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About The Omaha morning bee. (Omaha [Neb.]) 1922-1927 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 26, 1923)
Mark Sullivan Discusses Henry Ford s. Chances for Presidency Popularity No Road to White House Political Machinery Weeded to Elect Candidate, and Manu facturer Has No Organ ized Backing. Real Power as Citizen By MARK SULLIVAN. When you observe the seriousness with which Henry Ford's chances to become president are discussed you are tempted to affirm the idea that practical politics actually is an art and really has laws which the in siders understand and as to which ihe outsiders are quite uninformed. II Is not an impossibility for Ford to b'e the next president of the Uaited States. But, for reasons having to do with the art of practical politics, It is so far from possible that it can only be looked upon as having the chances of a flood, or a cyclone, or some other similar, irregularity of nature. This is said with complete belief that it is quite possible, even quite probable, that there are more individual voters in the United States who would like to see Ford become president than there are adherents io any other one man—that Ford has more of the kind of support that politicians call “grass roots'’ senti ment than any other one man. But men do not get to the presidency by virtue alone of having a greater popu lar following than any other one man. If they did Roosevelt would have been elected in 19B.’, Bryan would have been president once, and so possibly would Daniel Webster and Henry ' ’lay. Men get to the presidency by a process which is a combination of popularity and, so to speak, the mechanism of practical politics. And it is chiefly Ford's relation to the mechanism of practical politics that ihe present article aims to deal with. Nearer a Republican. Just for the sake of a beginning, consider first Ford's relation to the i ^publican nomination. There is some ground for believing that Ford is more nearly a republican than a democrat, and that, other things being equal, he and the personnel of his intimate sur loundings would rather see him have a public identification wi*_h the repub lican party than with the democratic party. Also, it is a fact that the ti-'ath of Harding makes quite a little d fference in Ford’s relation to the republican party. If Harding had lived Ford would never have contest ed the republican nomination with him. I don't think he will contest for the republican nomination anyhow, but the present article is taking ac count of the whole scope of possi bilities. Ford, like nearly everybody else who understood Harding, had a kind ly feeling for him. Moreover. Ford thought it was likely that Harding actually had a closer kinship to tha present time and was therefore real ly better adapted to the presidency than himself. Harding's death re moves this reason for Ford staying out of thq republican situation. As I have already said, I think it is i.'obuble he will stay out of it any how. But this also may be said: As suming thut the republican leaders -iiould not rally round Coolidge in the way they h.-d determined to with I larding; as-nming that the next na tional republican convention is an open field, with everybody in it who > liooscs to gn in. and assuming that Henry Ford is one of the entries—in this unlikely combination of assump tions IV id might readily have more delegates than any other one candi date. Vo Clunice in Convention. t.'oolidge would be sure to have a : rge number of the delegate*, but l ord might readily equal, or even exceed Ololidgc'e strength. Coolldge "ill have all llje New England dele gates. Put just as certainly so would Kurd have the delegates of a district with equal population, ford, if he were an aggres-dve candidate for th** republic m nomination In an open field, could probably have the dele gates f urn \ group of states consist ing of .Michigan, Wisconsin. Minno > Ur. ka, Kansas. North and • f'outh liakola. 11° might also gel the delegation from Iowa If that dele tuition "ere chosen wholly by direct primary in the way that the delegates from the other Mates named are. Also. Ford might have the delegates Irom a few southerh or border states, I ae Tenner sc" ami Oklahoma—from tho«e of the southern and border states whe, e delegations are deter mined in any degree by the popular ity of the candidate rather than by the will of the leaders. But —I am speaking now of the re publican convention only—even If Ford ehould enter, even If It should be an open Held, and even if he should have all these delegations and more: even if he should have a larger num ber of delegates than any other one candidate, lie still would fall short of being nominated. It is more often the rule that the man who has the hugest number of delegates on the lust ballot does not g»t the nomina tion than that he does. The net re