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The Commoner.
WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR
VOL. 12, NO. 33
Lincoln, Nebraska, August 23, 1912
Whole Number 605
THE NATIONAL PROGRESSIVE PARTY
In considering the new party, just organized
at Chicago under the leadership of ex-President
Roosevelt, the subject naturally divides
itself into three heads; first, the reasons which
call the new party into existence; second, its
platform of principles and, third, its candidate
Time alone can tell whether tho now organi
zation created for and led by Colonel Roose
velt is to become a permanent and influential
factor in American politics or merely a tem
porary protest against the republican- party and
its present leadership and a means of forcing
that party to accept the leadership of the pro
gressives. It may be assumed at the start that
to be permanent it must be more than a 'one
man party. However influential a leader may
be, ho is hardly largo enough to form tho foun
dation of a great party. The mere fact that
every man must some time die precludes tho
idea of permanence unless the party has some
thing more enduring to build upon than a per
sonality. Several questions arise and the
answers to them will enable us to form some
opinion as to the importance of the new party.
First "Would a new party have been or
ganized at this time if Mr. Roosevelt were not
a candidate for president? If not, then his. am
bition to hold tho ofllce for a third term is tho
controlling factor'iind no. man's ambition is im
portant enough to the public at large to lead
new party merely to
propriety whether Mr. Roosevelt would have
regarded the republican bosses as an insuper
able objection to the party, if ho had succeeded
in seating enough of his contesting delegates to
give him a majority in tho convention? If ho
had controlled tho national committee by one
vote and it had seated enough of his southern
delegates to dominate tho convention, would ho
not now regard tho republican party as a
people's party and the only organization to bo
trusted? Wo sco how obnoxious those bosses
are now how .absolutely destructive of tho
party's usefulness under Mr. Taft's leadership.
Would Mr. Roosevelt have been able to entirely
neutralize their influence and render them harm
less had ho succeeded In' securing the nomina
tion? Mr. Root's selection as temporary chair
man was, of course, made in tho interest of tho
predatory classes but even after his elevation
to that position Mr. Roosevelt continued his
efforts to obtain control of tho convention. If
ho had succeeded, would his success have purged
tho convention of tho evil influence that Mr.
Root carried about with him? And why, ex
cept for partisan and personal reasons, does Mr.
Roosevelt put tho Baltimore convention,, which
routed tho bosses in tho same class with tho
Chicago convention, which was controlled by tho
bosses?
These questions are asked because they are
pertinent. There is no doubt that tho republl-
M H it. 4mv ft t V r
gratify it.. Unless tho condltionfcMHwhas-to-can party haddonoonough ttf-nnerit defeat
create a necessity for' a new party, regardless of he PPlo 1AaV,.?eeiJ u?1! lon eRj h TT
fhA wlnbPR nr influx nf sitiv on or a few Tier- uiieiiuu ita ugui, w uxjat: -iiie oiu re-
sons, tlie organization is likely to be ephemeral.
"When a real necessity exists for a new party that
necessity will of itself bring forth a new party
and its sponsors will be sufficiently numerous
to insure its existence and growth, no matter
what may happen to any individual factor in Its
organization.
Second Would Mr. Roosevelt have favored
the organization of a new party had any ono
besides himself suffered the mortification of
defeat at Chicago by President Taft? If he had
stayed out of the race and left the field to Sena
tor La Follette and Senator Cummins, would
the defeat of either at the hands of "the bosses"
furnished him a sufficient reason for leaving tho
republican party and enlisting under the ban
ner of another man? The fact that ho refused
to take sides between Senator La Follette and
President Taft might justify a negative answer
to the above question. The members of tho new
party may not accept this fact as controlling, but
has the character of the republican party
changed materially within the last eight months?
Third In view of Mr. Roosevelt's denuncia
tion of the republican party as so boss-ridden as
to destroy its usefulness it may be asked with
CONTENTS
THE NATIONAL PROGRESSIVE PARTY
LIGHT IN THE EAST
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE DEMOCRATIC
CAMPAIGN FUND
NEW DEMOCRATIC CLUBS
GOVERNOR WILSON'S FIRST CAMPAIGN
SPEECH
A CLEAN CAMPAIGN FUND
HOW TO BEAT MURPHY
"BALLOT NO. 46," AND OTHER THINGS
THE MOST FLAGRANT EXHIBITION
OF BOSSISM
HOME DEPARTMENT
WHETHER COMMON OR NOT
NEWS OF THE WEEK
WASHINGTON NEWS
publican party can not hopo to continue long
upon the stage if a majority of its members
rally to the standard of Mr. Roosevelt's organi
zation, but if a majority of the rank and file
of the republican party are reformers, could
they not have reorganized and rejuvenated the
republican party from within. Would not a
much larger percentage engage in the work of
reorganization than will bo willing to leave tho
party and cast in their lot with a new party?
