5
OCTOBER 2J, 1910
The Commoner,
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ttttcr confusion that results from local legislature
Attempting to treat national Issues as local Issues."
WHAT DOBS "NEW NATIONALISM" MEAN?
What does that mean? It means that new
nationalism wants to deprive the Btato of somo
of tho powers that thoy now have, and transfor
thoso powers to Washington. One of tho things'
desired Is tho national incorporation of railroads.
Mr. Roosevelt has recommended It In ono of his"
messages, and one of tho reasons ho gavo was
that It would relievo tho railroads of annoyance
by local legislatures. President Taft Is now pre
paring, through his attorney general, a hill that
provides for tho national Incorporation of cor
porations engaged In Interstato commerco; and
why? Because stato restrictions are objected to
by theso great corporations. Tho first step to
ward tho new nationalism Is to concentrato power
In Washington, to lncreaso the proportional power
of tho federal government and decreaso tho propor
tional Importance of tho states. It means that when
you want to deal with a railroad, or with tho big:
'corporations that come Into your state, Instead of
doing so by your stato legislatures, you must
wait until Washington acts. And romember that
when you wait on Washington you wait on the,
senate as well as tho house; and that senate now
has so many representatives of predatory Interests
In It, that It Is tho bulwark of the exploiting In
terests of tho country. Aro you willing to sur
render tho power you now have, and put your
government farther away from you? Tho demo
cratic party says that federal remedies should
be added to the state remedies, not substituted
for state remedies. Tho xlomocratlc party says,
let tho stato exercise the power It has, and lot
tho nation cxerclso tho power It has. When both
stato and national have acted you will not have
any more regulation than you need. Lot mo Illus
trate this. Tho homo, the church and tho school
join Jn developing tho character of our boys. What
mother would be willing to strike down cither tho
home, tho school or tho church, and leavo It all to
the other two? And yet, my friends, the advo
cates of new nationalism would diminish tho
power of tho peoplo of a state to protect their
own rights, and mako It more dlfllcult to securo
redress by removing the seat of power to Wash
ington. That is tho first step in tho new na
tionalism tho concentration of power In Wash
ington. And tho second:
"Tho new nationalism Is still moro Impatient
of tho Importance which springs from tho over
division of government powers."
You aro not only to concentrate power in Wash
ington, but you aro to consolidate tho powers of
government. Instead of having a division of pow
ers such as the fathers thought necessary for tho
protection of liberty you are to have a rising
executive and a diminishing court and legislature.
That Is step number two. And what Is tho third
step? It naturally follows:
PERNICIOUS AND DANGEROUS DOCTRINE
"Third, tho new nationalism regards the execu
tive power as the steward of tho public welfare."
There you have It, my friends. First, put every
thing In Washington. Second, put ovorything in
the hands of tho president. And then he is to
stand as a sort of earthly father and tako caro
of us, How do you like new nationalism, my
friends, wren you find out what It Is? This Is
tho doctrine from which tho world has been mov
ing. It has cost the lives of millions of patriots
to get away from this doctrine. God forbid that
wo should go back to it?
I doubt If there is another man In tho United
.States who would desire to exerciso the power
that Mr. Roosevelt wants to vest in a president.
I do not believe thero is another; and even if you
aro willing to trust him with this power I beg
you to remember that he Is only human and may
die; you must trust another man to exercise It
when ho Is dead. You can not judgo a monarchy
by a good king. There have been good kings,
but there never was a good monarchy. Tho doc
trine Is bad, and never since the days of Alexander
Hamilton has such a doctrlno been promulgated
in tho United States by a prominent man a3 ls
now advanced In the name of new nationalism.
You need John Kern there to vote against theso
initial steps toward a one man power. You need
John Kern there to vote against national Incor
poration of railroads. You need John Kern thero
to vote against the national Incorporation of great
corporations that are now hard to deal with, and
will be stronger still If they can rid themselves
of all state restrictions and stalk, uncontrolled,
across this rand.
