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The Commoner.
AUGUST 18, 1911
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THAT IRON AND STEEL CAUCUS
The Washington correspondent for the Omaha
World-Herald, upon whoso report Mr. Bryan de
pended for his information concerning the July
25th caucus, has made a report to his news
paper, which report is hereinafter reproduced.
It will be seen that this correspondent practi
cally reiterates the truth of his first report. But
ho says, "Mr. Underwood's quarrel is with the
conclusions drawn from the article by Mr. Bryan
and not with the article itself." The conclu
sions drawn by Mr. Bryan were that a resolu
tion was offered providing for the revision of
the iron and steel schedule, that Mr. Underwood
opposed the adoption of that resolution, that
Mr. Clark favored it and that Mr. Kitchin, in
advocating it, reminded the caucus that Mr.
Underwood himself had once said that his
property was in the iron and steel business and
that, therefore, failure to revise the iron and
steel schedule might be wrongfully misinter
preted. So it seems that according to the testi
mony of the World-Herald correspondent and
the official report of the speeches delivered by
Messrs. Kitchin and Underwood, the conclusions
as to fact drawn by Mr. Bryan were entirely
warranted.
The World-Herald correspondent's report fol
lows: "Washington World-Herald Bureau, Munsey
Building, Washington, D. C, Aug. 11. The
only official version of what took place in the
democratic caucus on the night of July 25 is to
be found in the Congressional Report of state
ments made to the house on Wednesday, August
2, by Representative Underwood, chairman of
the ways and means committee in response to
the Bryan editorial in The Commoner and in the
statement made at the same time by Represen
tative Kitchin of North Carolina, (Page 3G23.)
"After referring to the fact that he did remind
the caucus, 'That the gentleman from Alabama
(Mr. Underwood) , had, in a speech in the house,
said that practically all the property he owned,
except his house and home, was in the iron and
steel business,' Mr. Kitchin said:
" 'I did remind the caucus of that, i took
the position that not only was it right for the
democrats to revise the steel schedule before
adjournment, but 4t would be a wise policy for
us to revise this schedule especially, as that
candid, courageous and manly statement of the
chairman of the ways and means committee
might be taken as an occasion by our opponents
to slander and libel the gentleman from Alabama
and to slander and libel the position of the
democratic membership of the ways and means
committee and this democratic house, but I
never dreamed that any democrat in the coun
try would seize upon the incident to misrepre
sent the position of the gentleman from Alabama
(Mr. Underwood), or that of the democracy of
the house or to impugn the motives of either.
In the caucus I took the position that we should
notify the country; that we should notify the
republican senate, the president and the republi
cans of the house that before the adjournment
of this congress we intended to revise the steel
schedule, the rubber schedule and the sugar
schedule. But Mr. Underwood and a large ma
jority of the democrats in the caucus thought it
unwise for us at that time to notify the senate
of our tariff program because it might affect
its action on th.e beneficent measures we had
sent to it. I submitted to the will of the ma
jority in the caucus. I now believe, in view of
the action of the senate on the woolen bill and
the free list bill, that my judgment was wrong,
and that the judgment of Mr. Underwood and a
large majority of my colleagues of the caucus
was right.'
"Mr. Underwood's official statement of what
took place in the caucus on July 25 is to be
found on page 3623 of the Congressional Record
of Wednesday, August 2. Referring to the reso
lution first offered by Representative Sisson and
later modified by Speaker Clark, Mr. Underwood
Baid:
" 'When we took up the cotton schedule in
thedemocratic caucus I had no notice and no idea
that a resolution would be offered directing the
ways and means committee to prepare other
schedules. A resolution was offered stating that
before we adjourned we should revise the iron
and steel schedule, the sugar schedule and the
paragraph in the sundry schedule relating to rub
ber, and also the schedule relating to chemicals
and dye-stuffs. I opposed the consideration of
that resolution at that time. I stated to the
caucus that I had no objection to the revision
of the iron and steel schedule. I had already
stated to the public press of the country that I
desired the iron and steel schedule to be con
sidered next by the committee. It had gone
out in the daily press. I simply stated In tho
caucus that at that time tho sonato had not
acted on tho wool bill. It had not acted on tho
freo list bill. I stated to tho caucus, that, not
knowing what action would bo taken by tho
senate in reference to our bills or what action
would bo taken by tho president, I thought it
was unwiso for the democratic party to pledge
Itself to tho course it intended to pursue tho
balance of this session until we could first have
an opportunity to ascertain what action tho
senate was going to take in reference to our
bills and what action the president was going
to take. I stated to the caucus that before an
adjournment resolution was passed I would
bring tho matter of adjournment and considera
tion of other schedules back to tho democratic
caucus for them to determine in the light of tho
facts that they would have as to the action of
the senate and the president of tho United
States.