sultant of the actions of 1,000 men i Ito roinposc a national convention Is a complex thing. Only the most s' ute and experienced politicians srs r-de to see more than a few moves ahead what they are likely to do. For one thing, the 1.000 who compose the convention consist of aflout two equal parts. About one-half of them are i hosen at popular primaries, the oth er half are more or less directly chosen by the state leaders of the tegular organisation. But the pro portions between the expression of popular primaries and the expression of ths individual wills of the lead r g is really not equal. Even as to that half of the delegates chosen by popular primnrlea. the leaders are t ot by arty means wholly Impotent. Out of ShO delegates chosen at popu lar primaries. It will probably turn out that half of them will actually V'* designated by party lenders who happen to he shrewd enough, or to be iq fortun%jely situated, as to be . able to pick tha delegate*, even though they go through the form of a popular primary. So the net of It is that in the next republican convention probably three-fourths of the delegates will be politicians themselves or will reflect the wills of one republican leader or another. And in a republican con vention in which three-fourths of the delegates reflect the wills of the poli ticians Henry Ford will have no chance. In all the length and breadth of the United States there Is probably not one republican leader, big or little, who wouid like to see Henry Ford get the nomination. Un der these circumstances, the me chanism for preventing his getting it is quite simple and certain to work effectively. All of which means that Ford as a candidate for the repub lican nomination may be dismissed. Formidable With Democrats. Consider now Ford’s chances to get the democratic nomination. It is commonly taken for granted that if Ford elects to go into the primaries of one party as against the other he will choose—or his friends and sup porters will choose—the democratic party. That was the case certainly up to the time of Harding's death, because it was taken for granted that Ilardlng would get the repub lican nomination and that it would be futile to oppose him. It probably continues to be the case now. If Ford's friends elect to make their try-out in one party rather than (he other, it will be the democratic party. And yet the fact is that as things stand today Ford Is even less likely to get the democratic nomina tion than the republican nomination. If Ford should enter the demo cratic primaries he might readily come into the convention with the most formidable body of delegates. He might haye more than any other one candidate. He might have fully a third or even a half of the dele gates. But in the democratic na tional conventions half the delegatus Is not enough to nominate. The democratic rule calls for two-thirds to nominate—contrasting with the republican rule, which only calls for a majority. Where the rule calls for two-thirds to nominate It is very easy for the experienced party lead ers to control as much as one-third and thereby exercise a veto. And it is quite certain that all the more ex perienced and substantial democratic leaders would make it the effort of their lives to veto Ford's nomina tion. They would want to do it and they would be able to do it. I have said that among the republican poli ticians there is probably not one, big or little, who would like Ford to get the nomination. In the democratic party it may be possible that there are a few scattered local leaders who would either be passively willing tb let Ford have the nomination or are actively convinced that he would bo the best vote-getter to nominate. But the number of such leaders relative to the whole number is very small. The net of the democratic situation is that it Is unlikely, almost to the point of impossibility, for Ford to get that nomination. Might Try Third Party. AA'e come now to Ford's chances of becoming president through the mechanism of a third party. Having said a while ago that Ford probably has a larger personal following than any other one politician In either party, it would seem to follow that as the candidate of a third party he could beat both the republican and the democrat. But that is mere "paper politics." It is the sort of cal culation which is easy to write down with pencil, but which does not work out in practice. Roosevelt, in the early spring of 1912, unquestionably hud a larger personal following than William H. Taft or AVoodrow Wilson, or any other, one man. Nevertheless, when Roosevelt organized a third party and tried for the election, he was defeated. Broadly speaking, the history of that effort of Roosvelt and tire progressive party In 1912 Is a complefe and final answer to all third party movements. (This is sub ject to a qualification to be explained later.) The common way of expressing it is ibat if Roosevelt could not win on a third paity ticket under the cir cumstances of 1912, nobody can. The progressive party in 1912 had the most popular candidate, they had the best platform, and they had ac cess to more money than either of the other parties or candidates. Under these circumstances Roosvelt a fail ure is commonly taken as a con clusive reason why no man running on a third ticket can win the preai dency. S Too Complicated. But now for the qualification to the assertion made in the preceding paragraph. Ronsex'elt did not organ ize his party until August. 