The Commoner.
WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR
VOL. 11, NO. 29
Lincoln, Nebraska, July 28, 1911
Whole Number 549
Where Governor Thomas R. Marshall Stands
'Governor Thomas R. Marshall of Indiana
sends to The Commoner the following In answer
to the questions propounded to those whose
names have been mentioned in connection with
the democratic presidential nominations:
Executive Department, State of Indiana, In
dianapolis, July 18, 1011. Editor The Com
moner: I fully approve of the plan of asking
candidates questions as to their views upon
.great public questions.
In two campaigns in Indiana I have insisted
that the people should insist upon answers to
questions which they deemed vital to them
selves. I do not, however, consider myself a
candidate for the nomination for president. I
hold it to be such a position that no man Is
big enough to run after it and no man is small
enough to run from it. I am leaving it entirely
to the will of the democracy of Indiana as to
whether my name shall be presented to the con
vention or not.
I have been , impressed with the belief that
our recent platforms have presented so many
good things that some voters have been lost to
us upon minor issues. I hope, therefore, that
thenext, fight will be made upon: one, a' tariff
for revenue only; two, economy ,m public expen
ditures; three, the preservation of the rights of
the stated; and four, opposition to the so-called
new nationalism.
This view of mine does nothowever, absolve
me from the duty of answering as fully as I
can the questions which you have propounded.
No..' 1 I believe that the congress of the
United States has neither moral nor constitu
tional right to levy' tariff duties except such as
may be necessary for the support of the govern
ment, economically administered.
No. 2 I am for free raw materials as theend
ultimately to be reached but I think the present
house of representatives was justified in ap
proaching the subject of free wool in the way
in which it did. They were, confronted, as I saw
it, with a condition as well as a theory.
No. 3 The element of protection in the re
vision of the tariff should be given no considera
tion. No. 4 I believe that the three branches of
government are co-ordinate and that each one
should keep within Its constitutional sphere and
that a great deal of our present trouble has
arisen from the encroachments of ono branch
upon the rights of another.
No. 5 I think the United States supreme
court erred In legislating the word "unreason
able" into the Sherman anti-trust act, and that
this is an instance of the evils arising from one
branch of government trenching on the rights
of another.
No. G I do not favor the repeal of any crimi
nal clause in any anti-trust law and believe that
congress should make it clear that all restraint
of trade by corporations is unreasonable.
No. 7 It is well known that I am in favor of
the election of United States senators by the
people and that I promulgated the doctrine, and
was a factor in having the last democratic con
vention adopt it, that in the event of success
in Indiana, the nominee of the convention would
be the democratic senator from Indiana. That
nominee was John W. Kern.
No. 8 I recommended to the last geriqrjil
assembly of Indiana and it ratified, the income
tax amendment. -. -
iNp.9 I believe -thatiall-governinonts "derive
their just powers from the consent of the
governed," and am, therefore, for the immediate
independence of the Filipinos.
No. 10 We have passed a very stringent
corrupt practices act in Indiana which I think
will materially decrease the evils of campaign
contributions and expenditures. I have alwnys
been for publicity both before and after elec
tions, so that the people may know in advance
the .character of the support which the party
and the candidate receive.
No. 11 I believe that men should work and
spend their money for principles and not for
men; that public officials should gladly listen to
the views and advice of all citizens, but that In
the determination of policies and in the making
of appointments they should not be subjected to
the suspicion even of having been influenced by
either campaign contributions or pledges. If
the democracy of my state shall present my
name to the convention, I am anxious that they
shall announce what they have spent and the
sources from which they have obtained it. I
have no fear that they will promise anything in
my namo because the democracy of Indiana be
lieves that public office is a public trust and that
an official should not bo hampered by ante-election
promises. They will not make any promises
in my namo and thoy and I will welcome the
utmost publicity.
No. 12 I believe in the support of the state
governments in all their rights.
No. 13. I indorsed, in 1908, the labor planks
in the democratic platform and have seen no
reason to change my views.
