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June; ffiffi ; y
The Commoner
s-:ibi
TO
Harding Wet
Harding voted lor submission (and for en
forcement),1 but in speaking on submission (see
Btatemont in Congressional Record, August 1,
1917) ho said:
"The thought I have In mind, Mr. President,
is the elimination of this unending prohibition
contest in the Halls of Congress. At, the same
time, I AM IN SYMPATHY WITH THE OP
POSITION TO THE RESOLUTION ABOUT .THE
UNFAIRNESS OP ADOPTING A FEDERAL
AMENDMENT UNDER THE PROVISIONS OF
THE CONSTITUTION ON A QUESTION RELAT
ING TO PERSONAL LIBERTY, and if there
wore any other method ofvsubmitting an amend
ment I should bo very glad to employ it.
"I AM NOT A PROHIBITIONIST, MR. PRESI
DENT, AND NEVER HAVE PRETENDED TO
BE. I do claim to be a temperance man. I do
not approach this question from a moral view
point, BECAUSE I AM UNABLE TO SEE IT AS
A GREAT MORAL QUESTION. I can remem
ber very distinctly when I was a boy, duriug the
early days of a hardy rural citizenship in Ohio,
some of the most moral people the state boasted
had a jug of whisky in tho fence corner during
the harvest time. I am not saying that I favor
that. I only cite it as an instance that it is not
always and invariably a moral question.
"But I do see the ethical and economic side of
it, and when it comes to decision on this point,
at a time when we are boasting of our warfare
for popular government, I can not be inconsist
ent enough to deny tlie settlement of this much
mooted question by popular will in the only man
ner in which the constitution provides.
"I DO THINK IT IS UNWISE, IMPRUDENT
AND INCONSIDERATE TO FORCE THE IS
SUE AT THIS TIME. I do not question the sin
cerity or the high purpose of the prohibition
forces, but I do believe, and very sincerely, that
it is a great misfortune to the country to divide
American citizenship into two hostile camps over
this question of personal liberty at a time when
we ought to be promoting the concord of citizen
ship that, is essential to win the war. But hav
ing expressed myself as regretting the pressure
brought to settle .this issue now, I must go fur
ther and say that since it is insistent and intrud
ing, so that we must reach n decision now, I
find myself impelled to take the side which I
think must in the end contribute to the most
good of our common people.
"I DO NOT THINK A PROHIBITION
AMENDMENT WILL BE EFFECTIVE, Mr.
President. .You can not make any law. stronger
than the publitf sentiment which sees to its en
forcement. I have watchpd the progress of this
question frpm the conflict in the hamlet to the
t municipality, to. the county, the state, and the
nation, and while I stand hero and freely ex
press my doubts about its practicability, at tho
same time I recojgnize that it is growing and in
sistent rtnd persistent and must be settled.
"Ever since I have been in public life in a
small way t have seen men continually measured
by the wet and dry yardstick, and the submis
sion of this amonjdment is going to measure
every candidate for public offic'o by the same
wet and dry yardstick until the final settlement.
When I say that, I have expressed my strongest
reason for putting a limitation upon the pend
ency of the amendment. I want to see this
question settled. I want to take it out
of the Halls of Congress and refer it to the peo
ple who must make the ultimate decision. I
want to meet the demand for submission and
witness a decision.
"So, then, in spite of its untimejiness, in spite
of the lack" of prudence in submitting it now,
since we have come to this question of prohibi
tion as a war measure, and there has been a
yielding on the one band against drastic prohi
bition in the food bill, I think this submission is
a sort of compromise between the contending
forces, and lam willing to be counted a com
promising agent. All our great movements are
the result of just such endeavors. I DO NOT
HESITATE TO SAY THAT I APPROACH THE
QUESTION FROM A STRONG SENSE OF JUS
TICE AND IF THIS AMENDMENT IS SUB
MITTED TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED
STATES AND RECEIVES THE SANCTION OF
THREE-FOURTHS OF THE GENERAL AS
SEMBLIES THEN, IF MY TENURE OF OFFICE
STILL OBTAINS, I AM WILLING TO GO FUR
THER AND, JOIN1 iN A MOVEMENT TO MAKE
IT EFFECTIVE THROUGH A PROCESS OF
COMPENSATION TO TH1P TiiTCTvWon
DESTROYED THIb BUSINESS
blinrennrkwh,1? ,n lho" " '
I Wi iJv ffM ,UOn n0" X WllllOd to Off
"bin i?bB!ffM U nccomIM" one groat
rin. iK ,Vi 0rcos thls Bloat Pub,Jc nidation to
We sin C"tnW,U,in l?e pcrlol C ib years
iinui it i . thG, luoiUon acutely presented
until it ha been finally dlspoaed of within that
i 1 hI?,8SrVhniafter wo lmvo disposed of
ww .i al! ?.ntl natlonal legislative and itnto
ifne! Justed, to much more normal
a2 0P..th0 Judgment of tho Senato will bo
such that it will agrco to th'n limitation amend
ment. I know thoro aro arguments against tho
constitutionality of auch a courso, but thoro can
bo no argument offered that will question tho
validity of tho amendment if it is ndoptod within
the time prescribed."
PLATFORM PLANKS
The National Board of Farm organizations at
tho Republican national convention at Chicago,
June, 1920, urgod that tho following planks bo
embodied in tho Republican platform:
"1. We recognize agriculture as tho funda
mental industry, and we pledge oursolves to glvo
it practical and adoquato representation in tho
CABINET and in tho appointment of govern
mental officials, and of commissions on a bi-partisan
basts.
"2. Wo pledge to all farmers tbo full, free
and unquestioned right of co-operative market
ing of their farm products and purchase of their
supplies and protection against discrimination.