1912. The election was less than three months later, early In November, 1912. The time was too short. Moat attempts at third parties are made in this way. The leaders of the movement wait until both the regular parties have held their conventions. They keep Indulging In some sort of hope that one or the other party will take their candidate or adopt their prin ciples Only after that hope Is dis pelled do they get down to the busi ness of orxanlzing a third party. By thep the time is too short. But when I say the time is loo short, that really doee not expresa it fully. That is not the true or com plete reaeon. The best way to state the real reason is to start from an other angle and explain just how Ford eould have the maximum chance to win on a third party—and how he might actually win with a third party. To do so he would have to take these atepsi He would have to begin now. That last word “now" is essential. He would have to start Im mediately on the building up of his third party on a nation-wide scale. He would have to announce himself as a candidate. But, in addition— and this la moat important—he would need to have a complete ticket all the way down the lip# In every communi ty, In every state, county, town and precinct. He would have to have a complete set of third party candi dates—for governor, for senators, for congressmen, for the state legislature, for sheriff, for country treasurer, for constable. No Running Mate. At this point we can go back and show the true reason why third par ties fail. They wait until the two ma Jor parties have held their conven tions, That means that In every state, county, town and precinct two sets of candidates eue already up for all the minor offices. It is under these conditions that the third ticket comes into the field— a third ticket which, as a rule, has only a candidate for president and thinks only in terms of the presidency. It is too late and the time is too short to go through the process of setting up a full set of nominees for all the local offices and the complete personnel of a parly. Moreover, by tliat time in all the small communities the men with am bitions to hold the local offices have secured their nominations and the people in those smaller districts have crystallized in their local allegiances. A real third party must be a com plete party. It must include every thing from president down to consta ble. A candidate for president a'lone cannot win, cannot get out the maxi mum vote—even the maximum of that vote which actually prefers it —without the added volume and mo mentum of a complete set of thou sands of candidates for minor offices and their millions of friends. A third party, started only after the two major parties have held their national conventions next year, can not possibly win. A third party start ed now, and started in the right way, might have an equal chance to win. It would require enormous energy and enormous resources. It would probably take as much as $20,000,000 or $30,000,000 for the essential and legitimate Work of organization. Moreover, it would be essentiul that this organization should be built along political lines and should have as its base in the precincts either men experienced in politics or men with a natural gift for politics. Not a Matter of Business. Occasionally It Is said that Ford's business organization would be suf ficient—that he could build hie third party on the foundation of the Ford organization which already exists for the purpose of selling automobiles. It is true that this Ford business or ganisation is extremely efficient, well disciplined, composed to the ablest men In their line. It is also true that this Ford business organization is country-wide and minute—that there is a Ford agent in practically every village. It is also true that this Ford agent, by virtue of his dealings with the farmers and others who buy auto mobiles. has a superb, minute knowl edge of his neighborhood. But this is another thing which on paper looks formidable, but in fact is much less so. Selling Ford auto mobiles is one thing. Getting out the vote for a political candidate Is an other thing Speaking by and large, you could take the Ford agent in any community and pit against him the local democratic or republican politi cal leader in that community and as