No. 14 I do not believe that the creature- Is
greater than the Creator. I think the signs of
the times Indicate oither strict regulation of
railroads or. government ownership and as I
hesitate to yield my views to the government
going into business, I believe that both the
railroad and the government will see it to tlio
best interests of each to strictly regulate tho
railroads.
No. 15 A private monopoly is indefensible
and intolerable, but under strict regulation of
law, I believe in a monopoly for public service
corporations where tho rights of the people both
as to service and as to charges are scrupulously
guardod, publicity preserved and investigation -and
readjustment of rates provided for.
Nos. 1G, 17, 18 and 19 I do not protend to
possess extensive knowledge of the banking
question. I have some views gleaned while try
ing cases as a lawyer which it seems to me
would materially assist in preventing insolvency
and securing tho depositor, but these can not bo
expressed In a reasonable answer to an Inquiry.
I am opposed to the Aldrich currency schomo
and to a central bank. In Indiana, tho banks
secure the state and the various municipalities
for their doposl's. I could not see why, in 1908,
they should not secure the individual depositor.
Centralization of money like cetralization of
power, Is a distinct evil. If desirable, I shall
be glad at any time to express my full views
upon these questions. Views may disagree; the
ultimate object to be obtained is tho safety of
the depositor and tho prevention of panics by the
centralization of wealth.
As fully as I can, I have thus answered all
of your questipns. Very respectfully yours,
THOMAS R. MARSHALL.
A TEMPORARY SUPPORT
Wall street's support of a democratic candi
date is likely to be' temporary. In 1904 Wall
street seomed very anxious to help the demo
cratic party it promised all the money neces
sary and these promises circulated at their face
value at St. Louis. But when the convention
was over Wall street's ardor cooled. Senator
Daniel remarked after the election that some
who were active in securing Judge Parker's
nomination took no interest afterwards. The
promised contributions were not forthcoming,
and just before the election the financiers
those who called themselves democrats and those
who called themselves republicans got together
and threw their united support to Roosevelt.
And so it will be again. Wall street will control
the democratic convention if it can, but if it .
does it will throw the party down at the polls.
Wall street will not trust the democratic party,
no matter who is nominated. It is folly, there
fore, for the party to allow Wall street to dictate
the nomination. No democrat whom Wall street
would support could get the vote of the rank
and file of the party. Tho only chance for suc
cess is to nominate a progressive democrat and
appeal to the growing progressive sentiment of
the country.
THE SECRET CAUCUS
The Commoner-contends that a secret caucus
of REPRESENTATIVES is undemocratic and
dangerous. The secret ballot is all right for the
Individual but not for the legislator. The secret
ballot protects the individual in his right to
vote as he pleases because he acts for himself.
But a representative does not act for himself
he acts for others. Most states require the roll
to be called on the passage of all measures, thus
compelling the representatives to act in the open.
The same rule applies to the caucus. If a caucus
indorses or defeats a proposition the vote should
be a matter of record. It is neither right nor
democratic for a representative to" cast a secret
ballot in caucus and then hide behind the action
of the caucus. Let there bo light. If the
readers agree with this position they are re
quested to write to members of congress. It is
surprising to see democrats advocating a secret
caucus.
JUST MICE THE TIMES-DISPATCH
The Richmond (Va.) Times-Dispatch criticises
the New York World for Its attacks upon Now
York democrats and asks "is the World for
Taft or against him," The World is very much
like the Richmond Times-Dispatch. If the demo
crats can bo persuaded to nominate an Aldrich
democrat the World will sincerely seek to defeat
Mr. .Taft. If the democrats nominate a real
democrat the World may give him half-hearted
support but will really favor Mr. Taft's re-eleqtion.
MR. TAFT AGREEABLE
. The "wise ones" of the democratic party are
now fixing it up for Mr. Harmon to beat Mr.
Wilson, which will be all right with Mr. Taft.
Wichita (Kan.) Beacon.
I glMijftii1iM,.ii!k,..U. - jfl-..
