$FrwWs!ipmlr
The Commoner
SEPTEMBER, 1916
.3
lfrjmt"
PresidentScores Reac
tionary Republicans
With an incisiveness that makes the issue
clear and distinct, the President indicts tho re
publican party on the charge of being a reac
tionary organization, from which progressive
ness can not be expected. He says:
"The republican party was put out of power
because of failure, practical failure and moral
failure; because it had served special interests
and not the country at large; because, under the
leadership of its preferred and established
guides, of those who still make its choices, it
bad lost touch with the thoughts and the needs
of the nation and was living in a past ago and
under a fixed illusion, the illusion of greatness.
"It had framed tariff laws based upon a fear
of foreign trade, a fundamental doubt as to
American skill, enterprise and capacity, aw a
ery tender regard for the profitable privileges
of those who had gained control of domestic
markets and domestic credits and yet had enact
ed anti-trust laws which hampered the very
tilings they meant to foster, which were
stiff and inelastic, and in part unintelligible.
"It had permitted the country throughout the
long period of its control to stagger from one
financial crisis to another under the operation
of a national banking law of its own framing
which made stringency and panic certain and
tbc control of the larger business operations of
the countryiby the bankers of a few reserve cen
tres inevitable; had made as if it meant to re
form the law but had faint-heartedly failed in the
attempt, because it could not bring itself to do
tho one thing necessary to make the reform
genuine and effectual namely, break up the
control of small groups of bankers.
"It had been oblivious or indifferent to the
fact that the farmers, upon whom tho country
depends for its food and, in the last analysis, for
its prosperity, were without standing in the mat
ter of commercial credit, without tho protection
of standards in their market transactions, and
without systematic knowledge of the markets
themselves; that the laborers of the country, the
great army of men who man the industries it
was professing to father and promote, carried
their labor as a mere commodity to market, were
subject to restaint by novel and drastic process
in the courts, were without assurance of com
pensation for industrial accidents, without fed
eral assistance in accommodating labor disputes,
and without national aid or advice in finding the
places and the industries in which their labor
was most needed.
"The country had no national system of road
construction and development. Little intelligent
attention was paid to the army and not enough
to the navy. The other republics of America
distrusted us because they found that we
thought first of the profits of American investors
and only as an afterthought of impartial justice
and helpful friendship. Its policy was provincial
in all things; its purposes were out of harmony
with the temper and purpose of the people and
the timely development of the nation's inter
ests." After reviewing the work of the democratic
party in carrying out its program of promises,
President Wilson said:
"There is one circumstance connected with
this .program which ought to be very plainly
stated. It was resisted at every step by the in
terests which the republican party had catered
to and fostered at the expense of the country,
and these same interests are now earnestly pray
ing for a reaction which will save their priv
ileges for the restoration of their sworn friends
to power before it is too late to recover what
they have lost.
"They fought with particular desperation and
infinite resourcefulness the reform of the bank
ing and currency system, knowing that to be
the citadel of their control, and most anxiously
are they hoping and planning for the amend
ment of the federal reserve act by the concen
tration of control in a single Irnnk which the
old familiar group of bankers ioan keep under
thejr eye and direction.
"But while the 'big men' Wjljp, used to write
the tariffs and command the assistance of the
treasury have been hostile-alll'bUt a few with
vision the average business firiatf knows that he
has been delivered, and thatfltlifcfear that was
once every day in his heart?rthai- the men who
controlled credit. and. directed enterprise from
the committee rooms of congress would crush
O
(3
0000000
A GOOD WORD
House of Representatives U. S., Wash
ington, D. C.r August 22, 1916. Hon.
W. J. Bryan, Lincoln, Nebraska. My
dear Mr. Bryan: I have just read with
vmuch satisfaction and pleasure "The
Commoner" for August, 191 C. This
issue of "The Commoner" is a complete
democratic textbook for the approach
ing campaign. I am delighted with the
article on "Deserving Democrats." It is
absolutely unanswerable. I am voicing
the sentiment which I hear expressed
among democrats here in congress from
all the states. Very truly yours,
H.- T. RAINEY, M. C.
000
0
him, is there no more, and will not return
unless the party that consulted only the 'big
men' should return to power the party of
masterly inactivity and cunning resourcefulness
in standing pat to resist change.
"The republican party is just the party that
can not meet the new conditions of a new age.
It does not know the way and it does not wish
new conditions. It tried to break away from tho
old leaders and could not. They still select its
candidates and dictate its policy, still resist
change, still hanker after the old conditions,
still know no methods of encouraging business
but the old methods. When it changes its lead
ers and its purposes and brings its ideas up to
date it will have the right to ask the American
people to give it power again; but not until
then. A new age, an age of revolutionary
change, needs new purposes and new ideas."
Here is an issue which demands Mr. Hughes's
attention. He can not afford to spend his time
hunting for microscopic faults in this adminis
tration while this grave accusation remains un
answered. W. J. BRYAN.
