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The Real Makers of Socialism in America
For Those Who Consider the Growth of Socialism a National Peril We Counsel a Fair Sttidv of Election StntKttirjr. ' '
'Historical Truth is That the Men Whom Socialists Have to Thank More Than Anv Others for the Americanization
and Spread of Propaganda are Mark Hanna in Politics and John D. Rockefeller and J. Pierpont Morgan in Business. "
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44
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When-the passage of the years .to come has
provided perspective for proper view of the hap
.penings between 1890 and 1910, one of tho
jokes of history will be the fact that thousands
of supposedly sane Americans sincerely assailed
the advocates of economic and political progress
and reform as socialists.
It is not our purpose to enter upon an end
less dispute by undertaking to define the inani
' fold varieties of socialism, nor to censure or
approve any of its phases, from the militant
atheistic, Marxian apostles of "direct action" to
the mild Fabianism of the American Christian
socialists.
We purpose simply to expose in plain figures
tho preposterous absurdity of accusing the pro
gressive leaders in both the republican and
democratic parties of being promoters,, not of
evolution, but of the revolution which tho
socialist creed deman.ds in that plank of tho
national platform which declares that "no
amount of government regulation or of publicity
or of restrictive legislation will arrest the nat
ural course of modern industrial development."
For example, we find in the editorial columns
of the New York newspapers which for months
have been virulently denouncing Theodore
' Roosevelt as "the man who would be king," .the
denunciation of him for having "built up the
party of Deb's" and the news that "after Mr.
Roosevelt's avowal of socialistic doctrines the
socialist vote is nearly doubled."
The historical truth is that the men whom the
socialists have to thank more than any others
for the Americanization and spread of their pro
paganda are Mark Hanna in politics, and John
D: Rockefeller and J. Pierpont Morgan in
business.
' Only fifteen years ago socialism was a negli
gible, ill-understood, alien doctrine. Only a
small minority of the best-informed students of
. world thought differentiated the doctrines ex
pounded by a handful of foreign-born men from
the bomb-throwing anarchy of Herr Most and
his frowsy disciples.
In 1896 the entire vote of the socialists in
the nation was only 36,274.
Then followed the period" of the unrestricted
rule of wealth, of the vast illegal flotations, of
complete domination of industry by trusts that
- Bet themselves above the law the reign of the
triumvirate of Hanna, Rockefeller and Morgan.
'.The American people began to despair of
American institutions. They saw the wrongs.
Thsy suffered. But they lacked leaders. And
they lost hope. No other chance to cast off
the tyranny -of concentrated Big Business being
proffered, they hearkened readily to the theory
of the socialists that all present forms of gov
ernment must be overthrown in order to abolish
the wage system; that free government and in
dividual" opportunity could be regained only by
destroying capitalisnf as feudalism was de-
stroyed.
It was the harvest time for the socialist lead
era of real ability, the scientific Marxians oMho
type of Hillquitt and Berger and Ben Hanford.
Men as keen minded as these knew their
' friends. They realized fully that the trust
- makers and their political agents were not only
fostering the growth of socialism among the
. people, but were creating the machinery, into
' . possession of which the socialists could enter
as soon as sufficiently prolonged and aggravated
oppression haL-roused the nation to accept des
perate remedies" for a desperate disease.
The' result was the increase of the national
socialist vote from 36,274 in 1896 to 127,553
in 1900. , ..
During Roosevelt's first three years In the
White House there was but scant indication of
espousal of progressive theories by the party in
complete power. Consequently, the foca
propaganda continued to thrive. -And in 1904
the country was startled by the count of 426,
376 socialist ballots. . 0ro1rfln
But in the next four years came the awaken
ine of the public conscience; came the leader
ship that instilled the long-deferred hope; came
the birth and growth a national policies of
Jelation and restriction of corporations,
equitable liability In industrial accidonts, arbi
tration of labor disputes, conservation of tho
nation's possessions for the general good and
tho demand that a fairer burden of taxation bo
borne by wealth.
There could not bo tho immediato perfection
-In legislation of these policies In tho face of tho
mighty opposition of organized privilege. But
the American people understood that, apart
from revolutionary socialism, there was a pos
sible means of establishing tho rights of hu
manity as superior to thoso of property.
There always had been much that was good
and, true and desirable In tho socialist creed.
There is much truth in their indignant com
plaints that progressive republicans and demo
crats turned their own weapons against them
by appropriating a few of tho good socialistic
governmental theories.
But when 1908 came around nono In any
party dreamed of the check to socialistic ad
vance that those previous four yeaTs hud
wrought. Tho socialists confidently predicted a
vote of 1,250,000 in tho nation. Conservative
estimates conceded them at least 750,000. But
when the vote was counted it was found that
the vote for Debs was only 448,453.
Small wonder that Roosevelt, denounced by
the forces of privilege as socialistic, Is hated
by the socialists as their arch-enemy.
But after that four years' standstill of so
cialism there have followed twenty months of
reaction, of Cannonism and Aldrichism and ad
ministration subservience to Wall Street and
Big Business, identical with tho old HannaiBm.
And while final figures aro not yet obtainable,
the socialist leaders assert that less than two
years of Taft gave them on election day 700,000
votes in tho nation.
Their vote in New York was doubled. Tho
first socialist congressman goes to Washington
and thirteen socialists will sit In tho legislature
of a single state. Here in Pennsylvania a
Reading socialist will share in making tho laws
at Harrisburg, and the totaj party vote will
probably exceed that of the prohibition lots.
