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About The Omaha morning bee. (Omaha [Neb.]) 1922-1927 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 16, 1923)
FAVORITE SONS WILL FIGURE IN REPUBLICAN CONVENTION Cool'idge Not Only Big Figure Pershing, Johnson, Lowden and La Follette Among Possibilities for Presi dential Nomination. Next Few Months Test By MARK SULLIVAN. Some of the emphasis laid by the present writer In this paper last week on the strength of President Cool Idge’s chances for renomlnatlon were so expressed as not to be clearly un derstood. It Is true that Coolldge Is In an Immensely preferred position— a position so clearly preferred that even to prlnte the present qualification of It may lead to misunderstanding In a contrary direction. All that Is meant here Is to .modify any lmpres slon made last week that the renoml nation of Mr. Coolldge Is unescapably Inevitable, or that he will not have any opposition. We may divide Coolidge's Immedi ate future Into two periods: First, the period between now and January 1; and, second, the period from Janu ary 1 until the holding of the repub lican national convention In early June. January 1 Is chosen as the divid ing line for two reasons: One Is that that Is about the last day wlp*n can didates for presidential nominations can announce themselves with any reasonable expectation of success. In several Important cases It has been demonstrated that a man who an nounces his candidacy for a presi dential nomination as late as Feb ruary Is almost unescapably under a fatal handicap. If Coolldg* should reach January 1 or February 1 with out any other announcements of can didacy on the part of men of enough substance to be formidable he will be very likely to go on to the nomlnat When in Omaha Stop at Hotel Rome Inc convention In the earn# happy position. Congressional Hazard. The second reason for choosing January 1 Is that by that time con gress will be In session. A11 the mem bers of the lower house and all the senators will have arrived In Wash Ington for the opening on the flret Monday In December. Out of the re port* they bring from their varloue sections of the country as to the Im pression Coolldge has made, and out 6t the meeting of mind* In their con versations with each other, will come the determination whether or not Coolldge Is to be regarded as the In evitable candidate, with practically no competitors, or whether It Is to be an open field. If Coolldge has made a uniform rec ord of success: If he has don* noth ing that strikes the country with marked disapproval, and If no un favorable condition arisen, economic or otherwise, beyond his power >o control, Coolldge will be In an ex tremely strong position. The reason Is that such a record deprive* all other potential candidates of an ex cuse for announcing themselves. Part of the great strength of Coolldge s that he does not need to announce himself as a candidate, nor give rea sons. nor take any other step what ever Coolidge Is more or less auto matically a candidate by virtue of the position he holds All other can didates, however, must announce themselves, and In that necessity lies their embarrassment and their handicap. Not Sura of Support. A man may ba aa ambitious for the presidency as he will, but In order to put himself before the country Is tho various primary elections he must give reasons and have a platform. It Is not sufficient for a man mere ly to say: "I want the presidency and my friends think I ought to have it.” He'must make some sort of public utterance which Justifies hts entering the race and which pro vides a rallying ground for those who he hopes will follow him. Such a statement can only be based on some thing that Coolldge has done or failed to do. And If Coolldge has the good fortune to arrive at the 1st of Janu ary without having provided ambi tious rivals with any Issue or plat form of a sort likely to appeal to considerable numbers of people he will be In a very strong position, In deed. Nevertheless, even under these con ditions the republican leaders are go ing to be Indisposed to foreclose them selves. They are going to be unwill ing to go to the extreme length of ac tually giving, In effect, the nomina tion to Coolldge on the 1st of Janu ary, when the convention does not coma until five month later. They will try eo to manage thing* that they will be able to*have an anchor to windward In case circumstances arise that make an alternative de sirable. They will look forward to the second period of Coolldge’s fu ture, the period from January 1 un til' the convention meet# In June. They may, on th# lat of January, ne willing to admit that Coolldge has mad# no mistake# #o far and 1# In an Ideal poslttdn for an Inevitable noml nation, put at the same time they are going to reflect that Coolldge may make mistakes or that other conditions may arise during the live months from January 1 until the nomination convention In June. And they will not permit themselves to be in a position such that they must nominated Coolldge, anyhow, and be deprived of the possibility of selecting another alternative. Many Favorite Sons. During the five months from Jan uary 1 until the convention meets Coolldge will run more risks, have greater opportunities to get "In bad” with the country, than during the coming three months. During that five months congress will be In ses sion, and while congress Is In session the public will tend to judgf Coolldge not only by his own actions, but also by things he cannot control in his role as head of his party. If con gress Is unpopular Coolldge to some extent will share that lack of ap proval. During that five months Coolldge may be compelled, for ex ample, to veto or not veto a soldiers' bonus. He may have to express him self on the International court. And here will be many other difficult questions necessarily entailing disap proval from some