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order that this sentiment may counteract the
influence of that portion of the press which is
insisting upon a course which may, if adopted,
lead ujJ into war.
To understand what this war really is, take
tho number actually killed thus far more than
two millions of men, and tho number wounded,
more than five millions of men and compare
this enormous loss of life with the population of
ono of the larger states; this will give you some
idea of the sacrifice in life. Look back over the
last hundred years and recall the expressions or
sympathy which have been called forth by floods,
and fires, and epidemics which came through ac
cident or lack of information. Nobody wanted
to bring these afflictions upon the country, and
yet the nation has mourned. The loss of life in
any of these disasters yes, the loss of life in all
of these combined has been insignificant as
compared with tho loss of lifo which can rea
sonably be expected to come to this country if
wo take part in this war. What will be the sum
of the people's sorrow if by the nation's volun
tary act so great a calamity is brought upon the
country?
If you would know what the cost of this war Is
in dollars and cents, remember that the expendi
tures now amount to something like four hun
dred millions a week, a billion and a half a
month, or 15 billions in ten months. "Within
tho last few days one of the belligerent nations
has voted a credit of five billions to carry on the
war; another has announced the loan of a billion,
two hundred millions loans are the order of the
day now; they are mortgages placed upon the
future for money to be squandered in the pres
ent. What would be the pecuniary cost to this
country if we engaged in this war? The jingoes
are already insisting upon an immediate appro
priation of five hundred millions to put the coun
try in a state of preparedness, a million more
than the cost of the Panama canal. What would
five hundred millions do for this country if ex
pended in establishing waterways connection be
tween the Lakes and the Gulf?
One of the eastern newspapers a few days ago
suggested that congress ought to be called to
gether at once to vote a billion dollars to create
a war. fund. War is a high-priced luxury it
costs fifty thousand dollars to produce a modern
cannon. Measure this sum by the price of mow
ers or cultivators, or by the cost of reclaiming
arid lands, and see how much more expensive it
is to destroy than it is to produce.
, Tho last battleship launched, the Arizona, cost
fifteen millions of dollars. Compare this sum
with twenty-three millions, the entire amount
appropriated last year for the department of
agriculture more than one-half as much spent
fpr, ,one battleship as we give to the department
which guards the interests of the farmers of the
nation.
Those who are demanding war do not repre
sent the American people they do not repre
sent the farmers who constitute nearly one-half
of the population; they do not represent the la
boring, men, who, with the farmers, constitute
something like two-thirds of the population of,
tho country; and they do not represent the busi
ness men who buy from, and sell to, the farm
ers and laborers, or those engaged in transport
ing the products of the country. These four
classes constitute not less than eighty per cent
of our entire population; these do not desire
war, for upon them would, fall the burden of con
ducting it. They would als have to furnish
tho soldiers and they would have to pay the taxes
to .aupply the funds for war.
Second Why should we have war? Is
St to prevent interference with commerce?
While we should employ every diplomatic means
to prevent interference with commerce, we must
always bear in mind that the injury which is
done is an unintentional injury that is, the
.countries that injure us do it, not out of un
friendliness to us, but because they think lhat
tho action taken is necessary to success in the
struggle in which they are engaged with other
belligerent nations. Tho injury to us is inci
dental to the conflict and not an attack upon
us, and at the most it is small in comparison
with the cost of tho remedy which the jingoes
propose. If we can not, by diplomatic means,
secure the redress which we believe our export
era deserve, we can employ the plan proposed by
our treaties which will allow time for passions
to subside and for reason to resume its sway. If
necessary we can postpone final adjustment until
the war is over and then recover the damages.
1hich we have suffered. We are not without a
remedy we have remedies which are adequate,
liut the jingoes will be satisfied with nothing but
blood letting.
But let us consider our dispute with Germany.
It involves not so much interference with trade
as destruction of life. This raises a more se
rious question, but it must be remembered that
Germany's action, too, has not been taken out of
hostility to us, but is founded on the belief that
her methods of warfare are necessary for her
own protection. We do not agree with her; we
believe that the methods employed are cruel and
inhuman, and we have so stated, but is there no
remedy except war? Must we insist upon war
with a nation that does not want war with us?
We can offer some protection to our citizens by
preventing their taking the risks that those took
who sailed on the Lusitania. When we assert that
an American citizen has a right to go anywhere
on the high seas, we can not mean that we in
tend to relieve him of the exercise of ordinary
care or that he is at liberty to drag his country
into war by assuming unnecessary risks.
The sentiment of the American people would
not support any such doctrine. If the govern
ment can demand of its citizens the surrender of
their lives to carry the nation THROUGH a war
after it becomes involved in war, may it not
rightfully demand of its citizens that they shall
so conduct themselves as not to draw the coun
try into war? If a mayor can keep the people
off the streets during a riot, can not the federal
government keep the people out of the war zone
while the belligerents are shooting at each
other?
The treaties which we have made with thirty
countries cover every question. Why not apply
them to Germany as we are pledged to apply
them if the same controversy arises between us
and Great Britain, France, Russia, or Italy? To
go to war to avenge the death of less than 150
Americans, whom Germany had no desire to kill,
would be to send a thousand times as many more
to meet those who went down with the Lusi
tania. What definition of national honor shall we ac
cept; one which compels us to enter into a fight
with mad-men? A definition which would-compel
us to engage in war to prevent things which
we can better prevent by peaceful methods? The
farmers of the nation will answer, no.