FREE SPEECDT AND FREE PRESS
And then thero Is the question of a free speech
and a free press. Is It a part of new nationalism
to commence libel suits In Washington, and drag
editors across the' continent to defend themselves
for criticism of an administration? Is that to bo
considered a part of new nationalism? If we aro
to increase the importance of tho federal gov
ernment by concentrating all power there: If-wo
are then to Increase the powers of the presidential
office by consolidating all power there, and then
bo required to reverence It as the guardian and
steward of the people If that Is to be the doc
trine then you need not bo surprised If you aro
told that you must not frown when you look up
towards this source of power; that If you do frown
you must not speak: that If you sneak, they can
tako you from your home and make you defend
yourself at such a distance from your home that
even a victory will bo bankruptcy for you and
your children. .
There Is another matter that will como before
your senators. It Is the ship subsidy. Mr. Roose
velt is for it. Mr. Taft is for it. Mr. Beverldgo
has voted for It; It Is a part of their plan. They
do not always put It In their platform but they
are for It: and ynu need John Kern there to vote
against this new kind of graft that will be worked
upon you whenever they think you are able to
bear it.
And there Is another menace, there Is the cen
tral bank. They have wanted It for years. They
have planned for It for more than a decade Last
July a letter was sent out by tho National City
Bank of New York the biggest bank In tho
United States. The letter was handed to mo by a
man who Is now a candidate for congreps In Kan
sas. He obtained It from a national banker. This
letter, sent out by tho biggest bank In New York,
contains tho statement that ono of tho provisions
of the postal savings bank law was Intended to
form tho basis of a central bank; and that lettor
says that Mr. Taft favored tho law becauno It had
this provision In It. You do not want a central
bank. If that central bank Is established, with
.Its branches throughout tho country, It will run
out of business every other bank In tho town,
or compel the other banks to do business on tho
terms prescribed by the -central bank. It will
bo tho greatest financial despotism that this world
ever saw, and all the business of tho country will
bo under Its control. It will suck money from
tho extremes of tho country and pour It Into tho
hopper of Wall Street to carry on gambling trans
actions thero. You need John Kern In tho ncnuto
to fight tho central bank to a very death.
PARTIES DIFFER ON TRUST QUESTION
Tho parties differ on tho tniBt question. Mr.
Roosevelt Bald at Osawatomlo that It had boen
demonstrated that combinations could not bo pre
vented. Ho said that Instead of trying to prevent
them wo should simply try to regulato them.
Think of it, my friends! How humiliating a con
fession that this nation of ninety millions of peo
ple, can create corporations and give thorn every
right that they have, and yet can not prevent
combinations. I shall not mako any such confes
sion as that. I do not bellevo It to bo true. Mr.
Roosevelt says try regulation; that you can not
Srevent combinations. Well, If ho had never
cen president ho might tell us that, If wo would
just mako him president, he would regulate them
whoro others have failed, but ho has been presi
dent. For seven years and a half ho occupied
tho Whito House. He appointed the attorney gen
eral. He had behind him a republican senate, nnd,
moro than that, ho had Mr. Boverldge In tho senato
all tho time. Ho had a republican houso behind
him, and ho had republican Judges in tho United
States courts; and yet In sovon years and a half,
with his party In absolute power ho did not put
ono trust magnate behind tho prison bars; and
thero were moro trusts In tho United States when,
ho got through than when ho commenced. That
Is his record.
Not only that. While ho was president the rep
resentatives of tho Bteel trust went to the White
Houso. There was a panic on, and, my friends, I
never can have any respect for that mean, con
temptlb'o panic that refused to wait for a demo
cratic administration, but had tho Impudence to
como during a republican administration. Whilo
that panic was on tho representatives of tho
steel trust went to the White Houso, and con
vinced the president that they had power to con
trol the Industrial situation; that. If they wero
not allowed to swallow tholr largest rivals and
thus destroy competition, conditions were going
to get worse. And thoy so frightened tho presi
dent that ho consented to what thoy wanted.