between the two in any effort to suc ceed at the polls the Ford agent would be hopelessly outclassed. These local political leaders are invariably men of substance. If they were not, they coud not hold their places. They have a background, long and large, of fa vors done for their constituents, per sonal and political, of family affilia tions and the like. Tf Henry Ford wants to visualize how futile it would be to try to build a politcal organization on his business organization, let him re verse the situation. Get him consider for a moment how he would react to the proposal of putting the local po litical leader to selling his automo biles as against his trained and ex perienced automobile salesman. Ford wouldn’t think of doing that. And if he puts his mind on it he will dis miss the converse of that, which would be putting hi* Ford agents at the work of politics. Ford could build up an effective third party—if he should start now. But it would need to be a political party in the true sense. It would have (o be wholly dissociated from the Ford business organization A Power Without Office. What seems a little more probable to the present writer is that Ford will do none of these things. Wtmt Ford is doing now is extremely cf fective and important in the trueat and largest public aense. But it » neither directed necessarily toward getting Ford to the presidency, nor is it likely necessarily to get him there In 1924. What Ford is doing now is getting immense publicity for his Ideas. Those ideas are pungent and attractive. The educational value, or at least the educational potentiality of this dissemination of Ford, ideas, is enormous. Ford has a larger audience for what he Nays, has a larger pulpit, makea people read and listen and reflect upon what he says to a greater degree thin any other one man. with 'he possible exception of the president of the I'nited States. If may readily be that what Ford says goes further and sinka deep i than even the utterances of the pies Went. Ford, by mere virtue of his personality, the picture the country has com# to have of him. is in him self and all by himself a radio broad casting apparatus on a nation wide Scale and of the greatest capacity for making the people listen. T,et .10 one underestimate 'the potentiality of these ideas on public affairs which Ford is giving out. If he keeps It up; if h» understandable he does un derstand—the value of reiteration: if he makes no mistakes, says nothing foolish. he will transform the habitual political thoughts and poli tical points of view of millions of the American people. For example, in that interview- in "Collier’s" not long ago Ford, among many othrr things, said this: The Tariff. "Tha tariff is a joke, hut it is apt to hang on, to the detriment! of lioth American and foreign countnea. tin til the people learn that special privileges do not pay. Our nation needs no special privileges end won't be perfectly happy until It settles down to doing that share of ths world's work for which it hss the greatest natural capacity. Ship Subsidy. "Giving a bonus for incapacity is a brilliant precedure, provided our ob ject is to waste money and keep the world's work from being done. Wealth can be produced so easily that there need be no great cry concerning ex penditures. but our objection to the ship subsidy is that it would seriously hamper shipping. Soldiers’ Bonus, "The proposal to give a bonus to veterans of the late war implies that the soldier cannot hold his own in cometition with others and is an in sult to the ex service man. If the ex service men are unfitted, because of wounds or other disability, for the normal competition of life they should be made fit Immediately and all the resources of modern science should be devoted to the task. Prohibition. "Booze had to go out when modem industry and the motor car came In. Upon only one condition can the na tion safely let it come back. That is. if we are willing to abolish modern industry and the motor car.’’ There are four expressions of opinion on subjects fundamentally po litical. Some of them run counter to one party, some to another, and some to both. They are forcefully ex pressed. They reflect a man who knows exactly what he thinks and says it frankly. This in the true sense is political leadership of a sort not now being practiced by any man for mally Identified with either of the parties or with political life. Who has ever heard any man in practcal poli tics, any candidate for office, say any thing as direct and unequivocal as that on any group of highly contro versial subjects actually at issue in an election? If Ford keeps up this sort of thing he is sure to get a momentum for his ideas such as will transform the politi cal thinking of this country. It may happen that he may get a momentum for himself, personally, that some time will carry him into the presi dency. Copyright, lets. * | Controversies Raging Over Honor for Bernhardt Pan*. Aug. 25.