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The Commoner
VOL. 17, NO. 8
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Asquith States Peace Terms
Tho Associated Press carried the following
under a London date of July 26: A little group
of, pacifists instituted "a peace debate in the
House of Comn.ons this afternoon, introducing
a resolution that tho German Reichstag reso
lution favoring peace by an understanding ex
pressed tho principles for which Great Britain
stood throughout, and calling on tho govern
ment and tho entente allies to restate their
peace terms. Further, the resolution' declares
tho allies should accept the Russian proposal
that tho forthcoming allied conference on war
aims should comprise representatives of the
p'eoplo and not solely spokesmen of the govern
ment. Tho resolution was moved by James Ramsay
MacDonald, socialist and labor member from
Loicoster, and was supported by Charles P. Tre
velyan, Hasting B. Less-Smith, and Arthur A.
Ponsonby, liberals, and Philip Snowden, social
ist. MacDonald agreed his resolution expressed
tho opinion of only a small minority, but con
tended this minority was ever growing. ' Stock
holm had borne its fruit; the allied conference
would boar more, and the International confer
ence would bear still more.
Trovolyan, who seconded the resolution,
agreed in condemning the uncertainty in the
speech of tho German chancellor, Dr. Michaelis,
and said all agreed peace awaited unconditional
restoration of Belgium and France. ..He doubted
whether there could bo peace until all the gov
ernments expressly repudiated the ideal of con
quest or annexations.
While it might be the duty of the government
to reply to the German chancellor, it was the
duty of the House of Commons to reply to the
Reichstag resolution, he declared. He said Dr.
Michaelis' speech was mado on that resolution
and that ho did not stfeak against it or try to
persuade the Reichstag from passing, it ought
not to be overlooked.
Former Premier Asquith thought previous
speakers attached more importance to the
Reichstag resolution than it deserved. They
seemed to have regretted circumstances under
which it was passed. After an obscure struggle
in Berlin, in which for a time it seemed as if
advocates of a relatively moderate policy would
got their way, the military chief arrived on the
scene and obtained the dismissal of the im
perial chancellor, in whom the emperor only a
few days before had expressed undoubted con
fidence. .. Peace, said Asquith, should become the su
preme interest of mankind, but subject to an
all-important condition, namely, that it is a
peace which does not defe.it the ' purpose for
which the great nations entered upon and have
continued the war, and that it does not turn to
waste the immeasurable loss and suffering which
they had shared and are sharing in common.
Ho welcomed the news that a conference
would Vo held early in autumn on the invitation
of the Russian government. Nothigg but good
could come of a plain restatement 'of the allies'
aims in a good cause. Two new fgcts of the
present year, first, that Russia had ceased for
ever to be autocratic, and, second, the appear
ance, with all her moral and material forces,
of the United States into the struggle, had a di
rect and practical bearing upon the opinion of.
tho world as to the sincerity of the allies aims.
"They mean," continued the former premier,
"that the allied "nations now include an over
whelming majority of the free peoples of the
world. The allies are fighting for nothing but
freedom. That is the policy of this unprece
dented aggregation of free peoples.
" 'Earnestly-as we desire peace, no peace is
worth having which restores, under some thin
disguise, the precarious status quo antebellum
and loft countries like Belgium, Serbia and
Greece at the mercy of dynastic intrigue or un
der the menace of military coercion. It would
be premature and futile to grapple in detail
with tho geographical problems eventually to be
solved.
' "Tho principle clearly agreed to by every one
of the allies is that in any rearrangement made
the governing principle ought to be the inter
ests and tho wishes of tho populations effected.
But Is that principle acceptable to the central
powers? Is Germany prepared not only to evac
uate Belgium, but to make reparation for tho
colossal mischief and damage which accompanied
her devastating occupation and the practical en
slavement of a large portion of the Belgian peo
ple? Is she prepared not only to do that but 10
restore to Belgium, not a pretense of, but abso
lute indbpendence?
"I should like to know the German answer to
these questions. I find no answer in the vague,
indeterminate formulae of the Reichstag. I have
no desire to say that peace is impossible but I
can not see, from what has recently occurred in
Berlin, any real approximation of a practical
kind to the aims and object of the allies."
Asquith thought the German people was the
greatest obstacle to peace, but said that was a
matter for the German people themselves. So
far as the allies were concerned, tho best hope of
peace, he said, was a frank and open statement,
both by way of avowal and disavowal of the ob
jects for which they were fighting, and" as a
means to that end he welcomed the fullest use
of all opportunities for an interchange of views
between representatives of the great democra
cies. It could not be too clearly stated that this
was a matter for the peoples, rather than the
governments. "Once that is realized by the
democracies of the world," continued the former
premier, "we shall be within measurable sight
of an honorable and lasting 'peace. Meanwhile
we shall not be helping the advent of peade if
we give the impression that there is any falter
ing in our determination or doubt in our ability
to carry on the burden. We look up with clear
conscience until our ends are achieved."
Tho Reichstag resolution referred to is quoted
la an artlclo on "German Politics," on Pago 10.