Chagrined and almost despairing in 1908, tho
socialists now are exulting in the thoughts thus
expressed by Charles Edward Russell, their can
didate for governor In Now York
"Just contemplate the tremendous meaning of
the nearly hundred per cent increase of our
vote in New York state. Tabulation of the re
turns from seventeen other states shows that
the percentage of Increase in every one of them
was approximately what It was here.
"Tho people's minds are being freed of ghosts
and hobgoblins. They are becoming educated
to the real meaning and potentiality of social
ism. They are no longer associating It with tho
red flag and the bomb. It has1 taken years to
give us a start, but that we are started no
thoughtful man can doubt.
"The man would have been called a fool who,
five years ago, would have predicted that we
would roll up & vote of 700,000 in the nation
this year, and that in the state of New York,
one of the world's greatest citadels of capital;
ism,' we would poll 65,000 votes."
Such exultation is natural. But for those
who consider the growth of socialism a national
peril wo counsel a fair study of the election
statistics we have cited before they stultify
themselves by fixing the blame upon the men
and the policies that have done most to check
that spread.-Philadelphia North- American,
republican.
SOCIALISTS AND LABOR UNIONS
Rev. Charles Stelzle, the union labor clergy
man, sent to the Omaha News, the following
dispatch: -w . ... .
St Louis, Mo., November 17. Tho wildest
kind of rumors of what the socialists were plan
ning to do to President Gompers and to tho
convention as a whole, were the occasion of a
caucus of the socialist wing of tho federation
last night, when it was decided to appoint a
committee to draft a statement to be given to
the public in three oi four days, in wh ch it
will be distinctly declared that the socialists
will not attompt to socuro ofllco In tho federa
tion or to spring on tho convention any kind of
a resolution which would tend to give tho np
pearanco of trying to force the federation with
tho socialist party.
This statonont will Indlcato that nothing of
a political charactor will bo introduced by the
socialists. The usual socialist resolutions, which
havo always boon tho sourco of tho blltorost
controversy In provlous conventions, will bo
omitted, so far as tho leadors of the socialist
party In tho convention aro concornod.
Tho tlmo has gono by, tho socialists say,
when such tactics aro necessary. Tho grow
ing strength of socialism throughout tho coun
try, and In tho labor movement, In bringing tho
party Into sufficient promlnenco without spend
ing time and strongth in what scorns rather a
useless discussion in tho convention of tho
American Federation of Labor. Tho recent elec
tion seems to justify this position. It Is folt
by the socialist leaders In the convention that
the best placo to do their propaganda work is
through their regular educational channols, and
that In tho convention of tho American Federa
tion of Labor they will stand as bona fldo trades
unionists, although always championing tholr
creed when necessary.
Tho presenco of Congressman-elect Victor L.
Berger of Milwaukee, as a dologato to tho con
vention, has given tIho to considerable specula
tion as to what ho would do In advocating his
well-known views; but Berger Is also commit
ted to tho program adopted by the socialists'
daucus. Unless something unlooked for occurs,
Berger will remain silent on tho question of
socialism, insofar as any attempt to carry out
his yearly policy of introducing socialist reso
lutions and trying to sccuro Indorsement for tlje
program of his party Is concerned.
Max S. Hayes has been repoatedly nominated
by tho local newspapers In tho namo of tho
socialists to succeed Samuel Compers, but Hayes
will not permit his namo to bo used In opposi
tion to Gompers, oven though ho may not favor
his re-election. But this much Is pretty certain:
Gompers will undoubtedly bo unanimously re
elected as president of the American Federation
of Labor, and the socialists will pull togethor
with the trades unionists In an opportunist pro
gram to bettor tho condition of tho tollers.
This Is tho so-called "Milwaukee program,"
and it is tho basis upon which tho preseut so
cialist administration In that city Is being cop
ducted. CHARLES STELZLE.
THE STEADY GROWTH OF SOCIALISM
Tho name of tho socialist party first appeared
upon foo ballot In tho United States in 1888,
when It polled 2,068 votes. In the twenty-ona
yeaTB which have since elapsed It has pro
gressed steadily, showing these totals:
1890, 13,331; 1892, 21,157; 1894, 33,133;
1896 36,564; 1898, 91,749; 1900, 98,417;
1902, 225,903; 1904, 403,338; 1906, over
500,000; 1908, over 600,000.
It will bo some tlmo before all tho figures
for 1910 aro available, but It Is known that tho
vote scored a largo increase all over the coun
try. In New York it grew from 33,000 to 65,
000; In California, from 16,000 to over 60,000.
It Is probable that this year's total reached the
million mark.
Milwaukee elected tho first socialist congress
man on November 8.
The thoroughgoing socialist boldly declares
that the earth and the fullness thereof was In
tended, not for tho making of dividends, but for
tho satisfaction of human needs. His program
Is frankly revolutionary, though he prefers the
ballot to the bullet as a means to tho end.
While tho avowed advocates of socialism have
worked with wonderful energy and persistency
to promote the growth of their cause, theyare by
no means entitled to all the credit for what has
been accomplished.
The socialist has a partner who Is working
overtime to convince the world that there is
no hope, save in revolution.
The socialist's partner. Is no other than ouc
old friend, the standpatrlot that Is to say, the
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