" 'It was not an effort to sidetrack any sche
dule; it was an effort to havo the caucus of my
party act with all the facts before it. I thought
it the part of wisdom and tho caucus sustained
tho position I took.'
"The above quotations from the Congressional
Record are substantially in accord with tho
article which appeared in tho World-Herald on
tho morning following the caucus. Party cau
cuses of the house are secret and information of
their proceedings Is necessarily gained by all
correspondents from members upon tho adjourn
ment of tho caucus. That was the manner In
which the information on which the World
Herald article was based was obtained that
night. Mr. Underwood's quarrel is with tho con
clusions drawn from the article by Mr. Bryan
and not with the article itself.
"J. C. WBLLIVBR."
THE JAMES-UNDERWOOD INCIDENT
From Congressional Record of August 9:
Mr. Underwood. Mr. Chairman, there
is another question that I want the gentle
men on this side of tho house to under
stand. You will surely build these four
dams, because I say to you candidly if this bill
is defeated, I shall insist, so far as I am con
cerned, that the engineers go ahead with their
present work and finish that navigation, be
cause that is what I want. I am not concerned
about this power. We have plenty of power
from other sources, but if you defeat this bill
and require them to build four dams instead of
one, you are going to put a continual charge
on tho government of tho United States, ac
cording to tho reports of the engineers, of $6,000
each year from now on until eternity for each
additional dam.
Mr. Taylor of Alabama. For each one of
these dams?
Mr. James. Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask
the gentleman from Alabama1 (Mr. Underwood)
if he thinks it is quite a fair argument to say
to the house that unless we pass a bill giving a
franchise to a corporation for half a century,
with no limitation upon the amount that they
shall charge the consumer for this power, an
insistance is going to be made that certainwork
shall go on which will involve an expenditure
of $200,000 or $300,000 out of the treasury
more than would be expended if we give away
this right to which we do not agree; that unless
we turn the people over to the insatiate maw
of this monopoly, which wo are unwilling to do,
he is going to insist that $300,000 or $400,000
more shall be expended. (Applause.)
Mr. Underwood. Mr. Chairman, my friend
from Kentucky has just come out of a successful
campaign for senator, where a play to the gallery
has purchased votes, but I will say to the gentle
man from Kentucky that to claim that one com
pany controlling one water power is a monopoly,
to answer me with that proposition that I am
pleading for a monopoly, when I have just stated
to him that there are five water powers in use,
and that the smoke that comes out of these coke
ovens is the power to produce electricity, for
him to say these things is not a fair proposition
to put to me. (Applause.)
Mr. James. Mr. Chairman, I want to say, in
reply to the gentleman's statement that I Just
came out of a successful campaign in Kentucky
where an appeal to the galleries purchased votes,
thatl should have expected a statement more con
siderate of the people of Kentucky, among whom
the gentleman was born, than a statement such
as he made reflecting upon them. (Applause.)
Mr. Underwood. Well
Mr. James. And, in addition, I may say that
Kentuckians are Just as intelligent as Alabam
ians and they are just as little susceptible to the
Influence of playing to tho galleries as any people
in this republic. It does not intlmldato mo any
for tho argument to bo mado horo by tho gentle
man from Alabama that because I am unwilling
to glvo a half a contury franchise to a corpora
tion in Birmingham, Ala., with an unlimited
right to fix charges upon tho consumers, to say
that I am playing to tho gallery. If that Is
playing to tho galleries, tho sooner tho gentle
man from Alabama commences playing to tho
gallery the sweeter tho applause of tho gallory
will be to the gontloman. (Applause.)