groups. The net of which Is that, even though Coolldge may be so popular on January 1 that no other substantial candidate will feel like announcing himself, even though on January 1 Coolidge’s nomination may seem In evitable, many things adverse to him can arise between January 1 and the June convention. For this reason It will be so man aged that the republican party will have other strings to Its bow. These strings may not be in the shape of formally avowed candidates, but they will be In the shape of favorite sons of various states and other candidates with groups of delegates, to which candidates the party can turn if It should develop during the five months preceding the convention that Cool ldge's candidacy either would be undesirable In the largest sense or will be unacceptable to the party lead ers. There are ways short of formal announcement by which candidates can maintain themselves In line to take advantage of an emergency. Aside from this there will be, ac cording to every probability, some avowed candidates against Coolldge. There will at least be I* Follette. I.* Follette will be a candidate for the republican nomination in 1924 In the same way that he has been a candi date In every nominating convention since 1908. However, under any con ditions now foreseeable, I,a Follette's candidacy will not be formidable. It Is doubtful if he will have In all as much as a hundred out of the more than a thousand delegates. - More fomldable than I^a Follette are the cases of men like Senator Hiram Johnson of California, cx-Governor Lowden of Illinois and some others. Among all the practical politicians the most dependable surmise is that Hiram Johnson would like to have the nomination, and that he is be ing urged to go after It by a group of resourceful and energetic friends whose persuasions have much weight with him and whose ability and posi tion are such that they can make a good deal of noise if they can persuade Senator Johnson to let them. In the same way it Is a de pendable surmise that certain power ful friends of ex-Governor Lowden would like to put him In the run ning; and also that certain able politicians who are not particularly his friends are, nevertheless, for other reasons, eager advocates that he should let them try to get the next republican nomination for him Pershing Looms i p. And there are others besides these two. There Is said to be a group which Is eager to put for ward General Pershing. Some of these advocates of Pershing, by the way, have a theory which, if It Is sound, may have some effect on the future of American politics. They admit that General Pershing was put forward in 1920 under the auspices of so energetic and re sourceful a man as General Charles Dawes of Chicago and that, even with such favorable hacking, the Pershing boom of 1920 made little headway. But the theory of these men Is that as time goes on the soldiers who fought In Franoe will tend more and more to have strongly sentiments! recollections of their experience; that they will have a greater and greater political solidarity, and that they will tend to express It through putting for ward their own men for political preferment. The experience of ths country with Its returned soldier* »o far has dis proved all th* calculations of the politicians. When we entered the war every pwictlcal politician began to reason m term* of analogy to tho civil war. After th# civil war prac tically all ths old soldiers came to gether In the organization of th# Grand Army of th* Republic. Bas.d on this organization and on the The Devoe Margin of Supremacy |K Extra Durability _ Established by the Supreme Authority—Father Time FIVE generations of Devoe Paint and Varnish makers have diligently studied and ac curately recorded the demands of Quality revealed by the Severest Critic—the Master Judge—Father Time. Thi* accumulated knowledge applied to the selection of Raw Materials, Manufacturing Methods and Requirements of the User, has created the Devoe Margin of Supremacy —Extra Durability. Devoe Quality Leadership means that when you use Devoe Paint and Varnish Products you get all the durability it is pos sible to get out of any other product—plus an extra period of beauty and protection. Look for the Devoe Agent and you’ll find the Devoe Margin of Supremacy. If you wont Point or Varnish Informa tion based on 169 Yean’ Experience — Check. Clip and Mail tha Coupon. rTEVOE * RAY MOLDS CO„ INC. ! | Dipt. B, 1313 Howard StroaC. Omaha | | Vn<l mr booklwi on Sow tS* foD<7W*m* a«r- j j lira* ahould ha aaintad a* tntrhad l j j □ Hooaa—(ntariar) □ Floor* | | □ Wall* and trfltn* d Fotwlinr* | | □ lacartorWaadwwrk □ Mott* Car* | \N_I | Itnrt Na. .- . | J Terns-Jwss- | | My into h- -J DEVOE PAINT AND VARNISH PRODUCTS THE OLDEST, MOST COMPLETE AND HIGHEST QUALITY LINE IN AMERICA New York DEVOE £f RAYNOLDS CO., Inc. chiew OMAHA—1313 Howard Straat Kanwood Drug Co. 30th and Amaa Ava. Cartar Laka Pharmacy nth and Sprague St*. H. O. Vlarrogfar Mth and fart St*. C. L. Rhamey Hdw. Co. 40th>and Cumin* Su. Lockwood Pharmacy Ud and laamirartb Sta. Dnndas Plumb, and Hdw. Co. aaao Pamam Ik CITY DEALERS Vinlon Hardware Co. 2.110 Vinton St. C. C. Johnson Hdw. Co. MM Military Avo. E. Mood Hdw. Co. MM Mill lory Avo. Wtil Side Pharmacy 4«th and I.