4T fwvmpmmmMm'mmm ''miwmiwwmHWWWy The Commoner VOL. 17, NO. 7 The President's Flag Day Address m u? I!X h P The Commoner ISSUED MONTHLY r ''',1 , , , : Entered at tho Postofllco at Lincoln, Nebraska, as second-class matter. "WILLIAM J. I3IIYAN. CHARLES W. BRYAN, Kditor and Proprietor Assoqiato Ed. and Publisher KtlJt. Rmfi. and Business Offlce, Suite 207 Press Bldg. One Year ,$1.00 Mix MoittliN GO In Clubs of Flvo or more, per year.. .7(5 Three Months .... M SltiKlo Cony 10 Sarnplo Copies Free. Foreign Post, 25a Extra SUllSCKU'TlONS can bo sent direct to Tho Com moner. They can also bo sent through newspapers which havo advertised a clubbing rate, or through local agents, whero such agents havo boon ap pointed. All remittances should bo sent by post ofllco money order, express order, or by bank draft on Now York or Chicago. Do not send Individual checks, Btamps or currency. IlKMlWAIiS Tho dato on your wrapper shows ' tho tlmo to which your subscription is paid. Thus January 17 means that payment has been received to and Including tho Issue of January, 1917. CHANGE OF ADUIIISSS Subscribers requesting a chango of address must give old as well as new address. ADVMltTlSING Rates will bo furnished upon application. Address all communications to TIII3 COMMONKH, LINCOLN, NED. Somo of the cities adopted the slogan, -while raising money for tho Red Cross, of "Give till it hurts." This undoubtedly let off a number of rich old codgers with $5. ' A good many persons seem to have the Idea that they are doing their full duty as patriotic citizens by devoting their time to telling other people what their duties are just now. It has perhaps been noticed that some of our most vocLerous patiiots find a little time to look up the list of desirable offices to be filled by popular vote at the next election. Colonel Hoosevelt appears to be as consistent as ever. Tho one-half of his speeches that he does not devote to telling the mistakes of the president, as he views them, he consumes in castigating those who criticise the government. A great many people show great sensitiveness , about the government embarking upon a price ! filing program of action. Most of them, how 1 ever, appear to bo persons who have been able to do considerable price-fixing themselves in the past. ( There are many mysteries that the average , man can not solve, including that of why it is I possible to secure a reduction in coal prices by 1 appealing to the patriotism of the producers and dealers and not. rossible to get it by an ap peal to the law. M , If one were to judge from the frenzied efforts of the liquor-makers to prevent congress from making the nation bone dry for the period of the war, it would be proper to say that they seem to have forgotten that prohibition doesn't ' prohibit. In spite of the fact that those who suggested .a yolunteer army was not impossible in the J United States were derided, more than 200,000 men joined the regular army of their own voli tion in the last three months. This was during a period when the selective draft law, which made it certain that not moro than one in twenty 'would be called under it, was in full operation. m S T v. J. X j ! une pressure joiiik upugnt (i.o oear upon me careless portion of the population in order that ,tKe resources of the nation may be conserved is , fairly certain to result in an economy that -will ,last long after tho war has closed. Every now and then something turns up to reconcile a per son to the fact that it has been necessary for I no nntav fhe frQ. wnrliVn rnnflfnf IA9 V VHVV vmw ( vwwr ..w .. wmmaw. There is only ono reason why the men now ATrmlnverl in the nroductlftn of lirmnr In tMa I country should not be handed over to those In- Qustries that aro threatening to raise tho price ' of their products because df the shortage of la- "dot, and that the distilleries' and breweries bo closed. That reason Is that' tho distillers and th brewers want to Keep on Tunning. President Wilson delivered the following ad dress at tho Flag Day exercises in Washington, Juno 14. My Fellow Citizens: We meet to celebrateFlag Day because this flag which we honor and under which we serve is the emblem of our unity, our power, our thought and purpose as a nation. It has no other character than that which we give it from generati n to generation. The choices are ours. It floats in majestic silence abovo the hosts that execute those choices, whether in peace or in war. And yet, though silent, it speaks to us speaks to us of the past, of the men and women who went before us and of the records they wrote upon it. We celebrate the day of its birth; and from its birth until now it has witnessed a great history, has floated on high the symbol of great events, of a great plan of life wo. ked out by a great people. We are about to carry it into battle, to lift it where it will draw the fire of our enemies. We are about to bid thousands hundreds of thousands, it may be millions, of our men, the young, the strong, the capable men of the nation, to go forth and die beneath it on iields of blood far away for what? For some unaccustomed thing? For something fcr which it has never sought the fire before? American armies were never be fore sent across the seas, Why are they sent now? For some new purpose, for which this great flag has never been carried before, or for some old, familiar, heroic purpose for which it has seen men, its own men, die on every battle field upon which Americans have borne arms since the r evolution? ACCOUNTABLE AT BAR OF HISTORY l These are questions which must be answered. We are Americans. We in our turn serve America, and can serve her with no private pur pose. We must us her flag as she has always used it. We are accountable at the bar of his tory and must plead in utter frankness what purpose it is we seek to serve. It is plain enough how we were forced into the war. The extraordinary insults and aggres sions of the imperial Gorman government left us no self-respecting cLcice but to take up arms in defense of our lights as a free people and of our honor as