j H
men , but will cheer the hearts of the H
old guaiIs of the Republican party. H
( Applause. ) It is seldom given to the H
first voters of this country to start in so m
important a national contest , where so H
much is involved , and where so many interests - m
terests are at stake. It is a year , too , WWU
when old party divisions count for lit- H
tie ; when men of all parties are united H
in the common object to mave the conn- H
try from dishonor and its currency H
from degradation. H
"It is always s. fe. young gentlemen. H
to arrange yourself on the side of your H
country. ( Applau-e. ) It is always wise H
to stand against lawlessness and repudi- H
at on. ( Renewed apnlause and cries of H
"That's right. " ) It is always imtrlolic H
to stand a ain t thot-c who are opposed H
to Jhw and order , and who would raise H
artificial barriers between clasM's or sections - H
tions in the I'nlted States. ( Great ap- H
plause. ) 1 congratulate you upon the H
glorious opportunities yon have. and. ap- H
predating the e opportunities. I am sure H
you will iti-e them for the welfare of the H
people and the glory of the country. mW
( .Cheers. ) H
J'nrt. 'ieiKcfcrcuce to flints unit .llill.s. H
"My fellow citizens , I ventured a few H
weeks ago to suggest in a public speech H
that I made that it would be better to MM
open the mills than to open the mints. H
( Great cheering and cries of "That's MM
right. " ) I see that some of our political j l
adversaries criticise the statement , saying - H
ing that it is 'putting the cart before the B
horse. ' They seem to think that the way M
to open the woolen mills , for example , is H
to start a yardstick factory. ( Great H
laughter and applause. ) They forget M
that you must make cloth before you H
can measure it ( renewed laughter ) and M
that the weaver must be employed before MM
the yardstick is required. ( Applause. ) H
Rut they say the yardstick is too long. H
I answer if you make a yardstick nineteen - H
teen inches long instead of thirty-six H
inches , its present length , you will " not H
increase tbe output of cloth or its value Her
or give an additional day ' s labor to an H
American weaver. ( Great applause. ) H
Nor will a f 2-eont dollar increase our industrial - H
dustrial enterprises , add to the actual H
earnings of anybody , or enhance the real M
value of anything. ( Great applause and M
cries of "That's right. " ) It will wrong M
labor and wreck values , and has done so H
wherever it has been used. ( Great applause - H
plause and cries of "That's right. " ) More M
cloth might require more yardsticks MM
( laughter ) , but more yardsticks or shorter - M
er ones will not create a demand for B
more cloth. ( Renewed laughter and cries MM
of "Good , good. " ) Nor will short dollars -
lars with wide open mints free to all M
the world increase our factories. ( Applause - | H
plause and cries of "You are right. " ) M
.More factories at work will find work M
for the good dollars now in their hiding MM
places , and find employment for the good MM
men now idle at their homes. ( Tremen- jH
dons cheering. ) M
"Industry must come first. Labor M
precedes all else. It is the foundation MM
of wealth ; it is the creator of all fl
wealth. ( Apnlause. ) Its active employment - H
ment puts money in circulation and sends M
it coursing through every artery of trade. H
( Great applause and cries of "That's M
right ! " ) The mints don't distribute it Mg
in that way. ( Cries of "You bet they
don 'tl" ) Start the factories in full Mj
blast and the money will flow from bank H
and vault. The lender will seek the H
borrower , not. as now. the borrower the H
lender. ( Great cheering and cries of H
"That's right ! " )
"Start the factories and put American H
machinery in operation , and there will H
not be an idle man in the country who H
is willing and able to work : there will H
not be an American home where hunger H
and want will not disappear at once : H
( great applause and cries of "That's
right ! " ) : and there will not be a farmer
who will not be cheered and benefited by
his improved home markets and by the rfl
better and steadier prices for his prod- \ fl
nets. ( R newed applause and cries of * MM
"That's right ! " ) Credits will take the
place of debts. The wasted earnings of H
the poor will be restored. A surplus
will take the place of a deficiency in the
public treasury ( eries of "That's right ! " ) :
plentv and prosperity will return to us
again : and do not forget , men and worn-
en of Wood county , that you cannot coin H
prosperity ( great cheering ) , and you cannot - H
not revive industries through the mints. S
( Great applause and cries of "That's M
right ! " ) Thev come through labor and .
confidence , skill and enterprise , and hon- M
estv. and they will come no other way. "
( Great applause. )
DEEDS NOT WORDS. I
"What McKinley Did lor Destitute Miners
Less than Two Years Ago. M
While Candidate Bryan is going about H
the country telling fairy tales of what
he and his policy will do for the poor.
the question naturally arises : "What
has he ever done for the working poor ?
Is it his habit or nature to feel for and
trv to relieve the suffering of those less
fortunate in life than himself ? "
His most loyal supporters make no
claims that he has ever shown this feel-
in" ' for his fellowman until now. In
fact he has no record of ever having
"one out of his way to do anything for
what he calls the "masses. " On the
other hand , Maj. McKinley , while not
po = inf as one who "weeps for the
masses " has a record. He says nothing
about the occurrence which gave the
world an insight into the heart of the
man an occurrence which demonstrated
that ' he was the friend of those who are
noor and hungry , but a great multitude
remembers it. Such acts live in the
memory of those who "earn their bread
bv the * sweat of their face. "
" In speaking of Maj. McKinley , the
Grand Rapids Herald says :
• 'No account of McKinley s connec
tion with labor problems would be com
plete without some mention of the tire
less energy which he displayed in secur
ing relief * for the 2000 miners in the
Hocking valley mining district who early
in 1S05 were reported out of work and
destitute. The news first came to the
governor at midnight , but before p
o ' clock in the morning he had upon his
own responsibility dispatched to th ? af
flicted district a car containing S10O0
worth of provisions. Later he made appeals -
peals for assistance and finally distrib
uted among the 2723 families in the 0
district clothing and provisions to the I
amount of S32.790.93. " . sj
*