Mr. Underwood. I will say to tho gentleman
from Kentucky, I havo ncvor learned to play to
tho gallory. (ApplnuBO.) I do not know how
to do it, and I want to say this, my answer to
tho gentleman a moment ago was provoked by
what he said. I do not think It was justified,
and I wish now, In justico to hlrn and mysolf,
to withdraw what I said. (Applause.)
Mr. James. Then, in like justico to tho gentle
man from Alabama, I withdraw what I said.
(Applause.)
Mr. Underwood. Just ono ward. Wo say
sometimes In tho heat of argument things be
tween friends that wo ought not to say, and I
want to say that this franchise of GO years Is
now tho general law of tho land, not fixed by
this bill, and I do say it Is fair for me to insist
that tho law that congress has adopted should
bo carried out. I do Bay It Is fair for mo to
insist beforo the war department that tho im
provement of this river should go on, and go on
at once, and I think It is perfectly fair for mo
to call your attention that here are four dams
that will cost $C,000 each year to maintain
that if you bring It down to ono It will only cost
$6,0000 a year to maintain, that one. Now, if
you defeat this bill you lose $15,000 In rentals,
you lose $250,000 in the additional cost of tho
Improvements, and you put an additional charge
of $18,000 a year in perpetuity on tho govern
ment. Now, that is all I havo to say; that
is all there Is In tho proposition. (Applause.)
I believe it is in tho interest of the government
for you to build one dam, as this bill provides
for InBtoad of four as the law now on our statuto
books will compel you to build should you de
feat the present proposition.
)
THE WILSON BOOM IN TEXAS
An Austin, Texas, dispatch says: AH factions
of the Texas democracy and all sections of tho
state were represented at tho formation of tho
Woodrow Wilson stato democratic leaguo of
Texas In Austin.
Nearly 200 democrats, most of them repre
sentative men of their various communities, at
tended the initial meeting in the parlors of tho
Driskell hotel. They cheered every reference
made to tho governor of New Jersey and predic
tions that tho Wilson movement In Texas is
"a prairie fire" were greeted with marked
demonstrations.
Prohibitionists and antl-prohibltlonlsts forgot
their differences and Bailey and anti-Bailey men
fraternized joyfully together In tho Interest of
the man all of them want to see elected presi
dent of tho United States. ,
Thomas H. Ball, chairman of tho state-wide
prohibition organization, Judge James H.
Robertson, who presided over the Fort Worth
anti-statewide convention, authorized Col. O. T.
Holt of Houston to sign their names to tho
roster of tho Wilson league. It was proudly
boasted by men present that for once, all war
ring elements in Texas politics were united.
Among those who participated in tho two
hours' conference were fully forty members of
the legislature. Dozens of them telephoned their
regrets and aBked to bo given opportunity to
aid the movement in every way possible.
"Following are the officers of the league,
agreed upon after much discussion both in com
mittee and on tho floor: President, Thomas B.
Love, of Dallas; vice presidents, T. W. Gregory
of Austin and O. T. Holt of Houston; secretary,
George D. Armstead of San Antonio; treasurer,
Roger Roberdeau of Austin. These officers, to
gether with tho following constitute an execu
tive committee of eleven: Judge Cato Sells of
Cleburne, W. T. Bartholomew of San Angelo,
Clarence E. Gilmore of Wills Point, Col. R. M.
Wynne of Fort Worth and A. R. McCoIIum of
Waco.
As proylded for In resolutions adopted, the
executive committee Is to form a state committee
composed of one from each senatorial district
of the state and they in turn will effect county
and precinct organizations throughout Texas.
Judge Cato Sells was made chairman of the exe
cutive committee. It is expected the committed
will meet in Austin again at the call of the
chairman during tho last week in August.
A formal and pressing Invitation to Governor
i
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