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tlio speaker should bo takon off tho committee.
That was all right, hut not tho most Important
part. Thoy insisted that oach party should
select In caucus Its momborshlp on that coni
mlttoo on rulos, and that was tho only way in
which both parties could havo faithful repre
sentation. it . ..
Tho temptation on tho part of tho majority
to pack tho committoo with men who represent
not both sides fairly, but represent tho dominant
gido that temptation Is so great that wo havo
found speakers soloctlng as leaders of tho
minority and given thorn their prestige by posi
tions on committees, men not tho choice of their
own party, but selected bocauso tho majority
could roly upon them in a crisis. And I regard
this groat reform, that has already been
achlovod, when tho appointments of the com
mittees wero taken out of tho hands of tho
speaker and placed in tho hands of congress,
each party to select its representatives, I re
gard that as ono of tho most revolutionary re
forms wo havo had in recent days, and It Is a
reform in tho direction of popular government.
QUESTION OF TAXATION
And so, If time permitted, I might cite the
growth In tho understanding of questions of
taxation, but If I started out on tho tariff ques
tion I do not know Just how many I would
please and how many I would offend, for tho
tariff question is tho one question we havo al
ways had upon which our parties have largely
divided, and if I wore to say anything and said
what I thought, as I would if I said anything
(Applause) I am afraid that some of you might
think that I was discussing a partisan theme.
But I am sure you will forgive me if I tell
you I am very glad that almost all of the demo
cratic members of congress were able to support
tho reciprocity agreement of a republican presi
dent, oven though his own party could not bo
brought to so unanimous a support of his
measure. I am glad that it indicates a begin
ning In tho reconstruction of a tariff wall in
tho Interest of tho consumer rather than en
tirely in tho interest of tho producer.
But, my friends, I have spoken of, these
things only that I might Bhow you the progress
that has been made. I now want to speak of
some things that havo not progressed quite
so far, some things, I think, will make more
rapid progress in the next few years than they
have In tho past few years. And the first thing
that I desire to speak of is what is known aB
tho initiative and referendum. It is now four
teen years since I began to advocate this reform
and when I began it in Nebraska some of our
people did not havo a clear understanding of
what It was.
1 remember in 1896, when the platform, for
tho first time contained this demand, an oppo
sition paper said that when Mr. Bryan read
that plank about the initiative and referendum
delegates looked at each other In surprise, and
one delegate said to another, "What is that?"
and, according to this paper, tho other delegate
replied: "Oh, that is a new kind of a demo
cratic drink," and the paper said it went through
unanimously then.
INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM
But tho people now know what tho initiative
and referendum means. The people now under
stand that by initiative we mean the peoplo
must be permitted to initiate legislation, to start
it, to bring tho proposition before the voters.
Under the initiative a petition can be filed and
when the percentage of voters required by law
have signed tho petition asking for the submis
sion of a definite proposition then that proposi
tion must be submitted and the peoplo voto upon
it, and if the- majority voto for it, It becomes a
law the samo as if tho legislature had passed
it as a statute.
Tho referendum means that when tho legisla
ture passes a law, a certain percentage of voters
can, by petition, ask for the privilege of voting
on that law, and if that percentage signs tho
petition, then the question comes before tho
peoplo, shall this law bo a law, or shall the
people voto it; and, if, when the question is sub
mitted, the majority of tho people favor tho law
it stands, if a majority oppose it, It falls. That
is a very brief statement of the proposition
known as the initiative and referendum, and
upon what does it rest?
That tho governmet la a thing made by tho
people for themselves; that they have a right to
make it what thoy want; that they have a- right
to suggest laws as they please; and, that when
thoy appoint a man to represent them and that
man refuses to pass laws they want passed, they
have tho right to pass them themselves and
when they elect men and they pass laws the
The Commoner
people don't want passed, tho people have the
right to voto those laws.
NO ADVERSE ARGUMENT
There is but one argument against tho initia
tivd and referendum, that the people lack either
tho intelligence or the capacity for self-government.
There is no other objection, and I con
gratulate your governor on having presented
this as a reform to which he attached his name.
I believe in the initiative and referendum, I be
lieve in them because they will not only protect
tho rights of the people, but they will strengthen
tho representatives of tho people.
The temptations that throng about a capitol
aro great temptations, greater even than the
representative thinks when ho comes, greater
than his contituents understand when they send
him, and many a young man has gone to his
state capitol with a high purpose and a firm
desiro to be a faithful representative, but has
yielded to these temptations that are greater
than his strength will withstand, and he then
goes back disgraced in his own opinion if not
in the opinion of his peoplo.
Over In Illinois they had an election for
senator and five men have admitted that their
votes were bought and the proof of these five
and others connected with the five leaves no
doubt that a largo number were bought. I
do not see how any one could read that testi
mony without being sure, beyond the possibility
of .a doubt, that a large number of those repre
sentatives were corrupted. I know one of these
men who plead guilty.
He represented the county in which I was
born. I knew him and his people. I knew his
wife's people. They came from the best families
in that section of the state, and he was a banker
and a merchant, and yet, in the hour of tempta
tion, ho fell. "When his sin was proclaimed to
the world he sold his bank and sold his interest
in his store and the rest of his life will be lead
under the cloud that this disgrace has brought
upon him. I know of nothing more pathetic
than the fallen legislator. I know of nothing
more pathetic than the surrender of ideals and
submission to the command of those who would
control secretly rather than by the command
of public opinion.
We need to strengthen these men. I was in
a sleeping car one evening and I overheard two
men talking. One was a' physician and he was
explaining that it had been demonstrated that
you could change a man's disposition by diet.