Third How can the opinion of the people
reach the president? A multitude of ways are
open. If you will read the papers that have been
demanding war, you will find that their sub
scribers are answering the editorials in the let
ters which are being published; this is an indi
cation of public opinion. The country weeklies
are near to the people; they are a better index
of public sentiment than the large dailies send
marked copies of them to the White House. Res
olutions are being passed at public meetings
these are being forwarded to the president. Pe
titions also can be signed and sent to the execu
tive. But there is an easier way each citizen
has access to the White House through the mails.
A brief letter of a few words on a postal card
will suffice to register an opinion. The senti
ment of the country can be summed up in a few
sentences: The people do not want war! The
people do not believe that any adequate cause for
the war exists. While the people will support the
president in any war which may come, they will
also gladly support him in any efforts which he
may make to secure a peaceful settlement of any
differences which we now have with the belliger
ent nations, or which may arise in the future.
The people prefer to apply the peace treaty plan
rather than the jingo plan. The people believe
that it is better to postpone if necessary, the final
adjustment of difficulties until peace is restored,
rather than join in a war which is not only cause
less but seemingly endless.
No one can speak for all the people, but if
each one speaks for himself the voice of the
people will bo heard, and, being heard, will save
this nation from the possibility of war and keep
it in such a position of neutrality as will enable
it to perform ifs high mission of mediator to the
warring nations and peacemaker for mankind.
THE MEANING OF
THE FLAG
(Address delivered by William Jennings Bryan
at Independence Day celebraiton, Panama Pacific
International Exposition, Monday, July 5th
1915.) '
If an American citizen is ever inclined to boast
of his nation's past, present or future, the tempt
ation comes to him most strongly on this dav
when he celebrates the anniversary of his coun
try's birth. That the temptation often overcomes
those who speak on the Fourth of July is nrnv
by the fact that we have a phrase which is u2
to describe a type of speech occasionally w
on this day; it is called "spread eagle oratoA"
The material for such boasting is easily at hanii
We have an illustrious ancestry in those whn
when the principles of representative government
Were not popular, declared those principles to ho
"self-evident truths," devised a superior form
of government and inaugurated a new political
system. They possessed in an eminent degree al
the qualities which are to be found in those who
have earned the right to be called great. They
had rare intelligence; a true sense of justice, and
confidence in both the right and the capacity of
the people for self-government; they had also the
courage to proclaim and to defend these prin
ciples. They deserve our reverence as well as
our gratitude.
If one's thoughts turn from the past to the
present, he finds that this country, a world power
for more than a century, is more of a world
power today than ever before. We are the dip
lomatic clearing house of the world; our am
bassadors and ministers are representing nearly
all the belligerent nations in the countries with
which they are at war. 7
If our minds turn to material things we find
a development unexampled in history, and at its
very height today. We produce and consume, it
is estimated, more than twice as much as any
equal population. This, the greatest of all ex
postions, daring in its inception and incompar
able in its completeness, is a fair illustration of
what our development makes possible.
But we would poorly employ this day if we
occupied ourselves with self-congratulation and
the passing of compliments. A glorious past is
valuable, only insofar as it stimulates to worthy
endeavor, and present importance is only helpful
insofar as it brings to us a clearer consciousness
of the responsibilities which opportunity im
poses, Lincoln, in his memorable speech at Gettys
burg, spoke of the unfinished task which lay be
fore those whom he addressed. Each generation
finds unfinished tasks awaiting it, and, no matter
how satisfactory its progress, leaves 'tasks unfin
ished when it gives way to a succeeding genera
tion. The work of civilization is never finished;
the product of human, hands is never perfect.
I know of no better way to celebrate this day
than to consider with you the work which lies
before us, if we are to prove ourselves worthy of
those to whom we are indebted for the legacy
which we enjoy. More is to be expected of us
than of any other nation, past or present, because
no other nation has received so largely from pre
ceding ages or from cotomporaneous nations.
Our population is made up of the enterprising
and ambitious of the Old World, and these,
bringing with them the accumulated experience
of all countries,, contribute toward that public
opinion which shapes our destiny.
Then, too, we ,have another advantage, the
value of which can hardly "je over-estimated. We
are less hampered by tradition and precedent
than the nations beyond the ocean; we have,
therefore, been more free to profit by the lessons
of experience.
Precedent is of gr.at value but it has. its lim
itations. Like almost every other good thing, it
has an admixture of alloy, Precedent may he
likened to the law of gravitation, in that it is
necessary to stability and also in the sense that
its influence is felt everywhere and always. But
it is like the law of gravitation also in that it
only exercises full control over that which is in
animate. Every living thing is in constant an
tagonism to the, law of gravitation; not an ad
vance can be made until '"iere is both will and
strength sufficient to overcome the force that
draws all bodies toward tho earth's center. The
tiniest insect that creeps apon the ground tri
umphs over this all pervading force every move
it makes, even the slender blade of grass re
cords a victory when it lifts itself toward the
sun.
And so with precedent; it is devoid of life; it
is the force that must be overcome before any
old burden can be lifted or any new step taken.
Precedent follows the paths that are familiar and
resists all Innovation. Precedent expresses it
self in the language of forebodings; it relies up
on memory and all of its decrees are in the same
language; "I find no record of this having been
done; it, therefore, should not be done."
Progress, on the other hand, relies upon faith
and aspires to that which never was before. Pre
cedent looks backward and says "I fear;" pro
gress looks forward and says "I'll, try." ire
cedent knows what has been and considers oniy
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