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VOLUME 11, NUMBER 26
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The Commoner.
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THE COMMONER, Lincoln, Nob,
Whenever we open tho door to private selfish
Interests wo break tho ranks of unity and good
faith to the public, and ::o congressional dis
trict will be found so poor, so barren, or so un
productive that its representative in congress
can not justify the desertion of principle by
claiming the right to favor local private in
dustry. But they tell us from the other side that a
high tariff is to protect our labor from competi
tion with labor abroad, that if we lower the
tariff foreign labor, now hungry and. starving,
will take our work and home labor will be idle.
I deny that the welfare of our labor is depen
dent upon tho downfall of foreign labor. I
deny that it is necessary for foreign labor to
perish that our labor shall prosper. I deny that ,
it is necessary for the labor of other lands to
be destitute in order for our labor to be fed and
clothed and sheltered. I repudiate that doc
trine. "While there is a difference in the stand
ard of living, there is a corresponding difference
in capacity of produce in favor of American
labor, and I hold that in many substantial mat
ters labor here and labor abroad have a com
mon interest, a common causo, and a common
object to obtain. I hold that the downfall of
labor in one country has the effect to jeopardize
the welfare of labor in every other country. I
hold that the elevation of labor in one land has
an influence to raise tho standard and sustain
the independence of labor everywhere. I hold
that this effort to prejudice American labor
against their brothers across the seas is only
to divide the forces of industry and make them
the easy prey of rapacious greed. Tho employer
who sounds his alarm against foreign labor
with hue and cry loses his fears and apprahen
iions when he failB to agree with home labor
on the wage scale and imports foreigners to
take their places.
Statistics from the census bureau, as ascer
tained by the tariff board and shown in its pre
liminary report, discloses that woolen and
worsted goods were produced In the United
gtates in 1909 of the value of $419,820,000,
while the total wages paid, including salaries,
for such production was $79,214,000, or less
than 19 per cent of the value of the production,
and more accurately stated at 18.79 per cent.
If labor Is performed gratuitously to produce
The Commoner.
woolen and worsted goods abroad and costs
nothing, and the whole labor cost here is the
difference in labor cost hero and abroad, a 20
per cent duty upon woolen and worsted goods,
with wool on the free list, would be more than
a compliance with the standard which the pro
tectionists declared for before the elections a
tariff to equalize the differenco in the labor
cost. Under those statistics what justification
can thero be for tho 90 per cent duty on woolen
goods in the Payne bill without resort to the
pretext for compensatory duties on account of
tho tariff upon wool.
Now, shall I havo Ave minutes more? (Laugh
ter and applause.)
Mr. Mann. I hope the gentleman may have it.
Tho Chairman. Unanimous consent is asked
that the time of tho gentleman from Indiana
(Mr. Gray) be extended five minutes. Is there
objection?
There was no objection.
Mr. Gray. Members of this house are elected
not only to represent their own districts
especially, but all districts generally as well.
It is their duty to servo not only the greatest
good to tho greatest number in their own dis
tricts, but to consider tho greatest good to the
greatest number in all districts.
No duty is enjoined upon members of this
house by reason of their office to burden not
only tho majority of their own constituents but
the whole of the great consuming public in
order ttf favor a few individuals or a single
private industry in their own district. Such a
policy is representing the few instead of the
many and serving private interests at the ex
pense of public welfare. There never can be
relief from the burdens of the tariff while men
aro willing to surrender principle to favor local
private interests. Whenever we claim the right
to impose a protective tariff upon one of tho
necessaries of life because that article is pro
duced in our congressional district we stultify
our principles and justify like burdens imposed
upon every other necessary. We preclude tariff
reform and perpetuate private monopoly.
I, too, come from a wool growing district, but
I hope that that fact will not deter me from
my duty to serve the greatest good to tho
greatest number, nor impair my obligations to
all the people and the great consuming; public,
nor lead me to act upon my fears instead of
my convictions of justice and right. I hope I
can realize that while a part of the people of
my district have wool to sell that all the people
from my district have clothing to buy, and that
tho right to buy clothing is as sacred a right
as the right to sell wool. And I hope I can ap
preciate that the laboring man, when he looks
into the faces of his wife and children, with
winter impending, realizes as great a1 responsi
bility before him as the man who raises sheep
or the wool manufacturer, who claims the right
to draw dividends on watered stock. (Applause
on the democratic side.)
