V
The Commoner
VOL. 15, NO. 9
8
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IN-
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Mr. Bryan's Position
A Southern Editor's View of War and Peace
(Reproduced by courtesy of the American Re
view of Reviews.)
Mr. Gfcorge Fort Milton Js one of the hest
representatives of th.o vigorous southern jour
nalism of tho present day. His views as ex
pressed in this article are his own, as are those
pf.our other contributors, and are not printed
here as setting forth the editorial viejKSof this
periodical. Mr. Milton is tho editor and pub
lisher of the Chattanooga (Tenn.) News, and is
oiiO of ' tho leading figures in the democratic
party 6f his state. He has been a delegate to
several national democratic conventions, and
voted for Wilson on every ballot in the Balti
m6re convention of 1912. He was an officer in
the Spanish-American war, is interested in edu
cational affairs, and has written much about the
present great war for his own newspaper. He
haVundbubtedly a wide understanding of public
opinion in the south and portions of the west.
Ho is one of many able and typical men educated
at the University of the South (Sewanee, Tenn.)
Editor, American Review of Reviews.
Mr. Bryan's resignation from the office of
secretary of state, like many other incidents of
his remarkable career, furnished the signal for
a chorus of newspaper attacks on him. Prob
ably nine-tenths of these showed lamentable
lack of appreciation of his reasons and ignorance
of the international situation. Many editors
discovered the incident an opportunity to be
labor a political leader whom they had been
fighting since he first appeared in politics, and
even in a grave crisis such as the country faced
they could not resist the temptation to wreak
petty political revenge on their adversary, who
they thought at last had been discomfited.
But even some of Mr. Bryan's best friends
also- jumped to unwarrantable conclusions and
wore sorrowful countenances, such as are ob
served at political funerals.
' Now however, that more than a month has
elapsed It is more easily possible to reach a
Viewpoint from which a correct perspective of
the, incident may be secured.
MR. BRYAN'S SO-CALLED "MISTAKES"
, Indeed caution may always be properly exer
cised before pronouncing adversely on acts of
Mr. Bryan, for so often those at first catalogued
as mistakes have proven otherwise.
For instance, the quantitive theory of money
which he defended in 189 G is written into the
currency law of 1914.
His campaign against imperialism in 1900 is
bearing fruit in tho pledge of the present ad
ministration for tho independence of the Philip
pines. . In 1908 ho advocated railroad rate regulation,
ibut predicted that government ownership of
.railroad and telegraph lines probably would be
necessary. It is likely this frankness lost him
the. .presidency, but the government is now build
ing a railroad in Alaska and also favors the pur-
chase of telegraph and telephone lines.
- Against intense opposition he secured the ad
option of constitutional amendments for the in
come tax and for popular election of senators.
t Incident to his course at the Baltimore na
tional democratic convention he was denounced
. as unwise, a party disorganize and general
, nuisance. This was because he opposed Judge
Parker for chairman, favored a resolution di
rected against Ryan, Belmont, and Murphy, and
insisted that Tammany should not control the
nomination of a candidate, Feeling ran high
against him, but when the country had been
heard from the delegates fell into line for what
Mr. Bryan favored and a golden era of progress
ive democracy became possible.
So, experience has very clearly shown that it
will not do hastily to class one of Mr. Bryan's
often surprising and sometimes radical acts as
that of an unsafe leader. Although at times he
has been in error, more often he has proved
right and his courage and leadership for new
things have been of incalculable value.
HIS AID TO THE ADMINISTRATION
No one, in fact, experienced greater change of
view regarding Mr. Bryan than tho president him
self. Qnco he. wished, him "knocked into a cocked
$ay As time wont on, however, the views of
the two men approached more, closely and each
same to Kayo appreciat'ion of the services. he
other was rendering. Unquestionably the Ne
braskan, more than any other public leader,
produced the great political revolution in the
country which found its expression finally in the
Baltimore platform. There were strong reac
tionary elements in both parties and at Chicago
they controlled, but at the democratic gathering
they were completely beaten. Mr. Wilson was
nominated not only on account of his worth, but
also because he had declined to permit "the in
terests" to finance his campaign and shared Mr.
Bryan's views as to the impropriety of selecting
Judge Parker for chairman. The democratic
party will go to the country next year for its ver
diet of approval or disapproval, depending on
the record made in accordance with platform
pledges, and that the record is good is due to ,a
large extent to the loyal assistance given Mr.
Bryan while the president's premier. The two
men evidently were sincere in their expressions
of mutual esteem when they parted and no more
severe blow could be struck the democratic party
than that the marplots should succeed in pro
ducing a breach between them.
WHY HE RESIGNED
From personal acquaintance with Mr. Bryan
and study of his life and character I venture to
assign as the principal reasons for his resigna
tion tho following:
Our country had established, in the thirty
treaties- negotiated with foreign countries the
principle which in his opinion should govern in
our affairs with Germany, that is, that there
should be a period of delay and investigation be
fore final action. "Germany had accepted- the
principle as embodied in the thirty treaties and
suggested arbitration. We would have been
compelled to follow this course if the representa
tions had been with Great Britain, which coun
try had ratified one of the treaties.
But despite the difference of opinion with his
chief I am nevertheless inclined to the T)elief
that Mr. Bryan would have found some way to
conciliate these differences, as undoubtedly he
did with the first note, but for the fact that lie
felt the press of the country was rapidly rushing
us into war and that, therefore, it was necessary
for him to meet this menace and by obtaining
the ear of. the nation offset the influence of this
jingo publicity. In the July number of this Re
view the editor discusses intelligently and none
too harshly the sensational manner in which the
newspapers, especially the metropolitan press,
at that time were promoting their war propa
ganda. The record makes an ugly page in the
history of American journalism.