BORAH URGES PRESIDENT .TO CLARIFY
U. S. "WAR AIMS
A Washington dispatch, dated July 26, says:
In a sneech vibrant with patriotic appeal, Sen
ator William B. Borah of Idaho, a republican
member of the Foreign Relations committee, to
day called upon the administration to clarify
America's war aims to create a firmer national
unity behind the conduct of the war. He frankly
declared the outlook of the war "more serious
and menacing to the allies" than at any time
sinco August 1-, 1914, ard urged the senate and1
the nat'on to put aside petty Issues and give the
full measure of their energy to the winning of
the war.
The United States, he said, must cease piling
up bond issue upon bond issue, and must seek
to obtain more of its war funds by Immediate
taxation or face "bankruptcy and ruin." The
totterhig of Russia, the Increase of the sub
marine sinkings, the gradual weakening of
France, he said, were all combining to throw
the burden of carrying on the war upon the
United States.
Borah insisted this was no time to talk of
peace, but he declared that for the sako of a
stronger sentiment behind the war it behooves
the administration to restate in clear and un
mistakable language just why the United States
is making war and upon what terms it will end
the conflict.
He urged the administration to make it more
plainly "America's "war" and to try to bring
home to the people the extreme danger that
would confront tho United States if England
and France should fail.
Never at a time in -this struggle has the out
look been so serious t.s at this time, Borah de
clared. Russia, to all appearance, is out of the
conflict because of internal conflicts. What does
that mean to the people of the United States.
Could a more serious message come over our
wires and affect the lives of millions of our boys
than the fact that Russia is breaking down? We
should pray for the success of Kerensky as
never before.
"It means that millions of American boys will
find graves on European battlefields. No more
serious condition could confront us than con
fronts the allies now. The situation is here and
the hour of sacrifice has arrived. And will the
senate stop and parley over money going into
the creeks?"
In addition to the Russian situation, Borah
declared that the submarine question, which
some weeks ago was believed to be favorable
to the allies, has now become "distinctly favor
able to the Tuetonic powers," witn rep
Rowing the number of sinkings increa8?t?
France, too, is being gradually worn down t
asserted. America, being in the war, is thorn
practically as a guarantee of the financial stanli
ing of the allies and the conservation of finanroT
he said, was Imperative. s'
"Has the time not come when we realize that
we are in this war?" asked Senator Borah "We
should proceed to legislate upon these measures
as if the enemy were at our very gates. Does
any one suppose that the central powers, with
Russia giving in, submarine war growing more
effective, apparently, every day, with Franco at
the height of her fighting powers, would discos
peace except on Germany's terms?"
The American people, Borah declared, should
have presented to them definitely and specifical
ly the terms and conditions on which they are
fighting. "Give them an American issue to fight
for end an American issue to die for," he de
clared, adding that "if the senate realized that
this war was an American war they would not
be sitting here passing on the advisability of
voting millions of dollars for creeks down which
a duck can not pass."
Borah disclaimed intimating that the United
States should not be in the war. "But we can't
do anything more helpful," he said, "than to
make it known that this is an American war,
with American institutions involved. Yet if you
go before any popular audience they will say it
has been treated so far as a European war to
settle propositions in Europe.
Referring to the recent Russian "no-annexation"
peace proposal, Borah continued:
"That met with no response from any of the
allies. The United States could have taken no
more important step than to have indorsed that
declaration. If the United States had taken a
bold stuid in favor of peace, Russia would he
100 per cent more effective today as a fighting
force. But the United States waited for some
of the other powers directing the war to define
their position
"I did not vote for war," he concluded, "out
of sympathy -with France, much as I admire her,
but because our American rights were trampled
on and our people murdered, with the prospect
of continued outrages and national degredation.
I voted for war to make safe our own blessed
republic and give dignity, honor and security to
this democracy throughout Europe, although I
would be glad to see every king and prince ex
iled and every dynasty broken forever. This
has become an American war, a fight for Amer
ican principles, to be discontinued when Amer
ican interests are safeguarded and satisfied, it
is no longer a war to spread democracy in Eu
rope or for rehabilitation of European countries.
It is a war showing that the United States,
though slow to act, is swift to avenge.'
IMPERIALISTIC AIMS FOR GREAT BRITAIN
DENIED ,BY BALFOUR
A London cablegram, under date of July 30,
says: John Annan Bryce, liberal, referring in
the house of commons today to the recent state
ment of Lord Robert Cecil, minister of blockade
that the dismemberment of Austria was not one
of Great Britain's war aims, said the statemen
would create difficulties because Great Mtain a
engagements with her allies could not be - con
tinued if the Austrian empire was to be mam
Klly, on the strength of these engagements,
Mr. Bryce said, would not be content me rely
with a rearrangement of the Trentino region.
The references by Mr. Bryce and others to
Great Britain's war aims, including Noe Bux
ton, who said that tn unfortunate lmpre bs on
had got abroad in Europe as a result or i
speeches in tho house of commons last jee
that Great Britain favored a policy of annex
tion, but would not define her aims, ught a
interesting reply fram-A. J. Balfour, the foreigi
SeMr.aBalfour declared that the governinenl : had
been askei to declare its policy, but he as
sure if that would be a wise course.
The broad questions animating the : go
ment had been expounded by the lat and jre
ent premiers, the foreign secretary ana o
who held high office during the past
years, he said. treated
When every ministerial statement was trea
as a pledge, it was dangerous to acceue
quests for definite announcements. Alistrjan
With respect to the Jugoslav and the AUbi