HUGHES OPPOSED TO "MEDDLING"
In his speech at Los Angeles Mr. Hughes re
vealed his real self for a moment. He assured
his audience that "We can protect ourselves
against every kind of monopolistic practice
without meddling." Yes it is "meddling" to
which he objects. That is one of the words most
frequently employed by the trust magnates. All
restraining legislation is regarded by them as
"meddling." And again he says: "I would have
it understood that we have passed the day when
we had to restrict what was legitimate in order
o crush out what was illegitimate and unfair
and illegal." To what day does he refer? When
did we restrict the LEGITIMATE in order to re
strain the illegitimate? And what has ho ever
done to protect the public from monopolistic
practices? The language he uses discloses his
point of view. He looks at questions from the
standpoint of the trust magnate, not from the
standpoint of the people.
THOMAS R. MARSHALL
During the late session of congress Vice-President
Marshall added to his reputation as a fair
and impartial presiding officer of the senate, and
reflected credit on the party that has chosen him
for the second time as the running mate of
President Wilson. Vice-President Marshall will
take an active interest in the pending campaign
and use his well known talents as an orator
campaigning for the success of the democratic
party in November. Thomas R. Marshall is en
titled to re-election at the hands of the Amer
ican voters.
STILL INDEFINITE
Mr Hughes is still muddying the waters. He
has not announced a definite remedy for any
official act of which he complains. Tho nearest
he has come to saying anything was when he
declared that the government shall be adminis
tered on "correct principles." But what are the
CORRECT PRINCIPLES? He does not take
the public into his confidence. He reminds one
of the candidate who, when asked his position
on a proposed measure, answered: "I am for it
if it is right and against it if wrong."
; The President is a lucky man. The "ravens"
brought him the strike and by doing the right
thing at the right time and in the right way he
made a good political meal out of .
Libelling the Prince
of Peace '
" Not content with falsifying tho past and, mis
representing the presont, the Jingoes nro oven
attempting. to tako from Christ tho tltlo of iVlnco
of Peace and dress Him up in tho garb of a war
rior. One of the most reckless of tho Hlandorers of
tho Nazareno says: "Had ho boon a pacifist after
tho mind of Mr. Bryan and tho peace movement
Ho would havo carefully avoided tho bordors of
Judea, would havo withdrawn into tho interior
of Galileo, whore Ho would havo lived safely
among a friendly populace, and would havo died
of old age and Christianity would havo died
with Him." How bloody tho world looks to
those who wear red glasses! Tho author of tho
language abovo quoted ho writes for tho
North American Review and signs his name
Samuel McComb seems to havo no con
ception whatever of Christ's purposo
or teachings. Ho fails to distinguish be
tween tho philosophy of lovo proclaimed by
Jesus and tho philosophy of Force, represented
by Pilate. Ho does not seem to understand that
it requires more courage to bo a dlsclplo of
Christ than it does to be a follower of Pilate.
Tho Christian is not a coward; on tho con
trary, ho is called upon to display tho highest
form of bravery. It is more heroic to restrain
one's anger than to commit violence "Ho that
ruleth his own spirit is better than ho that
taketh a city."
It requires more courage to enduro martyrdom
than to take another's life.
Tho Christian is a warrior and always at tho
battle's front, but he risks himself not others.
Ho would rather bo wronged than do wrong, and
seeks to "overcome evil" not with force but
"with good." The jingo, unablo to attack the
Christian as ho IS, pictures him as a molly
coddle and then ridicules him. Christ was en
ergetic and red blooded; Ho taught manliness
and virility, but there was no swagger in him
nothing of tho brute. Ho did not bluster or
threaten Ho conquered with love, and preached
tho glory of service: "Whosoever will bo chief
among you let him bo your servant."
The world calls for real Christianity today
the Christianity that Christ taught. It is needed
to bring the warring nations together and to
help them to build an enduring peace on the
foundation of love and brotherhood to substi
tute the spirit of co-operation for the spirit of
combat. It Is needed in every country to Inspire
that moral courage necessary for tho overthrow
of abuses and the remedying of evils.
The Christian does not "avoid Judea," no mat
ter; what dangers may threaten there ho goes,
as Christ went, wherever there is work to do.
He goes "to save men's livesr not to destroy
them," and ho risks any harm that may como
to him while in the path of duty. He puts on
"the whole armor" and "fights tho good fight."
W. J. BRYAN.
"SWAT TIUJ FLY"
Some one describes Mr. Hughes's compaigri
as a sort of "Swat the Fly" campaign. He con
tents himself with trying to kill Insects, in
stead of devoting himself to large game. One
cartoon represents him as finding a "crisis" in
the appointment of two democrats in the place
of republicans.
SWAT THE LABORING MAN
Mr. Hughes attacks on the eight-hour law
would seem to indicate that he is disposed to
substitute "swat tho laboring man" for "swat
the fly." Well, he has at least found a big
issue, even if he has taken the wrong side, of lt
A STRAW
Straws, they say, show the direction of the
wind. Tho fact that the railroads are taking
liquor off the diners is a good sized straw? The
sentiment against alcohol is growing.
i ..
If Mr. Hughes happens to be elected a very
remote possibility and keeps his promise not
to remove "experienced officials," it wil.be, a
great boon to the democratic postmasters. Chejr
will all bo "experienced" by March 4, ljl'. But
he may feel it his duty to take care of "(jesenr
ing" republicans.
Or
j4lfiu
