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The Commoner.
15
IBItUARY 23, 1912
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gs of the tariff caucus in Senator
ldrich'g committee room.
A small group of embattled insur
ants, led by La Follctte, tore the
ask of hyprocrisy from the faces
f the burglar beneficiaries of Ald-
ch's tariff bill. They made it clear
the country that if the tariff were
Intrcato in detail, it was simple in
principle, and that the complicated
details frequently were contrived to
7 conceal the program, of over-protec-
tion.
jr' As a corollary to his acquiescence
rm tne enactment or a nignor rariu
.lhan the Dinglcy law the president
abandoned the income tax. In the
campaign the president said that,
"In my judgment an amendment to
the constitution for the income tax
Is not necessary. I now believe that
an income tax can and
should be devised which under the
decisions of the supreme court will
conform to the constitution."
But in spite of the fnct that the
best constitutional lawyers in the
senate, representing both parties,
agreed upon an income tax amend
ment to the tariff bill which had the
support of a majority of the senate,
the president, at the behest of Boss
Aldrjcp,, repudiated the income tax
to which he had committed himself
in the campaign, and ' by executive
pressure substituted the so-called
corporation tax and urged the pas
sage of an income tax amendment to
the constitution before congress
should consider the imposition of the
tax. ,
TiiT?Tiy V oi rr m t nf 1 Ofltl thorn
for J-J 111 .Lilt, Ul OUilUJi W. J-UV ..w
Jegan the Ballinger-Pinchot contro
versy, which resulted in the dismis
sal of Glavis and Pinchot from pub-
ilio office, and which culminated in
.lie discovery that President Taft
thj.d ordered the attorney general to
ntedate his opinion in the Glavis
ase so as to make it appear that it
had been written weeks before Mr.
."Wickersham actually wrote it. This
was a very 'queer'.' thing for a presi-
dent to do.
With unerring judgment, however,
the public decided for Pinchot and
forced the resignation of Ballinger.
When the president began to con
sider the railroad bill he called Sena
tor Cummins to Washington, where
the senator saw the first draft of
the administration's bill. After that
first conference at the White house
the senator .was not asked to come
again. But presidents of railroads
were called, and after a series of
executive caucuses the bill emerged
from the attorney general's office and
was sent to congress, with orders
that it should be passed without
amendment!
And when Senator Cummins saw
the bill it was not the bill which had
been shown to him when he first
came to- Washington manv weeks be
fore. As it came from the hands of
the railroad presidents, and the office
of the attorney general it provided:
(a) That one railroad might own
a majority of the stock of another
competing with it;
(b) That competing railroads
might pool (combine and divide)
their receipts.
In short, it made railroad monop-
Don't Weir a Tn
oly lawful; it made lawful the stiff-!
ing of competition between railroads.
The amendment which progressive
republicans forced into the bill pro
vides that a railroad, before it may
raise rates, must prove to the inter
state commerce commission that the
proposed increases are justified.
For their imprudence in amending
his railroad bill the president tried
to punish the progressive senators.
And then, after the primaries of
1910, and after the democrats had
carried Maine that year for the first
time in a generation. Charles D.
Norton, now one of the vice presi
dents of one of the Morgan banks
in. New York, but then tho presi
dent's secretary, wrote to a con
gressman in Iowa (who was then
anonymous and still so remains) say
ing in effect that inasmuch aB tho
people had indorsed tho progressives
Mr. Taft would give them back the
patronage.
based on tho faults of a few of its
human
bune.
instruments. Chicago Trl-
A NEW LIST
Teacher "How
zones has
many
tho earth?"
Pupil "Five."
Teachor "Correct. Name them."
Pupil "Temperate zone-, intem
perate, canal, horrid, and o." Life.
REAL TROUBLE
"You say your jewels wore stolen
while tho family was at dinner?"
"No, no. This is an important
robbery, officer. Our dinner was
stolen while we were putting on our
jewels." Louisville Courier-Journal.
m
2&flr3HHEftjMflHiMHHHIflHHIH
Knujr money- )ul wulllnp for you.
llonr, wrlto Uly Got frr pnr
tlcnlnm And aworn jiroof ntx ut thU
atarlllnt; nT Invonllon. " H tho
MARVEL VAPORIZER
for coat oil lump. MaVftcmnrr n
lamp n vnpor Intnp. No uinntie
to tirrak. No amoke or huiiII.
