li 6 The Commoner VOLUME 11, NUMBER 1J r' R Off Hv Itr rntlfled by tho referendum vote. Thoro nre pro visions In most of tho coiiHtitutions of the states of tho union which throw restrictions upon tho actions of legislative bodies in ordor to pre vent the passago of laws contrary to tho wishes of tho people. Tho courts of our land have generally construed strictly those constitutional provisions, oven when tho law enacted is a good moaBuro. Tho tendency of the courts upon tho constitutional provisions, in my judgment, would bo greatly modified if the same measures woro submitted to tho people for their approval or rejection. Tho sanctity of tho voto of tho people upon a measuro would oven offect tho Judiciary in tho construction of laws and con stitutional provisions. "Tho state of Oregon, I beliovo, has tho best laws of any commonwealth of tho union. These oxcollont laws have been placed upon its statute books by reason of having tho power to submit tho Bamo to tho people under the initiative and referendum. "Tho contention that tho people will enact unwiso measures is predicated upon tho theory that they are incapable of self-government. In asmuch as the end of all government is tho happiness of its citizens, it is not absurd to con tend tho peoplo will hurt themselves by their own votes upon measures submitted to thom Bolvos? Do you beliovo that tho average legis lator can decide for you what you want better than you can decido for yoursolf? "Tho adoption of tho initiative and referen dum will placo in tho hands of tho people tho tools by which they can force tho enactment of good measures; laws which tho masses of the peoplo favor. Under them infamous laws can not bo ouacted and corrupt and untrustworthy officials, when detected, cannot longer represent a good constituency. The rule of the people, in my judgment, is the most important question of tho ago. Tho people become indignant on account of tho repeated and flagrant violations of public duty by men who pledged reforms and then after election forgot and deliberately repudiated the same. The public becomes in censed at tho legislators and members of city councils who are continually thwarting tho will of the peoplo and voting against wholesome legislation at tho instance of gigantic corpora tions. Tho battle cry of 'the rule of the people Is spreading thrdughout tho land without re gard to political affiliations. States are adopting tho initiative and referendum by overwhelming majorities. Oregon adopted tho samo in 1902 by a voto of 62,024 in favor of 5,6G8 against tho same. In Colorado, notwithstanding a great campaign organization existed against the measures, they were passed by a vote of 89,141 in favor of, to 28,698 agianst tho same. Staid old Maino cast 51,591 votes for and only 23,712 votes against. Old conservative Missouri carried tho initiative and referendum by a majority of over 25,000. South Dakota, Utah, Nevada, Mon tana, Arkansas and Oklahoma have each adopted these great principles of government by a vote of three to one. Even in Illinois, where there has been what is called tho 'public opinion" law, which is simply advisory to the legislature, a voto at tho state election in 1902 upon the popular petition or a local referendum law re sulted in a vote in favor of the samo of 390, 970 to 83,377, a voto of four to one. A second voto taken at the general election of November, 1904, on a similar question of establishing a local peoples veto, resulted in tho overwhelm ing voto in its favor, of 535,501 to 95,420, over five to one. Notwithstanding those strong ad visory votes in tho state of Illinois, the legisla ture has refused to put before the peoplo the measures which such over-whelming majorities demanded. If tho vote of the people of Illinois could bo expressed, after the exposition of cor ruption in tho legislature of that state which has recently been investigated by grand juries, I have no doubt tho initiative and referendum would be carried by a vote as large as that with which it was carried In Oregon. "Initiative and referendum laws have been adopted in cities in the union by overwhelming majorities. They were adopted in Los Angeles by a vote of 12,105 to 1,955, or a vote of six to one The movement in California which was started by Los Angeles has been followed in that state by tho cities of Sacramento, San Bernadino, San Diego, Pasadena, Eureka, Santa Monico, Alamada, Santa Cruz, Long Beach, Riverside, Santa Barbara, Palo Alto, Richmond and Berkeley. "Under a law passed by the legislature of the state of Kansas in 1909, giving to cities that desire it tho right of tho initiative and referen dum, there has been a large number of cities -which have availed themselves of this privilege Now tho right to enact laws by direct legisla tion exists in the cities of Leavenworth, Anthony, Independence, Hutchinson, Wichita, Kansas City, Coffeyville, Topeka and Parsons, Haverhill and Gloucester, Mass,; Kansas City, Mo.; St. Joseph, Mo.; Portland, Oro.; Seattle, Spokane and Tacoma, Wash.; Lewiston, Idaho, and Buffalo, N. Y., together with many other cities now have tho right to enact direct legislation. "Tho initiative and referendm laws are no longer experiments; nine states in the - union have adopted the same. Tho wholesome legis lation passed by the city which first adopted theso measures is extending now to nearly all of the cities of the union and I have the greatest confidence that these great reform measures will bo adopted by tho peoplo of the state of Ne braska at tho next general election. In my judgment ,the highest consideration of good government -demands the passage of theso measures." SENATOR KERN'S SPEECH Senator John W. Kern, of Indiana, said: "I want to assure you that I did not travel from Indianapolis to Lincoln to make a tariff speech for the enlightenment of the intelligent peoplo of this great agricultural state, for I am per ectly aware that by the long series of object lessons, given year by year by republican pro fessors, your education on that subject has been so completely rounded out that not even a post graduate course is necessary. To be entirely frank with you I did not come here to discuss political issues at all. The primary, and I might say the sole motive which prompted me to make the long journey hither, was that I might be enabled to testify in this presence to my deep personal affection for William J. Bryan, and per sonally congratulate him, not so much because he has lived to be fifty-one years old, but be cause within the brief period of his life, as a private citizen, he has wrought greater good for his country and for humanity the world over than any other man now living. And then I wanted to bring to him a message of esteem and continuing confidence from more than a third of a million of the best democrats on earth the democrats of the splendid