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The Commoner
TGI: 16 KO:. 3
10
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EQUAL SUFFRAGE
(IJIt.' irili 3e fowad tfoe line of argnsieat
followed by William Jeaaia&s Bryan in the
RjXMrchas delivered by klia in benzlf of Tromaa
fif4; ia Xcw Jersey, Xew York and Pennsyl
vania, during the cacspaign of 1S15-J
All the prasantpsioa are in favor of wonizn
storage. That means that the burden of proof
is upon tkotto who opjxwe woman suffrage; not
not upon lbo who favor IL
The fins preaeraptlon is to be found in the
fad that wan trnsis -Roman everywhere else;
why not at the polls? When a man marries he
Kfr&s to woman the highest possible evidence of
bis confidence; he trusts himself and his future
to her. Upon her more than anyone else depends
his happineas and sec-e&g. A man must think
Tery little of himself or a great deal of the bal
lot to be -Milling to give himself to a woman and
yet withhold from her the right to vote
A man entrusts to woman not only himself
but his children, vrho are. dearer to him than
himself. The wife has almost entire charge of
the physical welfare of the child during the
early years of its life, and she exerts a control
ling influence over the child during its intellect
ual development. She looks after Its attendance
upon school and helps it with its lessons; and
who doubts the mother's influence in the moral
training of the child? At whose knee does it
learn to lisp Its prayer? From whom does it
receive the early admonitions which lay the
foundations of its character? From whom does
it derive those ideals of life which so largely
determine its weal or woe?
If, as a rule, the mother's influence rather
than the father's predominates in the moral and
religious development of the child, why should
the husband doubt his wife's capacity In dealing
with matters of government?
Man trusts woman In society as well as in the
home; and he trusts her In business. His money
Is generally safer in her pocket than in his own;
it Is the exception where she Is more extrava
gant than he, or spends more money foolishly.
Is It not a strange inconsistency that leads a
man to put such confidence in his wife's judg
ment In every other sphere of life and yet per
mits him to distrust her in the use of the ballot?
1 remember a story which an Irishman told
on an Irishman in 189G to illustrate a political
situation which then existed. The story runs
like this: The Irishman's wife was about to die
and the husband, family and friends were gath
ered around the bed. As the wife felt her
strength departing she called her husband, and
said, "Pat, when I am dead, don't forget to col
lect $2.00 that Mr. Murphy owes us for chickens
and eggs." "I'll attend to it, Bridget," he re
plied. After a little while she called him a sec
ond time, and said, "Pat, when I am dead, don't
forget to collect $4.00 that Mr. O'Neil owes us
for milk and butter." "I'll attend to that," re
plied Pat, and addressing himself to the as
sembled friends he said, with great emphasis,
"Hear the woman, will you, sensible to the very
last." The wife grew weaker and finally called
him to her a third time, and said, "Pat, when I
am dead, don't forget to pay the 30.00 we owe
at the corner grocery." "Hear the woman rav
ing, will you, hear her raving!" exclaimed the
husband.
Why should a husband consider his wife
sensible at all other times, but think her "rav
ing" if sho expresses a desire to share with him
tho responsibilities of government?
A second presumption in favor of woman is
found In the fact that a majority of our school
teachers are women, especially in the graded
schools. A largo majority of the boys do not
go beyond tho graded schools, and, therefore all
that they learn from books on the subject of gov
ernment, they learn from women teachers If
tho women are competent to teach boys the sci
ence of government, does it not create a pre
sumption in favor of woman suffrage7
A third presumption in favor of woman suf
frage is to bo found in the fact that in none of
the states has the vote been taken from women
after It has once been given to them. The con
clusion to be drawn from this is not only strong,
but irresistible. On most questions with which
the govraajeat deals sentiment sways to and
fro. Tzfc?. for Instance, the tariff; it has been
a sauT of dispute in this country for over a
ceatry. Some limes the advocates of a high
izriS zre ia control; sometimes the advocates of
a low larifl are in control. But no matter
which is ia the majority, there is always a po
litical minority opposing the theory of the dom-.
inaat party.
WHY IS IT THAT THERE IS XO EBB OF
THE TIDE WHEN ONCE WOMAN SUFFRAGE
IS SECURED?
The women who oppose equal suffrage are in
the habit of contending that the women do not
want to rote. Is it not strange that they do not
put this proposition to a test in some of the
staiies where women do vote? If suffrage has
been forced upon women in the states which now
have woman suffrage, why do not the women of
those states organize and demand relief from
the burdens put upon them by suffrage? On
other matters women do not hesitate to express
disapproval if their wishes are disregarded:
WHY DO THEY NOT SPEAK OUT AGAINST
WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN THE SUFFRAGE
STATES, IF THEY REALLY OBJECT TO IT?
One state in which woman suffrage was rejected
after trial would be a more powerful argument
against woman suffrage than any arguments
now used. Why do the anti's fail to avail them
selves of this potent argument, if they are cor
rect in saying that women do not want to vote?
Why do they prefer to make their fight in the
states which do not have equal suffrage? In
other words, why do they try their case before
men instead of trying it before women? Why do
they prefer to rely upon the help of the brewer,
the distiller and the saloonkeeper to defeat wo
man suffrage IN THE STATES WHICH HAVE
NOT YET SECURED IT, INSTEAD OF MAK
ING THEIR PLEA IN THE STATES WHERE
WOMEN CAN, BY THEIR VOTES, SETTLE
THE QUESTION FOR THEMSELVES?
