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voto of ilia people, I will vote for It In that
form; but I consider the option plan very much
stronger than either.
It 1b not original with mo, although, so far
as I know, I wan the first to propose It to con
gross. Judge Thomas, of Deadwood, S. D., first
suggested It to mo, and I accepted tho sugges
tion as a good one, because the plan avoided tho
question of federal control, acted In tho line of
tho least resistance and recognized the demo
cratic principle of allowing tho state to decide
tho manner of olectlon for Itself. Mr. Bush noil
of Wisconsin, presented a minority report in
favor of it in tho last congress. I having then
Introduced a bill embodying the optional feature.
Tho substitute which I have presented is tho
only one that I havo seen which avoids all other
questions. If anybody has any other proposi
tion which will avoid both Scylla and Charybdis
I will willingly support It, but no such proposi
tion has been offered and I do not know of any
that has been suggested anywhere. This leaves
tho state to do as it pleases and avoids all side
issues. No person can complain of this propo
sition on tho ground that It takes away an exist
ing right. No person can oppose it who does
not want to engraft on tho constitution some
now provision not thcro today, and I ask you
are you going to load this question down with
burdens that it ought not to carry?
Aro you going to make its fato depend on
other propositions over which people aro con
tending, or are you going to do tho patriotic
thing and say that because you believe In tho
olectlon of senators by the people you will sub
mit that proposition, simple and direct, for tho
people to decide upon? If you do tho latter I
bollevo that victory is ours. I believe that we
can call upon tho common people and summon
thorn to tho defense of their rights; but, sirs;
if we ask thorn to accept this proposition con
nected with somo party tenet wo must go out
and fight the prejudices of thirty years. Is
it not tho part of patriotism, is it not tho part
of wisdom, to striko from this everything but
tho ono proposition and make the opponents of
popular government come out in tho open field
and fight for tho control of politics by corpora
tions, if they dare to make such a fight? (Ap
plause.) Tho Speaker: Tho question is now on tho
substitute of tho gentloman from Nebraska (Mr.
Bryan) which will bo read.
Tho dork road as follows:
Striko out all after tho enacting clause and
insert tho following:
That tho following amendment bo proposed
to the legislatures of the several states, which,
when ratified by three-fourths of said legisla
tures, shall become and be a part of the con
stitution, namely: That section 3 of Article I
bo amended as follows:
Strike out of the third section of Article I the
following words: ''The sonate of the United
States shall bo composed of two senators from
each stato, chosen by tho legislature thoreof for
bIx years; and each senator shall havo one vote;"
and Insert in lieu thereof tho following word's-
"Tho senate of the United States shall
be composed of two senators from each
state, chosen for six years; and each sena
tor shall havo one vote. Tho senators shall
bo chosen by the legislatures of the several
states unless tho people of any state, either
through their legislatures or by the con
stitution of tho state shall provide for the elec
tion of United States senators by direct voto
of tho people, then, in such case, during the
oxlstenco of such statutory or constitutional pro
vision, United States senators shall be elected in
such state at largo by direct vote of the people;
a plurality shall elect, and the electors shall
havo tho qualifications requisite for electors of
tho most numerous branch of the state legisla
ture." The question being taken on agreeing to the
substitute, there were, on a division (called
for by Mr. Bryan) ayes 78, noes 6G.
Mr. Tucker: I call for tellers.
Tollers were ordered.
Mr. Hepburn: I call for the yeas and nays.
The question was taken, and there were
yeas 88, nays 108, answered "present" 2, not
voting 153.
NEUTRALIZING THE PHILIPPINES
Congressman Jones, of Virginia, chairman of the
committee on insular affairs, has introduced the
following resolution looking to tho neutraliza
tion of tho Philippines:
"Sixty-second Congress, Second Session
House Joint Resolution No. ,2.78. in the Houso
of Representatives, March 2,5, 1912 'Mr
Jones Introduced the following joint resolution '
The Commoner.
which was referred to tho committee on insular
affairs and ordered to be printed. -
"Joint resolution to authorize the president
of tho United States to secure the neutralization
of the Philippine Islands and the recognition
of their independence by international agree
ment. TT .