democratic stato of Indiana. "With unparalleled loyalty and devotion they have thrice supported him for the highest office in the nation; and I bring him the assurance that their affection for him is in no wise diminished, and that they are highly resolved ' that the man who succeeds Bryan as the stand ard beaTor of the national democracy must stand for the reforms in government for which Eryan contended in the last campaign and must, with unfaltering footstep and single purpose, lead the democratic hosts forward along the line of march marked out in 1908. They believe that the only way to win a victory is by a forward movement, and that a retreat or even a flank movement now would result in inevitable disaster. "The future of William J. Bryan is secure. Whether he shall ever again be called upon to lead the democratic hosts is a question of little moment to him, for, by reason of his achieve ments .in behalf of the people, he has so en deared himself to the great rank and file of tho American democracy that whenever Bryan sits in the democratic councils of the future thero will be the head of the table. Other men may find even higher favor amongst men who work at politics as a trade, and amongst those who sit in the seats of the mighty, but Bryan's strength will be in the fact that in millions of American homes and by millions of the true and earnest men and women by whose endeavors this country has been made great, he will al ways bo regarded as champion and friend the fearless foe of wrong and oppression every wuere, "It is of Httlo consequence to the great demo cratic party of America, that there may be men in Nebraska, who, because of his conscien tious convictions on questions of religion and morality may seek to discredit him. There aTe nearly six and a half million of men who so appreciate his unselfish work of the past fifteen years that they will see to it that neithT jealousy, nor prejudice, nor petty animosity shall ever, .for a moment, prevail against him' J havo already said that there is no longer need of a discussion of the tariff question The shroud of mystery with which that question has been enveloped and obscured for a third of a century has been removed, and it stands out now as a mere question of taxation. When our adversaries in tho last campaign conceded that the tariff is a tax burden, which rests upon the consumer, they conceded away the whole cause of protection. For the tariff question, thu stripped of mystery, is only as to whether this government should take from the earnings of the people more tax money than it needs for governmental purposes when economically adr ministered. It is the democratic notion that your city government should take out of your earnings as a city tax, only the amount of money it needs; that your county government should levy upon you no more county tax than the county needs; and, that your state govern ment ought not to compel you to pay more state taxes than the state needs. And on these ques tions both parties have always agreed. No man has ever dared to advocate the monstrous proposition that either city, county or Btate should take a dollar more of the earnings of tho people, than might be found necessary for the economical administration 'of the respective governments. "But when we come to the question as to how much of earnings of the people the national government should take by national taxation, wo are face to face with the tariff question. "Here again the democratic position is tho same. We believe that the government has a right to take, and ought to take out of the pockets of the people, all the money it needs for its economical administration, but that all the earnings of the people that the government don't need ought to be left in the pockets of the men and women who earn it. "It is the democratic idea that the less of a man's money the government takes, the more the man will have left. The republicans, for thirty years, have been trying to convince the American people 'that the more of a man's money the government takes, the more he will have left. "In this day of schools, telegraphs and tele phones and rural mail delivery, it is an insult to the intelligence of the people to argue the . question as to whether unnecessary taxation is promotive of prosperity. "I believe the democratic party will provo itself to be the party of genuine progress. By, providing for direct primaries, the initiative,' referendum and recall and the election of United States senators by the people, it will insure to the people the direct control of their own government, and make office holders the ser vants and not the masters. "By providing an income tax it will distribute the burdens of taxation so that the wealth of the country may no longer escape Its just share of those burdens. By enacting and enforcing laws against private monopolies and illegal trusts, it will encourage and stimulate legitimate and lawful business everywhere. By the inaugura tion of a policy of old-fashioned economy in every department of government it will so re duce the national expenses that a taTiff for revenue will not be high enough to protect monopoly, but will be low enough to materially lighten the burdens of taxation. "The people, just now, want results, rather than political maneuvering, and speaking for myself, I am willing, to co-operate with Presi dent Taft in every effort he may make to lighten the burdens that rest upon the people. As long as he travels along the pathway that leads to genuine tariff reform I am willing to travel with mm to the end, not that party advantage may be gained but that the people may be relieved, from the burdens which plagu them." SENATOR OWEN'S SPEECH J3enait0ri,0w?n' of Oklahoma, said of Arizona:! JSl? -S?v2 lo?s and Pr0BPer! And her govern ment WILL liyo long, and her people WILL pros- 2SL.fCauy ttey have bullt the foundation of! government upon a stone and not upon the sand. vMiil!8? ?3e es,tablished a' constitution pro viding for the rule of the people, through the 5tt If' referendum and the recall. Under inil S e !? DePle of Arizona can never be SS,i?Bfled With their ow government, iJ flZl th,eir Sant is in their own handi Sw ?mple fasMon that they can by easiest process amend any error which shall aLinifred,- Such a government is safe ao?rnnLr, Spir?cy' agaInst oligarchy, against and2land fit' whicn have honey-cJmbed mntn in f?ind.the f ounations of other govera SSi? x? hlstry of man. by Son6 & aJivo' the pePle of ArIzona can SmneV JtS,U.at? &ny law tuey do want and hi L ??miB8ion t0 tno vote of e people, the $L maj01;lty te write that statute upoiJ lecislSnri b,?k8 of Arlzona, regardless of the mSht vtoannd rePrdless of any governor who not vtl iS n. a? of tbe leeislature. He can Z ZTotttn, 86VereIgn rUliDS P0Wer "What stability this assures. in giving to the ii WR fife ,r-SKk JlUflij