But, suppose some women do not desire suf
frage. Is that a sufficient reason for denying
suffrage to those women who do desire to vote?
What man would be willing to have his right to
vote withdrawn because some men seem to have
no desire to vote? If it were proposed to com
pel all women to vote, the anti-suffragists
might have just reason to oppose the law, but
their unwillingness to assume the burdens of the
franchise does not justify them in demanding
that the right be withheld from women who are
willing to take upon themselves such additional
burdens as suffrage would impose.
But the case of equal suffrage does not rest
upon presumptions alone, although all the pre
sumptions support the cause. The two essen
tial needs of the voter are intelligence and
morality; unless it can be shown that woman
lacks one or both of these qualities, it will be
difficult to question her capacity for voting
Does she lack either intelligence or morality'
If you will examine the statistics you will find
that the men are in an overwhelming majority
in every penitentiary in the land; in the Ne
braska penitentiary more than 98 per cent of
the inmates are men, -less than 2 per cent
women. If, however, you take the statistics of
the churches you will find that in them the wo
men are in the majority. Now let me ask you
a question: IF WOMEN HAVE SENSE ENOTTPtt
TO KEEP OUT OF THE PENITENTIARY AN
MORALITY ENOUGH TO GO TO CHURCH
ARE THEY NOT FIT TO GO TO THE ?6lLS '
A cause is known by the company it keens
just as the individual is. Go into any 12
fiiWheie,,.mSn suffraBe is an issue and you
will find that the evil elements of society are
opposed to enfranchising women. Every man
who profits by vice and makes money out of sin
is against woman suffrage why? There nnJ
one among them but knows that woman's con
science is against their business, and e? thei
for fight desperately to prevent woman suft
Why do the good people divide white h
picked unite? If all ho traffic in immorality
know that woman is their enemy, why aho id
toSSjSS" that ---' -nscieTce
One of the arguments frequently used against
woman suffrage is that, if .given the franchise,
woman will not use it. This argument comes
quite inconsistently from the people who think
that, if she does vote, she will vote wrong. If one
opposes woman suffrage on the ground that he
thinks she would not wisely use the ballot it
would seem that such a one would find consola-
tion in the hope that she might not vote; but
the very ones who are most sure that she will
vote wrong, if she votes, are the ones who are
most alarmed for fear she will not vote.
Two answers to this argument readily sug
gest themselves. In the first place, all the MEN
do not vote. If you will examine the returns
you will see that the largest vote is polled at
presidential elections; that a smaller vote is
polled at the biennial elections when congress
men are elected; and that the smallest vote is
cast at special or off year elections. This shows
that it is only when great issues are at slake
that the vote approaches a full vote, and never,
even In the most exciting campaigns, do any
thing like 100 per cent of the male voters exer
cise the right of suffrage. If after we have had
manhood suffrage in this country for over a
century, men do not appreciate the ballot enough
to cast a full vote at every election, why should
objection be made to woman suffrage on the
ground that some women may not vote?
But there is another answer, namely, that it
is important to have a reserve force that can be
called upon in times of emergency. When the
present war broke out in Europe we. began to
hear of the "reservists," the European citizens
who were not in the regular army, but were sub
ject to call in time of need. As soon as the need
was announced the returning ships w.ere crowd
ed with reservists who went home to join the
colors. Suppose some of the women do not vote
at ordinary elections; suppose they are willing
to leave the voting to the men except ' when
great issues are at stake; may we not use to ad
vantage these women reservists who can be
called to the colors whenever a question arises
which directly affects the home, or the welfare
of society?
I shall not attempt to enumerate ail the argu
ments which may be employed Jn support of the
extension of the franchise to women. People
differ as to the relative emphasis which 'should
be placed upon these arguments. Some base
their claim to suffrage on the ground of right
they claim it as a right pertaining to citizen
ship. Some build their argument upon the fact
that women have taxable property, and point to
the objections which have always been urged to
taxation without representation.
While recognizing the strength and the force of
all other arguments I have heen inclined to give
the greatest weight to what may be called The
Mothers Argument the mother's right to a
voice in determining the environment that is to
surround her children. While man and woman
share many of the burdens of life in somewhat
equal proportion, woman bears by far the larger
tiollthe burden of rearing the children.
The major part of the time of the -average
woman is devoted to her children. Her life
ShTpn!?c ithe balance at eacl child' th.
She expends her nervous force and energy upon
them; she endows them with the wealth of her
!?.e; Her very existence is invested in hlr
children, and as the heart Is to be found where
the treasure is, the mother heart is ever with
her children and the happiness of her latter
years depends largely upon their conduct and
success. As her children approach maturity she
nv thn,aprwfet fr.them a traps laidTr them
ll fhSiVH0 ? base enoueh t0 se to profit
If the father and mother agree upon a policy
of government, the children will havB two polit
ical guardians; if the father and moth di?ffer
whoVmsaTtha?111 iS bGSt f-e eVdfen!
S fi,Y fn y at, the Presumption is in favor
men?? aDd aSainst the eternal X-
I will not question the sincerity of these good
people who fear that woman's entrance Sto pol
itics will degrade her, but the fear is answered
rX Tt the aes thl same ar
gument has been made every time woman has
endeavored to take a step in advance Inurope
and even in the United States girls, until ouite
recently, had less educational opSnlt es
than boys, and in the Orient woman instill far
behind man in intellectual progress 1 India
for instance, less than 1 per cent of the women
can read and write. ,In Japan, schools foTrls
are of recent origin and China is just enter
jy-SMW. .Uttili'a; 'tj