a sovereign government. The mil itary masters of Germany denied us the right to be neutral. They filled our unsuspecting communities with vicious spies and conspirators and sought to corrupt the opinion of our people in their own behalf. When they found that they could not do that, their agents diligently spread sedition amongst us and sought to draw our own citizens from their allegiance and some of those agents were men connected with the offi cial embassy of the German government itself here in our own capital They sought by vio lence to destroy our industries and arrest our commerce. They tried to incite Mexico "to take up arms against us and to draw Japn into a hostile alliance with her and that, not by in direction, but by direct suggestion from the for eign office in Berlin. They impudently denied us the use of the high seas and repeatedly ex ecuted their threat that llio. would send to their death any of our people who ventured to ap proach the coasts v,f Europe. And many of our own people were corrupted. Men began to look upon their own neighbors with suspicion and to wonder in their hot resentment and surprise whether there was any community in which hos tile intrigue did not lurk. What great nation in such circumstances would not have taken up arms? Much as we had desired peace, it was denied us, and not of our own choice. This flag under which we serve would have been dishon ored had ive withheld our hand. But that is only part of the story. We know now as clearly as we knew before we were our selves engaged that we are not the enemies of the German people and that they are not our enemies. They did not originate or desire this hideous war or wish that we should be drawn into it j and we are vaguely conscious that we aro fighting their cause, as they will some day see It, as well as our own. They are themselves in the grip of the same sinister power that has now at last stretched its ugly talons out and drawn blood from us. The whole world is at war because the whole world is in the grin of that power and is trying out the great battl which shall determine whether it in ,. brought under its mastery or fling itself free WAR BEGUN BY GERMAN MILITARISTS The war was begun by the militarv . of Germany, who proved to be 5solhe ml? of Austria-Hungary. These men have nevSf ? garded nations as peoples, men wonW ; children of like blood and frame aTaSWiSf for whom governments existed and in whS governments had their life. They have relard ed them 'merely as serviceable organSnn which they could by force or intrigS bSa S corrupt to their own purpose. They hav Z garded the smaller states, in particular, and peoples who could be overwhelmed by force 2 their natural tools and instruments of domina tlon. Their purpose has long been avowed DEVELOPED PLANS OF REBELLION The statesmen of other nations, to whom that purpose was incredible, paid little attention- re! garded what German professors expounded in their classrooms and German writers set forth to the world as the goal of German policy as rather the dream of minds detached from prac tical affairs, as preposterous private conceptions of German destiny, than as the actual plans of responsible rulers; but the rulers of Germany . themselves knew all the while what concrete plans, whut well-advanced intrigues lay back of what the professors and the writers were say ing, and were glad to go forward unmolested, filling the thrones of Balkan states with Ger man princes, putting German officers at the ser vice of Turkey to drill her armies end make in terest with her government, developing plans of sedition and rebellion in India and Egypt, setting their fires in Persia. The demands made by Austria upon Serbia were a mere single step in the plan which compassed Europe and Asia, from Berlin to Bagdad. They hoped those de mands might not arouse Europe but they meant to press them whethei they did or not, for they thought themselves ready for the final issue of arms. Their plan was to throw a broad belt of Ger man military power and political control across the very center of Europe and beyond the Med iterranean into the heart of Asia; and Austria Hungary was to be as much their tool and pawn as Serbia or Bulgaria or -Turkey or the ponder ous states of the east. Austria-Hungary, in deed, was to become part of the central Ger man empire, absorbed and dominated by the same forces' and influences that had originally cemented the German states themselves. The dream had its heart at Berlin. It could have had a heart nowhere else! It rejected the idea of soli:L.rity of race entirely. The choice of peoples played no part in it at all. 71 contem plated binding together racial and political units which could be kept together only by force Czechs, Maygars, Croats, Serbs, Roumanians, Turks, Armenians the proud states of Bo hemia and Hungary, the stout little common wealths of the Balkans, the indomitable Turks, the'subtle peoples of the east. These peoples did not wish to be united. They ardently de sired to direct their own affairs, would be sat isfied only by undisputed independence. They could be kept quiet only by the presence or the constant, threat of armed men. They would live under a common power only by sheer compul sion and await the day of revolution. But tne German military statesmen had reckoned wiw all that and were ready to deal with it in tneir own way. AUSTRIA AT GERMANY'S MERCY And they have actually carried the greater part of that amazing plan into execution! ww how things stand. Austria is at their mercy, i has acted, not upon its own initiative or upon the choice of its own people, but at Berlins u tationver since the war began. Its peopw u desire peace, but can not have it until ieav granted from Berlin. The so-called cemn Powers are in. fact but a single power, at & is at its mercy, should its hands be but w moment freed. Bulgaria has consentea i fa will, and Roumania is overrun. in ou armies, which Germans trained, are Germany, certainly not themselves, ana in of German warships lying in the harbor at w (Continued on Page 12.)