Hrllll.ini nhtf Uclit. OiiIh down
oil bill. Don't hrrnk chltnncm.
JKfLnHa as lonir iui hiirnnr, FIU nny
$lAtnp. Agentu cxcllctl coining
money. juini uimaoocu, Aru.,
HnlutfcM In few Uy. Krelzcr,
Mn., cloarod $541 one Hnlurdny.
fllrdcaU, 1 enn. nindu H .fiO on
hour. Cook, N. V., iiioda tfil ona
week. HUItUY. You enn nvernao
u)Hr Hi W E ElfW Anjonocnndothii work
No Mpcrlenc rcuulrcd. Make bi incnor- bo Indo
pnndunt. work nil or unaro time. Notfor iMln In
storon. Wrlto eiulclc for tlotalb or nondHOo for OKcnf
cotnplotonftnuiloMurnor, iHwttiRlrt.
Sidney Fairchild Cfl.,393Fairchild Bldg., Toledo.O.
iv
STUART SPIAS TR'PADSredifemt
irouituu truss, tx-iug nitaici&o appii
c nor maueMir auuetiTS purpou-iy
in noia uiouaniMCureiy in piscc.
Notlrp, buckle or sprWs can
i wt li IV o cannot chafo or comprf n
aialnu th pubis bote. The moit
cbsiliiato cats cnrril. Ttiouaands
liaroiucceiifullr trt-etod thrasclrcs
at horaewltUout hindrance from Trorb. Soft as vtl
Tct ay to npplT-IniptilTti, Process of re
ooTery Is natural, so no lurtner uw lor truss.
Awrrtivt Oall lied Hi. Wo orate what wo
ilftl "Ai? Itil tsaf6nyl,y'ni!ln;jrna Trial orPlapao
coupon aud mail TODAY. Addnn
PLAPAO LADORATORIES, Block 64 SL Louis, Ms.
mi
Kama,
AddxM
Mctura nail will brinj Froo Trial Tlapao
JUSTICE TO TRADE UNIONISM
In a recent address John Mitchell
declared with a good deal of truth
that unionism is judged by its mis
takes. "We judge every other human
institution by its best works," he
said, "but the labor unions invariably
are judged by their mistakes.
Violence in labor disputes, whether
committed by union men, non-union
men, or employers, should be visited
by strong public condemnation. We
forget, however, that more persons
are killed in a single Fourth of July
celobration than have been killed in
all industrial disputes since the sign
ing of the declaration of indepen
dence." It is true the gravest faults of
unions are spectacular, whereas tho
splendid work which has been done
bv these organizations and the whole
system of trade unionism in beHer--Ing
the conditions and even the char
acter of wage earners does not ad
vertise itself in sensational Head
lines. The student of society, the
historian, the thoughtful member of
the wage earning class all know that
with the development of trade union
ism great strata of tho social pyra
mid have been raised, which is to
say that humanity owes a tremen
dous debt to unionism, that the social
structure is sounder and solider be
cause of it, that civilization has been
broadened and deepened by it.
These larger facts get obscured by
the errors to which every advance of
the race is subject. We who believe
in republican government did not
repudiate it because there was a reign
of terror. The brutality and the had
faith, the tyranny and the graft
which have disfigured unionism were
not invented by unionism and are
not confined to it. The sweatshop,
occupational disease, starvation wage
exist in business. But do not con
demn all business organization, much
less all business men, on their ac
count. The faults of unions are very like
the faults of all new democracies.
They arc very like the faults of our
great republic, and the chief cause,
perhaps, in both cases is the ignor
ance or shirking of responsibility by
the great, well meaning mass. We
all let ourselves be misruled because
we are too selfish in our private pre
occupations to do our citizenship
duty efficiently and persistently.
The business man who permits
himself to be held up by predatory
politics or condones it because he
finds it in some respects profitable
is in the same class as the union
member who condones grafting or
violence because ho thinks it gets
him higher wages. Both are bad
citizens and assistants of their
eventful injury.
But Mr. Mitchell is right in pro
testing against superficial condem
nation of a great human movement
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