Party ties are strong and. the desertions from
Mr. Roosevelt both In the regular convention
and since, show how much easier it is to lead
a reform movement within a party than from
without.
The platform adopted by the new party may
be divided into three parts. One part indorses
reforms for which the democratic party has
been laboring for years, and, until recently,
without much support from those who now
hold themselves out as the only ones to bo
trusted with the securing of remedial legisla
tion. The labor bureau, for Instance, with a
seat in tho cabinet, is a thing for which tho
democratic party has been contending, also, tho
election of senators by direct vote of the peoplo
and the direct primaries. Our Baltimore plat
form was the first national platform to demand
presidential primaries, and it went beyond the
platform of tho new party in demanding tho
popular election of national committeemen and
a change in the system whereby a national com
mitteeman will begin to servo as soon as elected,
thus creating a new committee for the prelimi
nary work of each convention. A considerable
part of the labor plank is taken from previous
democratic platforms. It is ungrateful in the
new party to accuse our party of "total Incapa
city" while using our material.
A part of the platform deals with state issues,
such planks, for Instance, as thoso favoring. tho
initiative, tho referendum, tho recall, and wo
man suffrage. These propositions are before
tho people in a number of states and tho in
dorsement of them will, of course, strengthen
them but it has not been customary for national
platforms to deal with subjects which wero not
before congress, or connected with tho work of
the national administration.
A part of tho new section of the platform is
commendable. For instance, tho demand for
a constitutional amendment making easier and
more expeditious tho amending of the federal
constitution. Wo need such an amondmont and
the peoplo will wolcomo any assistanco that tho
now party may bo able to give this movement.
Tho planks in regard to tho conservation of
human resources will appeal to tho public,
especially those prohibiting child labor and ex
cessive hours, together with those demanding
a day of rest each week, a living minimum wage,
legislation for tho prevention of accidents, for
the abolition of convict contract labor, and for
publicity in regard to labor conditions.
Tho inheritance tax plank is also good and
the plank calling for greater safeguards for tho
prevention of monopoly of our national ro
sourcos. Tho tariff plank Is the same old sham that
has boon used for a gonoratlon to deceive tho
public. Tho protectivo systom is hold up as a
sacred institution and support Is given to tho
tariff commission idea which is always brought
forward to delay reduction when tho peoplo
rise in revolt against high tariff duties.
Tho plank on tho trust question is a restate
ment of Mr. Roosevelt's position which leads
directly to socialism. Tho doctrlno that tho
trust is a natural development and must be
accepted as permanent is the basis of the so
cialist propaganda. The socialist, howevor,
recognizes that a private monopoly can not be
successfully controlled and insist that tho gov
ernment shall own and operate tho 'twist. The
new party, on tho other hand, clings to tho idea
that tho trust can be left in private hands and
yet bo effectively controlled through a national
bureau. All history is against this theory.
Municipalities are taking over municipal plants
because city councils are corrupted by municipal
corporations. If it Is impossible for a municipal
plant to be successfully controlled when In pri
vate hands, how can wo hope to control billion
dollar trusts through a national bureau when
the trusts will have so large a pecuniary interest
in controlling the administration that appoints
the members of the bureau? The position of
tho new party on the trust question is so abso
lutely untenable as to prevent its Indorsement by
any largo number of tho people, when It is fully
understood.
Tho most Roosevejtesquo plank of tho plat
form, however, is tho ono demanding an indefi
nite extension of tho powers of tho federal
government and tho abridgement of tho rights
of the states. This has for years been tho domi
nant note In Mr. Roosevelt's political creed.
Tho restraints of the constitution are irritating
to him. He not only desires to enlarge tho
authority of the federal government at tho ex
pense of tho state, but ho desires to enlarge
tho powers of tho national executive at tho er
penso of tho other departments. Whatever
democrats may think of Mr. Roosevelt's attitude
on other questions and however highly they may
regard tho educational work he has done, they
can not join him in overturning tho constitu
tional division of authority between tho state
and tho nation. Tho democratic party believes
In tho full uso of federal authority for the pro
tection of the public, but instead of substituting
federal remedies for state remedies it would add
federal remedies to state remedies and thus give
tho people the benefit of both. Tho Roosevelt
plan, however honestly advanced, is not In tho
interest of popular government but in tho in
terest of a more selfish and sordid exploitation
of tho people. Every lawyer knows that tho
big corporations fly to tho federal courts In
order to escape state courts and now big busi
ness is, with Mr. Roosevelt's aid, seeking na
tional incorporation as a means of escape from
tho restraints and restrictions imposed by the
states in the interests of the people.
And now as to tho candidates. Governor
Johnson, tho nominee for vice president. Is an
excellent man and has mado a splendid record
as a progressive, but tho fact that Mr. Roosevelt
was tho only one considered in connection with
tho presidential nomination shows how com-
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