Before leaving the cabinet Mr. Bryan secured
considerable modification of the second note.
But we were still traveling the ultimatum route
and there was a bellicose feeling apparent in both
countries. He could see but one result. If the
people were not in some way reached and their
sentiments for peace aroused and expressed there
would be war. He determined, therefore, at
whatever cost to throw himself into the breach.
The result was anti-climax. Probably Mr. Bryan
himself did not foresee just what would be the
immediate effect. What did happen was this
Immediately Mr. Bryan became the target, in
stead of the Kaiser. There was another head to
hit. They hit it. As many shillalahs were
raised as at the famed Donnybrook fair. Also
our German-American friends were given pause
They were astounded that any father-in-law of
a British officer could be neutral. They began
to apologize, saying they might be mistaken as
to the president also. Their kinsmen across the
water also became more polite. Soon it was
evident that a peaceful solution of the Lusitania
incident was likely.
Following Germany's reply to our second note
there was a slight flare-up of the jingo spirit in
the press; but a number of very influential na
pers were more conservative than in tho case of
the first note and even the most immoderate
with not many exceptions, calmed down in a few
aaS' hQi0 news was carried into
a Washington date line shortly afterward that
the new secretary of state and the German am
bassador were considering mediation,Mr Brv
an's views prevailing again. y"
As a private citizen Mr. Bryan occuip ,
position in which he always has Vpi, ?,? the
again is of greater service ?othe country hE
immediate wprk before 'th nation ff d tte Vortd
is to make something more than "scraps of n
per" out of the treaties he has negotiated imJ
on "which history will judge his career as sen
tary of state. There must be a sentiment hi
hind these treaties or in case of any incident af
fecting the national honor in public opinion the
prediction of Mr. Roosevelt will come true an.l
no attention will be paid to them. It is true e
had no such treaty with Germany, but that coun
try had accepted the principle, and again pro
posed to abide by it. If we are bound by, solemn
treaties to" arbitrate with any one of thirty coun
tries of the world, how may we consistently re"
fuse similar peaceful concilation between a
friendly country and ourselves, even if no treaty
actually has been signed?
AMERICAN SYMPTOMS OF WAR FEVER
One reason for the change in public view
and the main reason, is that we are being tre
mendously influenced by what is going on
abroad. As gladiatorial spectacles made Rome
callous to suffering so we may not, without be
coming more or less indifferent and brutalized,
look on these life-and-death struggles which are
making shambles of the war zones of Europe.
Unconsciously also we are adopting the military
point of view and theories formerly held are
now dubbed Utopian. We are exhibiting some
of the symptoms of that hysteria which fright
ened each of the countries with the belief that
it was about to be attacked by the enemy, and
caused it to redouble preparations for national
defense so that when the day of ultimatums
came each was so confident of strength and tho
cataclysm was certain. All of this plays into
tho hands of our own military party, and such
thoughts, of course, are selfishly encouraged by
makers of ammunition and other munitions of
war, ship-builders, rifle-makers, aeroplane and
submarine constructors and by all the many in
terests which expect in one way or another to
profit financially by war.
Our observations of the scenes abroad, too,
have swayed us from neutrality and aroused
prejudices old or new.
Language, of course, is the strongest of in
fluences. Nearly all, our people read English
only. The history and literature in that lan
guage are accessible to every fairly well edu
cated person. In addition the laws, customs, so
cial and religious influences of the Anglo-Saxon
are strong with us. The larger proportion of
our foreign commerce is with countries under
the British flag and English capital in immense
sums has been invested here. So we have ab
sorbed from English writers their views of his
tory and politics and the reason they assign
for the war aud tjieir reports of its progress.
The German military machine is held up be
fore us as the juggernaut crushing civilization
While the Britsh naval machine, even though
denying us the freedom of the seas, is described
as almost a beneficent institution and an instru
ment for the fulfillment of Anglo-Saxon destiny.
Therefore, not even on the Fourth of July do
we any longer twist the lion's tail and there are
some presumably patriotic citizens who look
with no disfavor on the possible actual union of
tho two countries. .
As for the actual events of the conflict to date,
the situation even more strongly tends to mis
conception. We are informed of only what the
London censor allows to pass his blue pencil.
Even German official dispatches are edited In
London. When we add to the above the fact
that the average American newspaper reader
gets his information only from the headlines
written over these mutilated dispatches we may
know how likely public opinion on the subject
may be ignorant or prejudiced.
Nor did Teutonic behavior improve the situa
tion. The German press was bitter and untact
ful. So at the time the Lusitania was sunk our
minds were almost without recollection that we
were committed to the principle of arbitration,
and we were as restless under such suggestion
as was Austria-Hungary when the Archduke ana
consort were killed. Ta
All of which may well justify the query, w
there any assurance that the psychological innu
ences which make ready for war will not attac
us even more alarmingly?
ONE-SIDED INFORMATION
It is as difficult for us to get our facts straight
as it is for those people each of whom is bdb
ding its blood and giving its treasure, in evwj
case contending that they fight for national prt
ervation. Austria characterizes the uaaruij
crime at Serajevo as part of tho Pan-serow
program. The Entente powers charge i
Bernhardt bloody 'counsel 'finally had won. i
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