—Sarah Bernhardt has not been dead many months, but already several controversies are rag ing about her. There is the question of a statue. Paris abounds with statues to great men, but. with the exception of Edith Cavell. the statue to whom was pre sented by England, and Jeanne d'Arc, who was more or less masculine any way. there are no statues to women. The proposal, therefore, of the Con federation of Artistes, headed by Sacha Guitry, to erect a statue in honor of the great tragedienne, has met with considerable opposition. "Why a statue to Bernhardt and not one to Rostand, who paved her way to glory?" asks Clement Vautel, in Re Journal. But Maurice de Waleffe. 1n » col umn article, declares for the statu* “A simple actress, yes," says h«, "but this actress incarnated prids heroism, no^olity. all that is great and nothing that was evil; all that we did on the Marne, on the Yser. during the four terrible years. Within Sarah Bernhardt was the spirit of France. That is surely worth a statue." Scarcely had Sarah been buried be for* a group of municipal councillors put forward a project to close the Sarah Barnhardt theater, which be longs to the city, and construct on it* site a home for aged actors. A burst of indignation followed and the matter is not yet settled. It was declared by the councillor making the motion that Sarah was the worst client the city had ever had She seldom paid her rent and was owing it for three years when she died. And then somebody wanted to change the name of the Place du Chatelet. w-Here the Sarah Barnhardt theater is situated, to the Place Sarah Bernhardt. This also met strenuous opposition. What! Name a street or a place after a woman? Something of the same Idea that actuated the French government when it refused to give Bernhardt a nationat funeral, A Frenchman said that "death si the sculptor of glory." In the case of Sarah Bernhardt, In her own coun try. at least, there are some who eeem to perceive that she was more glori fied when she lived, on the stage than she is now. In her tomb Remarries First Wife After 25 Years Aparl Orange. Mass Aug. 15.—What ts believed to be a record was made here by Mrs. George A. Drake who was married twice to the same man by the same preacher, the second ceremony coming 38 years after the first. The clergyman w ho performed both ceremonies la the Rev. I. P. (Jutmby of Orange. In 1883 he married Mias Mattie A. Graves of Montagu* to George A. Drake of Greenfield. The couple were divorced April C». 1898. and each married With the passing of years Drake became a widower and his first wife a widow The last marriage made the third time that Drake has been a bride groom Me ts 7* yen i s old. while Mrs Drake i» 70 They will reside in Orange PAUL J. WURN " SurrMdifif tht (.«<• B. F. WUBN OPTOMETRIST Another MONEY Saver GENUINE AAAI SCREENED ROCK SPRINGS vUAL LUMP . PER TON $11.50 DELIVERED Again We Say—COMPARE Our Price* CONSUMERS COAL & SUPPLY CO. Phon* AT 1146 Dealers In Good Coal Phans AT 1146 French Do Not Show Gratitude Lloyd George Says Poincare Is Failing to Get Goal, but Gets British Gold. Watch German Regime By DAVID LLOYD GEORGE. London, August 25.—What will Mr. Stanley Baldwin and Lord Curzon do next? Much depends for Europe on that next step, and something for them also hangs upon their action or inaction. One is reminded of the answer given by Emllle Ollivier to a question as to his opinion of one of Napoleon the Third's experiments in constitutional government. "81 cest une fin vous etes perdus, si cest un commencement vous ete3 fondes." (If it is an end you are lost, if it is a beginning you have not laid a foundation—or are 'found.') That sage observation is equally ap plicable to the last Curzon note. We can only wait and see. The only new factor in the situation that may have a determining influence on events is the accession of llerr Stresemann to Hie German chancel lorship. T know nothing of him be yond newspaper report, but he is generally supposed to be a man of energy, courage and resource. If that be true, his appointment to the official leadership of the German peo ple may he an event of first magni tude. We shall soon know what he is made of. Germany's Leaders Blundered. Germany has suffered more from weak or misguided leadership in re cent years than any great eountiy 'n the world. It blundered it Into the war; it blundered it through the war: it blundered it into the armistice; it blundered during peace negotia tions, and it has blundered its affairs badly after the peace. But no one can predict w hat Germany is capable of with a wise and strong leader ship. Herr Stresemann lias a responsibil ity cast upon hifn and an opportunity afforded hirp as have not been given to any statesman since the days tf Stein and his coadjutors for regen erating his country and lifting it oat of