Mr. Underwood. Mr. Chairman, I insist on
the point of order. A part of the motion is a
motion to recommit the bill.
Mr. Gray. I will say, Mr. Chairman, in order
to make this motion effective, if the gentleman
from Alabama insists upon his point of order,
I havo an amendment here that I can file to
tills paragraph, which amendment will not be
subject to the point of order.
The Chairman. The Chairman sustains the
point of order.
Absolute Power for Money Trust in Aldrich
Currency Scheme
WHAT ARE THE WILD WAVES
SAYING?
ASK PAYNTER OF KENTUCKY
HE KNOWS.
The Philadelphia North American, a republi
can paper, prints the following from Its Wash
ington correspondent:
Washington, June 23. By his indorsement
of the Aldrich plan to place control of the money
and credit of the nation absolutely under the
control of the Morgan-Wall street financial com
bination, President Taft has raised another
issue between himself and the progressive re
publicans. He has presented himself and his administra
tion as a new menace to public interest, shown
a new line of agreement between himself and
the aggressive money power of Morgan and
raised the progressives to a higher plane of
public usefulness, as the only effective force the
public can absolutely rely upon to resist both
that power and the president's efforts to
servo it.
Absolute commercial and industrial slavery
must follow the adoption of tho Aldrich plan,
declare the progressives. Its adoption would
place the individual credit of every business
man and every Independent corporation under
the supervision and control of a committee to
be chosen by the money combination.
It would place in that committee absolute
power to determine which individuals and which
corporations should be permitted to continue
in business. It would make control of all lines
of industry and all commercial enterprise sub
ject to the will of this committee.
Anti-trust laws and laws regulating prices, if
enacted in the future, would be absolutely
puerile and useless as means of. public defense
once the Aldrich plan is put into effect.
TAFT'S SPEECH AMAZES
The president's speech was read here today
with feelings of absolute amazement. In view
of the situation in congress and in the country,
it could only be accepted as a declaration by
the president that he takes his stand from now
on with the rapidly developing power of the
Morgan financial organization and with Aldrich,
the special agent of predatory wealth.
It defines tho line clearly between the ad
ministration, as the supporter of the boldest and
most iniquitous special privilege scheme of
legislation yet produced, and every man who
stands for public rights and opportunities for
the individual regardless of political affiliations.
When President Taft two years ago, at the
same time he was praising the Aldrich tariff
law, declared Aldrich himself to be the ablest
statesman in public life respecting all financial
questions, there was started the general protest
which led to the overwhelming defeat of the
Aldrich-Taft wing of the republican party in
the elections of last fall.
Since then it was thought Mr. Taft had been
trying to let the public forget that he ever
praised either Aldrich or his law, and his recent
activities in behalf of reciprocity with Canada
have been recognized hero by republicans and
democrats alike as intended to efface all recol
lection of his supine submission to Aldrich dur
ing the first two years of his administration.
To some extent it had produced that effect.
The only praise which any one has recently
been able to bestow upon the president has
been based upon the assumption that he was
outlining a policy for himself, and if it were
weak and ineffective, it still revealed some
desire upon the part of the president to ac
complish something for the general welfare.
00
"THE STANDARD OIL PEOPLE AND
THE UNITED STATES STEEL PEOPLE
CAN AFFORD TO PAY THE NATION
AL DEBT FOR THE ALDRICH BANK."
One of the oldest and best known
bankers in tho country has written to
Mr. Bryan a letter in which he says:
"I notice, with regret, that our presi
dent committed himself to the central
bank, though under another name. I
am not surprised at tills, in view of tho
atmosphere he lias breathed for the last
few years. I care not what name the
institute bears; I care not how widely
distributed its stock; I care not tho
number of local organizations and
boards; I caro not the number of
directors or their geographical distri
bution; I care not how many names are
wT?Uited to th0 President FROM
751. MUST 6elecfc a governor, the
institution that is given exclusive right
to Issue currency against credits will
bo under tho control of Wall street.
The Standard Oil people and the United
States Steel people can afford to pay the
?? X?1 debfc for th0 Aldrich bank.
Mr. Taft has chosen to make tho central
bank tho issuo of the next campaign, for
he says it is tho most important subject
?ih,. wnfrTi and tliat ho favors
the Aldrich plan."
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