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WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR
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Lincoln, Nebraska, June, 1922
The Tariff Ques
tion Again
The tariff question is again before Congress
and the present dispatches give us the same
arguments, pro and con, tb,at have been ad
vanced for one hundred years. This is the ques
tion upon which party lines seem to be, most
clearly drawn. The Republicans believe in pro
tection not all of them, but nearly all the
Democrats are opposed to protection not all of
them, but nearly all. There are a few Repub
lican's who have been emancipated from the fear
entertained by the rest that a reduction in tariff
will ruin the country. The number of these
emancipated Republicans is greater now than
ever before because a Democratic victory fol
lowed by prosperity proved that prosperity is
not dependent on a high tariff. But, while this
proof is abundant and complete, it is entirely
ignored by the papers that represent the pro
tected interests; they again repeat the old out
worn arguments about protection to home in
dustries.
While nearly all .of the Democrats understand
the fallacy of protection and are preparing to
present the Democratic arguments against the
system that taxes the many for the benefit of
the few, we have still a few Democrats who
plead for protection on the things in which thoy
are interested "if there is to be protection" on
anything. Of course, one who asks protection
for himself is not in position to deny protec
tion to any others who ask for it, but these con
stitute but a small fraction of the Democratic
Party. The tariff question gives the Democrats
an opportunity to solidify the party ranks ana
to make occasional converts from the Republi
cans on schedules that are absurdly high.
There never was a sound reason fqr a purely
protective tariff and never will be, and there is
less now than in the earlier years of the discus
sion. One of the points that should be emphasized is
that the Republican leaders never vote the bene
fit directly to the parties in whose 'interest' they
claim to act. They always speak of the labor
ing man and predicate their support of the tar
iff on the ground that tlie tariff. is necessary to
keep up wages. If they really believe this why
do they not favor a bounty paid directly to the
Wage earners Instead of a tariff given to the em
powers as trustees for the laborers? The employ
ers never pay any more wages than they are
compelled to pay and the' big employers-are now
uniting in an effort to destroy labor organiza
tions in order to lower wages
Republican leaders fail to see any inconsist
ency between the RAISING of. the tariff and the
PEERING of wages, although the manufac
turers profit by both processes. The vigor with
p ch Republican leaders are now urging a high
wnff indicates that they expect to give to the
manufacturers and. then "fry the fat out of
ein" in the campaign, as in the days gone by.
.
Success to the Democrats! Their attack upon
a high tariff is just; if they fail in their effort
to protect the public, the highest prices which
will follow Increased tariff will bring us votes
this fall. W. J. BRYAN.
A PROGRESSIVE VICTORY
The victory won by Candidate Brookhart, who
secured the senatorial nomination at the recent
Iowa primaries, is the most significant yet. Mr.
Brookhart is more progressive than either
Beveridge or Pinchot and his triumph is more
distinctly a triumph of ideas. He had not .the
prestige or special advantages that Beveridge
had, nor had he the campaign fund that contri
buted so materially to Pinchot's success. Then,
too, he made his fight much mere openly against
the administration than the others. He was
emphatic in his denunciation of the Esch-Cum-mins
law, the seating of Newberry and the pro
posed high tariff. He has the farmers' viewpoint
and his success is proof conclusive that the Re
publican masses, are against the administration
and don't care who knows it.
Brookhart in J;he Senate would be more radi
cal than Pepper or Norris on economic ques
tions he would go as far as LaFolletto. If any
body doubts that progressivism has broken loose
in the Republican party, the three victories,
especially Brookhart's, should be convincing.
Now watch the other agricultural states.
W. J. BRYAN.
CONTROL SHOULD BEGIN SOMEWHERE
The New York World complains because the
Federal Trade commission protests against the
merger of the Bethlehem and Lackawanna Steel
companies and suggests that it should begin with
the steel trust. The trouble seems to be that the
Supreme Court, after a prolonged hearing, dis
charged the steel trust, notwithstanding the evi
dence of its very large control of the steel indus
try. Now we are told that no protest should be
made against OTHER mergers while the steel
trust is unmolested.
That sort of logic would leave the way open
to most anything that big business wants to un
dertake. Surely there should be, and must be, a
beginning SOMEWHERE or monopoly will se
cure an increasing control over industry.
W. J. BRYAN.
BEVERIDGE AND PINCHOT
The victories won by Beveridge and Pinchot
are indications of the progressive trend of pub
lic thought. The reactionary leaders of the Re
publican party may be overthrown in the pri
maries; if so, the Republicans may be able to
prevent the defeat of their party in 1924. The
chances are, however, that progressiveness in the
Republican party will progress just far enough
to divide the organization and the voters, thus
insuring a Democratic victory. Our party's
safety is to stand firmly for remedial legisla
tion so that we can invite the progressive Re
publicans if the reactionaries continue their con
trol of the organization. W. J. BRYAN.
Whole Number 758
To Commoner
Readers
I venture to present a brief roviow of tho Is
sues discussed in Tho Commoner since its es.
tablishmont and by me sinco 1880. Tho first
Commoner appeared in January 1901 moro
than twonty yoars ago. That was moro than
twenty years after I entered upon tho public
discussion of public questions. '
In 1880, the fall before I was ablo to vote, I
made four spoeches In tho Hancock and English J
campaign; they wero brief and dealt with tho
tariff qestion. That question was the principal
issue discussed for ten years afterwards, until
1890. My first speech of Importance in Nebras
ka, made in tho spring of 1888, dealt entirely
with tho tariff and my first congressional cam
paign, in 1890, was made against "the McKInloy
law, although my platform contained a free
silver plank, a declaration In favor of tho eloc
tion of United States senators by tho people, and
a demand for an Income tax.
The money question played a prominent part
in my campaign in 1892 and grow Jn importance
until '96, when it was the paramount issue of
the party. I continued to discuss thQ money
question until 1900 tho increased dis
coveries of gold relegating tho money question
to a place of decreasing importance.
Imperialism was tho dominant issue in 190Q
and I regard my acceptance speech of that year,
as one of the most important of my political
speeches.
The trust question followed imperialism, and
my declaration that a private monopoly is inde
fensible and intolerable found a place, in four,.
Democratic national platforms, in President WII-N
son's speech of acceptance and in his recom- '
mendatlon on the trust question. - '
My views on the tariff question were not
abandoned when the money question came up1
and it has not been necessary to abandon my
views on the money question because the quan
titative theory (not silver) for which we con
tended has b.een established, though it was tho
discovery of gold rather than the remonetlzation
of silver that convinced the world.
The party's position on imperialism, which 1
formulated in 1898, was reiterated for some
fourteen years until Congress passed a resolu
tion promising ultimate independence to tho .
JFIlipinos.
Tho campaign of 1912 was fought almost en
tirely upon the Issues of 1908 -and tho promises
of 1908 were carried out under the first Wilson
administration. The currency law, the farm loan
law, and the trade commissions and the law
against government by injunction were in lino
with the platforms Of-19 08 and 1912.
In the meantime the demand for popular elec
tion of United States senators grew until tha
amendment was adopted and the demand for an
income tax increased until the income tax
amendment was adopted. I supported both of
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