the slough of d»spond in which .t has been sinking deeper end deeper. Those who ignore the effect which powerful and magnetic personalities may have upon the fortunes of na tions in despair must have forgotten their history books. The fall of Dr. Cuno and the rise of Herr Stresernann may well tutn out to be a more decisive event than the dispatch or publication of the Curzon note. But if he lacks those rare qualities which can alone In spire a people in an emergency to heroic action and endurance, then there is nothing but chaos in front of Germany. For the moment it Is more Important to keep a discerning eye on Herr Stresernann than to peruse these endless notes and speeches. Poincare Right. It is not often T find myself tn agreement with M. Poincare, but when he says that British unemploy ment is not attributable to occupa tion of the Ruhr, I am In entire ac cord with him. In November last I called the attention to the house of commons to world conditions which Injuriously affected our export trade, and which made unemploy ment inevitable In the British labor market for some time to come. We are more dependent on our overseas trade, export and impoit shipping, and incidental business, than any country In the world. Nearly half of our Industrial and commercial activities are associated with outside trade In all Its forms. That is not a full statement of the case, for If this important section of our business were to languish, Hbme trade would also inevitably suffer by the consequents! diminution in the purchasing capacity of our people. Before the French ever entered the Ruhr our overseas trade was down to 75 per cent of its prewar level. Our population has increased by 2.000,000 since 1913. Our taxation has increas ed four fold. Our national debt ten fold. But our business is down 25 per rent. What is this fall in our outside sales and services attributa ble to? It Is the direct consequence of the war. Our customers throughout Europe are impoverished. What is just as bad, our customers’ custom ers are impoverished. So that neither can buy at our stalls quantities or qualities which they could be relied upon to purchase before the war. Europe Is Economic Keystone. Until Europe can buy. Australia, Canada, India and China cannot puy. as the prime minister pointed out in his last house of commons speech. Germany before the war bought Aus trallan wool. Canadian grain. In dian jute and tea. anti the proceeds as often as not went to pay for goods bought by those countries in British markets. The same observation ap plies to Russia, Austria and the Le vantine countries The pun basing capacity of Europe must therefore he replenished. That must at best take years of patient industry. Th® mischief of ih« Kunr lies not in tlis creation of bad trade, but in the retarding of the process of recovery. It hits undoubtedly had' that effect. Before the French en tered the Kuhr, trade was gradually, if slowly, improving all around. The prices of 1922 were lower than thoee of 1921. Therefore the contrast In sterling was not as apparent as It became when, you examine weights and measures. Expert figures, nota bly In manufactured goods, show a decided Increase on those of the pre ceding year. This advance is reflected in statis tics of unemployment. During the first 10 months of 1922 there was a reduction of over 500,000 In the num bers of registered unemployed. Th*' succeeding 10 months gave only slight improvement. Something lias happened to arrest the rate of prog ress toward better times. This is where the Ruhr comes in. It is not by any means, to quote the prime minister, a penknife stuck in the watch and stopping the works, but It is certainly more than a grain of dust which has perceptibly slowed the action of the sensitive machinery of trade. , Ruhr Disturbance Reach in*. The effect of the Ruhr disturbance would continue for some time if the penknife were removed. For the. present, M. Poincare is wedging it In more deeply and firmly. But even if he withdrew it, the works would not recover their normal steadiness for a long while. During these last dis turbing months Germany has become appreciably poorer. Its wealth pro duction lias been depressed through out most of Its industrial centers. Jo a certain extent Lorraine and Bel gium have algo been affected ad versely. The reservoir of wealth upon which industry draws has not been filling up as it ought to if the w-orld is ever to recover. These things are hidden from France. It is a more self-contained country than Britain—perhaps also a F»lf-centered country. Even after the Napoleonic ware, which drained its best manhood and exhausted its fine nervous virility, it suffered from no Interval of economic deprev sion. Its great and victorious rival across the Channel lumbered pain i Yuly through 15 years of misery, pov erty and disiiess. Its own population, basking in the sunshine of