He said it had been demonstrated that by the
kind of food you gave a' man you could change
his disposition. The other man listened to the
argument and I finally asked the physician
if he would like to have confirmation of his
theory, and he said he would, and I told him
that I was satisfied that the theory was absolu
tely sound, that I had seen illustrations of it,
and I had been in Washington and I had seen
men come to congress with an honest dlsposi
tio to represent their constituents, but that
under a diet of champagne and terrapin their
dispositions had been so entirely changed that
they sold their constituents to the highest
bidder.
There is no doubt about the effect of the diet
on disposition. It Is no new theory. The wo
men have known this for ages, and they have
been testing It with great success upon their
husbands. What husband cannot testify to the
effect of diet? e
STRENGTHENS AND PROTECTS
The initiative and referendum strengthens the
representative while it protects his constituents
They str ip the lobbyist largely of his power? for
when a lobbyist comes to a representative and
says, now I want you to pass this bill, we are
greatly interested in it; if it is a bill that ought
not to pass, and tho representative knows it
? ' VS noJuse' we have tte referendum
in this state, and if that bill is passed it win
never go into effect, for the people will stop it
graced referendum' and I will be dis
And if the lobbyist says, Don't pass that bin
?hQ,aSVi0PDS3;d t0 "' be B People wan
this bill and If you don't give it to tWi T
will get it by petition, they 7ill g u
It won't help you for me to vote against J w
it will kill me. It is worth while fo strengthen
these men, and because this reform dn-
strengthen them I am in favor of S? hSunf?8
and referendum. It took a long time to wttt
ffw'V1 growlns now- Arkansas adopted
it last September, Arizona adopted it R
day of February, and some eight orLlh
union n ve it before ttefr legis f
tivo bodies, and In. I think, five states! the fSl
VOLUME 11, NUMBER 1
-I
lature is committed to it by platforms of both
the republican and democratic parties.
And I believe in the recall also. It is pos
slblo that the recall has not yet been considered
as much as the initiative and referendum. But
the same purpose underlies it, and back of it la
this doctrine, that the people have a right to
have a man who will represent them and 'is
faithful to them, and if he is not faithful to
them it is more important that the people should
have a right to recall him and put a faithful
man in his place than that he should have a
chance to serve out his term and be paid a
salary for it.
If there is any injustice in denying him his
salary for the full term, if you think that when
a man is recalled he should have his salary for
tho full term, I believe we had better pay a
man who is unfaithful and have him out of
power than to pay him and have him in power.
BANKING REGULATIONS
There is another question. I am not sure it
has been considered here as much as it has
been in some other states, but I feel bolder to
speak of it now since the supreme court's de
cision has shown that I am not necessarily an
ignoramus when I advocate it. I had rather,
a hard time at first. I was accusqd of not
being a financier. That did not hurt so much
as the accusation that I did not understand what
a financier was or how he ought to do. I felt
that the fact that I looked at the bank from
the standpoint of the depositor rather than the
standpoint of the stockholder did not neces
sarily make me an ignoramus.
I speak of the guarantee of deposits. A I. don
know that you have yet reached a point where
it has been discussed before your people or,
whether your people are in favor of such a
measure, but, when we had the panic of 1897,
when that paralysis spread over this country,
and the banks by common concert took the re
sponsibility of telling the depositor how mucK
money he could draw out of his own account,
then the people found out that putting their
money in a bank was one process and getting
it out was an entirely disconnected process.
And then they found that the promise of security,
that is held by the banks was not a promise
that was founded on real assurance.
Four states have already passed banking laws
that protect depositors. Oklahoma' led off and
then after the election two years ago, Nebraska,
Kansas and Texas followed, four states extend
ing from the borders of South Dakota to the
Gulf of Mexico have provided a means by which
a depositor in the state bank is protected from
loss. There is no excuse for opening a bank
for deposits unless back of it is the assurance
that a man can get his money out whenever he
wants it.
If a man Is going to loan money to a bank
like he loans it to a neighborNand takes chances
on security, then our banks fcay not lived up
to their responsibility. The fact that banks
are not secured is a fact patent to every one.
We send millions of dollars a year to Europe
to be deposited in government savings banks
because people are not willing to trust their
money to the banks in this country and when
ever a panic starts there is a sudden effort by,
tne people to take their money out and hide
it away. Sometimes they conceal it in stoves.
ai I was a banker I would be ashamed to
SfJS a? old carPet run rival with me as a
safety deposit vault In times of danger. The
wS proi?lse Becurity to the government,
wny do they give security to the federal
government to get money? Not a national bank
nJ ?i?0,. dollar of federal government's
3 SSL- tUJ ha,s put up wourlty In the fona
ti ?h fc ,Why does not the state loan money,
Lnlo? wi?out security. When the state;
WhZ L?01eln .a bank ifc demands security,
r!nr?nH00LdIstricts and ther organizations
tt?SS.!!! be Leple dePsit money in a bank
banks ?hS? TUritZ' men PePle Put mony InJ
SVioy demand security. Why should ai
tak t?2 ?d a Pr WOman alonQ be left t(
Th? rwL?11,063 wlth thQ rascality of a bankfl
of offlSKS torniM no V0iC6 ln the appointment
dlsohSSS' fThi Ca8hler can bo selected or
neonifi n,dt pleasure' ad why should these:
their nrom 0t i7ho?a money e banks make
Chan no V Wh Bnould ttey be left to take
monev wi0 wh??er oy will ever get their
the hLbvC? r n5t? You tel1 m in most cases
will B?JS g00id- wln make tt stronger, I
Th ni ln.noi?J7 very case the bank is good,
bank is Lr0U,bl s we ca't tell just which
and ti J? u giIn.g t0 be eood until after it fails
chanc? iiJi !,8 to, Iat0- If tbere i8' b 1Ittle
Possihiii dT?esn fc thQ bank remve that little
possibility? it Would cost less than one-tentk