*avrnworth Si*. Caitallar Pharmacy 20lh and Caitallar St*. Hunt A Flint* IBI4 Laka St. Metropolitan Marc. Co. 1114 a. tad at. Frad Parks Paint Store 24th and I. Ms. Burt, Way, Burt Drug Co. 10th and Cuming Alt. J. B. Long •1 9. Mala At., CoansU Bluffs, la. strength of ths common memories, they Immediately began to show pref erences for their soldier leaders and associates for office. It was the old soldier vote or the disposition of poli ticians to cater to the old soldier vote that accounted largely for the presidency of General Grant. As to minor offices, for almost an entire generation following the civil war the politicians used to take It for grant ed that It was practically hopeless In ths north to nominate a man for sheriff or for any other local office unless hs had a war record. Not Like Civil War. Based on this analogy, the politl clans during the recent war assumed that at the end of It there would bs a great American military hero, and that he would bs president. So far events Jiave proved them wrong. Where the analogy to ths civil war fell down was In the fact that the soldiers who cams home from the recent war did not have the same kind of emotion as the soldiers who came home from the civil war. For on* reason, the recent war was not fought to a finish. Just about the time w# got into oar stride, lust about the time we were approaching the high peak of warlike emotion—just at that time the Germans quit on us and left us without anybody to fight. As a result of this there was a psy chological phenomenon which has ac counted for much that has happened during the last few years. America and Americans became the victims of an uncompleted emotion. This kind of thing—to have an emotion and to be prevented from taking the action suggested by that emotion— the psychologists assure us, Is ons of the commonest causes of emotional and nervous turmoil. Having no Germans to fight and no other com mon enemy to fight, we came home in a tnood to quarrel and bicker among ourselves, a mood which ex pressed Itself In the fight over the league of nations end In various other ways, economic, political and social. However all this may be, the fact la that In our recent war we did hot develop any military hero with whom we associated victory, who be came to us not merely a man and a general, hut a symbol for exalted emotion. Doubtless Pershing would have been the man If we had had one. Doubtless If we had gone on with the fight to a finish and had ended tl^e war with a sense of com plete and obvious victory over > pros trats foe—doubtless In that event Per shing might have been the equivalent of General Grant. Women Vote New. Another fact to be remembered la that our ex-soldlers now are not so large a proportion of the total electo rate as after the civil war. Woman suffrage makes a considerable dif ference. As regards the feeling of the ex soldlers, some polltlcans say that with time things will change. They say that as the years go on the soldiers will trend to forget everything In their experience that was unsatis fying to their emotions. Only the agreeable recollections will remain. And If the theory Is correct the American Legion will have a greater and greater self-conscious solidarity, a greater disposition to put forward their leaders for political honors. (Incidentally, among other things the claim Is made that the soldiers will tend to think more and more highly of France and to take France’s side In International disputes; Im mediately after the war It Is well known that the returned soldiers had no great emotion for France.) Perhaps one ought not to leave this illusion without saying that, whatever n^ay develop In the future. General Pershing Is not today In the same class with Senator Johnson and ex-Governor Lowden and some others as a potentiality for the next repub lican presidential nomination. Johnson in Fight at Home. The practical political difficulties ahead of the friends of men like Senator Johnson and ex-Governor Lowden are embarrassing In the ex treme. Their problem Is to avoid the odium of announcing open opposition to Coolldge at, a time when the pub lic mood about Coolldge Is such It would resent uncalled for opposition, and yet at the same time to establish and preserve their standing as poten tial candidates, ready to take advan tage of future conditions* One ob vlous way to qualify Is to run mere ly as a "favorite son," to confine their candidacies to their own states, refraining from making any fight against Coolldge outside. But even this course requires tact and Involves risks. Few men are so popular that they have no political enemies in their own states. In the case of Senator Johnson of California this Is strikingly true. If Senator Johnson or Senator John son's friends should say, directly or Indirectly, that they want the Cal Ifomla delegation to go to the next national convention instructed to vote for Senator Johnson, and even If they should say that they ask for this merely as a compliment from the state to Its senior senator—even in that ease opposition would srlse. It would come to some extent from those who like Crjolldge; to a greater extent It would come from those who don’t like JohnsiAi. Very quickly Johnson would ^lave a fight on his hands, Mid It Is far from certain that he would win It. What Is true of Johnson In California Is trus of most of the potential candidates In their respective states. One thing can be counted on with certainty. Neither Coolldge nor his friends will be likely to make an or ganized campaign for delegates. It Is so clearly the part of Medom for Coolldge to avoid this that It is hard ly worth mentioning. If Coolldge’s friends should Initiate an aggressive fight for delegates In any state, it would reverse the favorable position he now has and would give to other men in those states precisely the op portunity they are looking for. They would feel Justified in accepting It as a challenge and In announcing them selves In opposition to Coolldge. for Coolidge by far the best course Is tlyf one he Is apparently followln^ namely. that of taking up each day's Job as It arrives at his doorstep and disposing of It to the best of his ca pacity. That Is the course by which. If he has the ability and wisdom, he can establish and perpetuate ths kind of public attitude toward him which will make hla nomination Inevitable. Madame Fahmy Cleared. Eondon, Sept. 15.—Marie Marguerite Fahmy, tried on a charge of having murdered her husband. 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