"Whereas, it is tho purpose of the United
States to relinquish sovereignty over the Philip
pine Islands and the people thereof and to
permit said people to establish for themselves
an independent government, and it being emi
nently desirable that such independence shall bo
secured and safeguarded by a general treaty of
neutrality: Therefore,
"Resolved by the senate and houso of repre
sentatives of tho United States of America in
congress assembled, That the president be, and
ho hereby is, requested to open negotiations
with such foreign governments as in his judg
ment should be parties to the compact, includ
ing those of Great Britain, Germany, France,
Russia, Japan and Spain, whereby the neutrali
zation of the Philippine Islands shall be guar
anteed and their independence recognized
through international agreement."
This is another step in the program looking
to the carrying out of tho last national platform
of the party. The resolution is all right and
should pass.
DOES RELIGION MIX WITH POLITICS?
Mr. Bryan wrote an article for the Congrega
tlonalist and Christian World, published at Bos
ton, which article was entitled, "Does Religion
Mix with Politics Why the Two Belong To
gether." In the introduction to Mr. Bryan's
article, the editor prints this note:
"At our request Mr. Bryan has just written
for this number, which contains so much ma
terial bearing on men and religion, the following
special article which makes it clear that he, like
many other men in American public life today,
does not find It difficult to reconcile the out
spoken religious life with an equally earnest
interest in political affairs. It is generally
known that Mr. Bryan is an elder in the Presby
terian church in Lincoln, which he regularly
attends; that he was one of the delegates to the
Edinburgh missionary conference in 1910,
where he sprite several times to great audiences,
and that on public platforms in all parts of this
country he has unhesitatingly avowed' and de
fended his Christian faith. But we aro sure
that our readers will be glad to have this most
recent statement from his own pen, of his own
convictions concerning not simply the possi
bility, but the desirability of mixing religion
with politics. He is scheduled to give two ad
dresses in connection with the men and religion
conservation congress in New York."
Mr. Bryan's article follows: "To say that there
is any inconsistency between being a member
of the church and being active in politics would
be a reflection upon either the church or poli
tics. If church membership really impaired a
citizen's usefulness either in office or outside of
office, it would be an unanswerable accusation
to bring against the church. It would be a
grave charge, too, to make against politics to
say that political conditions are such that a
church member is denied participation in poli
tics either by his conscience or by his fellows
In a democracy that is a country in which
the people rule the strength of the government
depends upon the intelligence and virtue of the
citizens who control it. If but a small percent
age of the people are intelligent, while tho
masses of the people are densely ignorant, the
government may be democratic in form but tho
the few will govern. If but few of the people
aie virtuous and the masses aro immoral tho
government can hardly be good, whatever its
form Our government gives the largest
promise of success because our people are both
intelligent and virtuous. o uie uom
"Political virtue results from and is depen
dent upon individual virtue. We can not expect
ftSth?l ' K Ci?. n0t eXPeCt hlm to bo
faithful to public obligations if he does not
conscientiously endeavor to live up to private
responsibility. v Prlvato
"As religion, if it is worthy of the name
manifests itself in public life as well as in
private affairs, it follows that religion is not
only a hindrance, but ought to be a positive he?p
t0 ?J,!an in Pities, as elsewhere. P
Political life, in fact, demands a higher
m standard 6f morality than private life because
of the publicity that' attends public life Sins
both, of commission and omissipn, can be lived
S2wfe?5S?- 1Ife-u nre easny ttai
public life." The political 'eriomy is not sldW to
B?Z)i8RW W ,dofect jta .character fo lajpsein
VOLUME 12, NUMBER 20
conduct, but a high character is unassailable.