"3. We pledge effectivo national control over
the packers and all other great interstate com
binations of capital engaged for profit in tho
manufacturing, transportation ( and distribution
of food and other farm products, and farm sup
plies. "4. We pledge legislation that will effective
ly check and reduco the growth and evils of
farm tenancy, We pledge tho perpetuation and
strengthening of the FEDERAL FARM LOAN
SYSTEM tho improvement of facilities for, loans
-on farm commodities and tho inauguration of a
system for co-operatlvo personal credit that will
enable farmers to socure short-time credit on
more favorable terms.
"5. We pledge comprehensive-studies of farm
production costs, at home and abroad, and tho
uncensored publication of facts found in such
studies.
"6. We pledge ourselves to accord agriculture
tho same consideration in tariff legislation as
.is accorded to other interests.
ADDITIONAL PLANKS
"1. We pledge ourselves to tho conservation
of coal, oil, water power and other . natural re
sources in tho public interests, and to their dis
tribution without discrimination against farm
ers, and especially to put an end. to tho devasta
tion of our commercial timber lands.
"2. Wo pledge the repeal of laws restricting
the rights of free speech, free press, and peace
able assemblage, and we pledge the restoration
to the people of these fundamental rights.
"3. We are opposed to any form of compulsory
military training in timo of peace.
"4. We pledge our support to graduated in
come and excess profit taxes, supplemented by
a graduated inheritance tax to furnish the ad
ditional revenue needed to meet the cost of the
war. t . ,
"5. Wo pledge our support to stringent immi
gration laws and especially oppose tho admission
of Oriental labor.
"G. We pledge ourselves to maintain that
parity between money and commodities which
will liquidate our national obligations on the
basis of money value at the time incurred."
(Editor's Note The above appeal fell on deaf
ears.) '
THE HOOVER LETTER
Mr. Hoover writes a very sdhsible letter to
tho Hoover club of Oregon. It will bo found on
another page. He protests against tho extreme
position taken by Johnson on ono side and the
President on the other, and points out the wis
dom of a middle course, namely, ratification with
such reservations as have been agreed upon. His
Republican partisanship leads him to ignore the
fact that 23 Democratic friends of the league
voted with 34 Republican friends of tho league
to ratify with reservations. He ought not to
overlook these . patriotic Democrats;
m
Prohibition Endorse
merit Defeated
The Fate of the Dry Plank
at the Republican Na:;:;
tiorial Convention -
Clinton N. Howard, prohibition orator of
Rochester, Now York, with credential from tho
National Reform association, Tho International
Reform Buroau. and tho World Dry Federation,
Including, tho Focitrnl Council of Churchc, rep
resenting all told moro than 20,000,000 con
stituents, camo to tho National Republican con
vention to sccuro n platform declaration In sup
port of Natlonal prohibition. Ho fllad his cre
dentials with tho Coramtttoo on Resolutions, was
givou a hearing in support of tho Eighteenth
amendment, and its effective onforcomont and
presented a suggested plank to tho committee.
Tho sub-committee composed of 13 mombor
succeeded In Inserting a plank which pledged tho
Republican, party to the support of tho constitu
tion prohibiting tho Manufacture and salo of In
toxicating liquors "as it shall bo Interpreted by
the Supremo Court." This plank Mr. Howard
sought to lmvo amended by striking out "oh shall
bo," but tho entlro plank wad dropped In tho
Committee of tho Wholo under tho dictation of
Senator Reed Smoot, who told Mr. Howard that
tho dry issue would not bo montionod at all, im
mediately prior to tho .final session. This infor
mation was confirmed by a Inter statement from
Sonator Borah who emerged from the commit
tee room.
-Therp was no w,ny of .getting Information to
or from tho commlttoe as tho guard wair in
structed to preventnny, Information passing th
dopr. Mr, Howard., succeeded in running iho
blockade, by dropping into, the lobby of tho Audi
torium Hotel where the committee was sitting
and sending a telegram to a prominent dry
member of the committee deputizing him to rep
resent tho dry constituency and framing a rcHO
lutlon to offer as a substitute in the event that
tho sub-comjnlttco report was turnod clown.
This substitute resolution was presented upon tho
defeat of tho original report and obtained only
three votes in the committee. When thte report
was brought out to Mr. Howard ho induced (ho
dry member of the committee to sign tho rosolu
tlon In tho form of a minority report. The mem
ber himself would not agree to present It to the
convention. He said ho would glvo his proxy to
tho dry governor of his state or any othor prom
inent leader who would introduce it and make
tho fight.
The governor Was scon and declined on tho
ground that it might Injure the chances of his
candidate before tho convention. Taking a taxi
cab, Mr. Howard rushed to the convention hall
a mile distant, was passed to the main floor by
showing his credentials at the door, and conferred
with dry leaders in several state delegations
whilo the majority report was being read. He
was unable, hawever, to prevail upon any dele
gate to present the minority report, though it in
no other respect changed the platform finally
adopted. The prohibition question was elimi
nated entirely. Mr, Howard still retains the
signed minority report covering the dry plank
which wa? as follows:
"Tho Republican party, always the PArty of
the constitution, obedience to law and the pro
moter of public order, pledges itself to sustain
and uphold tfte constitution as amended by the
American people In the exercise of their power
by the adoption of the 18th Amendment, as con
strued and uphold by tho Supremo Court's de
cision. We accept the verdict as the fixed policy
of the American people and pledge the party if
successful in tho election, to a policy of loyalty
to law and to enact or continue such legislation
as will make effective the 18th Amendment to
the constitution."
The drya ought to take ex-Governor O'Neal to
San Francisco and exhibit him as a warning; The
convention could look, upon him fn his crippled
condition and get some dies of the fate .of,. a
Democratic presidential candidate running ona
wine and beer platform
4.
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