prosperity. regarded across the narrow waters with ns tural contentment dark fogs that enveloped nr.d drenched their old enemies. You could not expect any commiseration or sympathy from them at that time tve had fought them for CO years with an inveterate pertinacity and at last beaten them to the ground and occupied their] capital. Today we suffer because we helped to save their capital from for-1 sign occupation and their country from tielng humbled to the dust by a I foreign foe. Neither in French speeches, notes nor articles Is there any appreciation shown of that cardinal fact in the situation. Poincare Stand* Pat. All that Is clear at the moment ta the stubbornness of the French atti tude. M. Poincare ha* not so far receded one millimetre from his orig inal position. Threats and cajoleries alike are answered by a repetition of the same formulae, with slight varia tions in word or phrase which one would expect from a practised writer. But the theme Is always the same, and the application is Identical to the point of monrftony. He Is not win ning much coal out of hla discourses, but to do him Justice he is getting something for his country. Liast year. Lord Balfour, In the note he sent to the allies on behalf of the British government, offered to forego all claims for debts and reparations if Britain were secured against payment of the American debt. That meant the surrender of claims aggregating over 3,000,000,000 pounds tn return for 1,000,000.000 pounds. A very handsome and gen erous offer. The Curzon note proposed to sur render all our claims for 710,000,000 pounds. The Ruhr occupation hae already brought down the British claim against the allies by 290,909, 000. M. Poincare may not be able to extract reparations out of Ger many. but In seven months he has succeeded In forcing 290.000.000 pounds out of Great Britain. He will certainly ask for more—and probab ly get it. Mr. Bonar Law was right when he said that under certain conditior.a Great Britain would be the only coun try to pay a war Indemnity. Those conditions have arisen under his suc cessors. ,, f Copyright. Alaska May Be Future Field and Summer Resort La e Angeles. Aug. 25.—A rival to California oil fields !* seen in Alaska, occordlng to Louis Margu^s, Seward hotel man. •'Two of the biggest companies In the United States, the Standard and Associated, have started drilling for oil just west of Seward.'' Margulea said when here recently. “Indications are that there is a lake Of oil under southeastern Alaska. Should a gusher be brought in In that territory' there undoubtedly will be another rush to Alaska, which will eclirse the old gold rush days. “As it is. with completion of the new government railroad from Sew ard to Fairbanks, southeastern Alaska is rapidly forging ahead.'' George Harvey, the American am bassador to the Court of St. James paid IS.0OO to entertain the British royal family at a recent state din ner. Last Week ... of Our . . . August Sale For years men and women of discrimination wanting furniture and furnish ings that are unquestionably RIGHT as to style, design, quality, workmanship and price have realized that the anstver to their question is ORCHARD & WILHELM COMPANY. This is just as true during the iugust Sale as at aay other time, the assurance of genuine satisfaction is always present. Furniture Sale Suites for every room in the home, together with several hundred odd pieces that ear no longer be "'matched up." but that are thoroughly worthy and will proi e their worth as separate pieces. Many manufacturers’ bargains, samples, etc., late in arming. are now here. Savings in every inatanca ara decidedly worth whija. Drapery Sale Curtains, curtain material*, cretonnes and other drapery tabnes and upholstery gO’^ds, together with thousands of remnants Of all cla?ses and grades, such as sunfast materials, madras and cretonnes, nets, scrims, voiles, marquisettes, dotted and figured muslins, tapestries, velours, mohair? and denims. The remnants are in useful lengths in each instance; in the case of curtain materials, there is enough for one or two windows; in the rase of drapery fabrics, there is enough for one window, and in the ease of upholstery materials, the smallest piece s large enough for a cushion or chair seat. The August sale prices in thia department will save you from 2S*e to 50rp, while remnants are marked at HALF PRICE or oven loss. Floor Covering Sal© Hundreds of rugs of all grades and sires, including Vxiningter*. Wilton \ e.vets. Frus •els, Wiltons and Hartford Saxonys, as well as many Oriemal and Chinese fabrics. Mnolgura remnants of all sires in both printed and inlaid goods. Seringa lS'V to 50^r. If our Budget Plan will assist you to take advantage of these sole offerings, you should not hestitute to open an account. OL R EXCHANGE DEPART MENT can probably make the nay easier by taking off your hands furniture \ou now have.