'Blessed is the man who walketh not in tho
counsel of the ungodly,' was spoken of tho
man in politics as truly as of man in any other
occupation, profession or calling. A man is not
likely to find religious professions embarrassing
unless it can be shown that his practises do not
conform to his professions.
"We have abundant illustration of the fact
that strict fidelity to religious obligations is no
bar to political preferment. The various
branches of the Christian church have been con
spicuously represented in official life from the
presidential office down, and there is no present
indication of a change in public sentiment in
this regard. While zealous members of any
church are likely to resent at the polls criticism
directed against their church, it can not be fairly
objected to a man that he is actively interested
in his church and in the propagation of his
faith, provided he does not attack other
churches. Religious liberty means that a man
shall not be discriminated against because of
his religion; it does not mean that he must bo
colorless in religious matters, or that he shall
be liable to punishment, for outspoken adherence
to any creed or church.
"If we consider politics in a large sense, we
shall find that religion is quite a necessary
factor, for a man can "not itchieve much in poli
tics unless he has faith. One must travel at a
sluggard's pace who does not go faster than his
mind; no one is far-sighted whose vision does
not outstrip his reason. One must believe in
tho triumph of the right, even though he can
not calculate the means by which, or the timo
at which, the right will win its victory. It is
not possible for any one to look alfead and esti
mate the influence of an act; he is constantly
exercising faith unless he is content with a
small service. If religion can be defined, as it
has been, as the relation which man fixes be
tween himself and his God, it becomes an in
dispensable thing if one would make his life
influential. If it could be shown that a man
in politics might, by activity in religious" mat
ters, lose some votes among the prejudiced, he
would more than make up for the loss in the
number drawn to him by the moral courage
which faith inspires and faith is grounded
upon belief in God."
SENATE WILL RETAIN I,ORIMlER
The majority of the United States senate com
mittee reported in favor of seating William
Lorimer as senator from Illinois. Fletcher of
Florida and Johnston of Alabama, democrats,
joined with Dillingham, Gamble and Jones, re
publicans, in the majority report. Lea of Ten
nessee and Kern of Indiana, democrats, joined
with Kenyon of Iowa, republican, in the minority
report.
The majority took the position that the sen
ate having once solemnly and deliberately
passed on the charges against Senator Lorimer,
he should be permitted to retain his seat unless
new and convincing evidence had been produced
establishing corruption in his election. Absolu
tely no new and substantial evidence" had been
produced at the re-investigation, the majority
said, and consequently they declared the rules
of justice required the former judgment of the
sonate upholding Mr. Lorimer, to stand.
The report dealt at length with the evidence
in an endeavor to show nothing substantial had
been produced against Senator Lorimer. It
also reviewed the legal authorities to show that
the- first investigation of the senate should be
taken as final.
r,Jie iJinor;ty report signed by Senators Lea
r?5?Tenn,); Kern (dem" Ind-). and Kenyon
t?S lWa ' was introduced in the senate. It
?;?3ai ?ri:ui)t methods and practices in tho
senatorial election invalidate Lorimer's election,
ine report declared:
nf"?if2le7lnigit?at the confessions of members
?nw esi?lature' strengthened by the cor
roinHntt cIrcumstances, and by other evidence
not inSfiLmembs,of the legislature who did
thit nt Sf efstablis.hed conclusively, not only
til te.n were purchased for the
butPZf ftlflectinS William Lorimer to the senate
dencl of n LreC?rdJeeks and teems with evi-
2LS general scheme of corruption, we have
2atablSh52C5 ln Sitating that the investigation
tloJ of WiiSSW c,ontradietion that .the elec
tion or William Lorimer was obtained bv cor-
lmSto?i3iLln the,reforG invad d "e
suDmit the following resolution:
Resolved, That corrupt methods and prac-
rm to SSP&SS lne eletIon William
'the staL J m& f,the. United statea from
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