AN IMPUDENT PROPOSAL
Never but once before was such an Impudent pro
posal taken to a president, so far as we know only
one; and that was when Andrew Jackson was
president. Then tho national bank of that -day
sent Its president to him and told him that tho
bank could elect him or defeat him. And what
did Jarkpon say? Did ho say "Oh, well If that Is
tho situation, you can do Just as you please?" No,
ho said, "Mr. Riddle, if your bank has tho powor
to elect a president or defeat him It has a blank
sight moro power than It ought to have and, by
the Eternal, It won't have It long." That Is tho
way Andrew Jackson dealt with a similar situa
tion. And If, In 1907. Andrew Jackson had been
In Washington Instead of Theodore Roosevelt and
the representatives of the Bteel trust had tried to
frighten him he would havo said: "Gentlemen. If
your corporation Is big enough to control tho
-financial and Industrial situation of this country;
If you can turn panics loose and call them off at
pleasure, you havo more power than any corpora
tion ought to have and, by the Eternal, you will
not have It long If I can prevent it."
Regulation! We have tried It. and It has failed.
The steel trust's not earnings for ono year wero
one hundred and fifty-four millions. One per cent
of Its net earnings that year would havo financed
a political party with a fund two and a half times
as large as we could collect two years ago from
px million, four hundred thousand democrats.
What folly to create trusts and then try to control
them by entering Into such an unequal struggle
When they are so powerful? The democratic pol
icy Is different. Our platform says that a private
monopoly Is Indefensible and Intolerable. Our
partv says that God never made a man good enough
to stand at the head of a private monopoly and
arbitrarily fix the price that you must pay for
that whloh you must havo and which ho alone can
furnish. Tne democratic party says, draw the
line to these corporations. "Thus far shalt thou
go and no farther." The democratic party says
chat the law should make It Impossible for a nrl
vate monopoly to exist In the United States. That
Is tho democratic position. That Is your position;
and you need John Kern thero to defend that
position.
TARR7F QUESTION PARAMOUNT
But Mr. Bevorldge says that the tariff question Is
tho paramount Issue; and I am willing to accept
that statement, although Mr. Roosevelt did not
seem to think It worth discussing In his speech
last week. Mr. Beverldgo says that It Is the para
mount issue, and that he deserves credit for try
ing to get soma reduction, but he says, "Beware,
don't lay hostile hand on the principle of protec
tion." and what Is the principle of protection?
It la that ninety millions of people shall be taxed
for the benefit of a few of the people. According
to the platform two years ago, and Mr. Beverldgo
helped to write It at least he was a delegate In
the convention that adopted It and Mr. Roose
velt appealed to the people for the supnort of tho
candidates who ran upon It tnat platform says
that you must not only have a tariff high enough
to cover the difference In cost of production, but
a reasonable profit for the manufacturer besides.
For what other class does the republican party
demand a reasonable profit? Does the republican
party demand that the laboring man shall be guar
anteed that he shall have permanent employment?
Does It guarantee that tho merchant shall havo
a reasonable Income? Does It guarantee that the
farmer, who sells his wheat In competition with
the cheapest labor of the world, shall havo a rea
sonable. profit7 Docs It guarantoo that tho farmer
who ralsus aorn for hogs or oattlo nhull havo ft
reasonable profit?
Wo'wlll not ooncodo that tho prlnolplo of pro
tection Is a sacred one. and whon a man tolls you
that tho prlnolplo of protection must not bo
harmed, ho will bo so anxious to kop those things
protectod which ho thlnlcs needs protection that ho
will not have time to got you relief oven whoro
ho thinks tho protection Is not noadod. How, then,
aro you to get rellof7 If you want reduction how
aro you to soeuro It? Mr. Bevorldge says by
cummiMion. auk air. uavormgo now much roeluc-
1,,V.'V...WU. .uktJi io nave, no says, "How can l
tell?" And whon will we got It?" Ho answers,
"How do I know?" How? By commission only.
Commission! Can thov fool vnu on Hint, nit thnv
fooled you on revision two years ago? Do you
romember that word roviulon, and do you remem
ber how they deceived you with It, You ought not
to have been docelvod, but It Is unity to deceive a
man if he thinks ho Is being complimented by
the deception. I hoard of a man onco whoso wlfo
callod him a model husband, nnd ho walked around
and bragged for days, and finally one of hl
friends said, "That Is no compliment. Did you
ever look tho word up In tho dictionary?" Ha said
NO.' And then ho wont to tho dictionary and
what do you suppose ho found? Ho found that
tho word "model5' was defined as "A small Imltn
t,0.n..of. Ml0 .reftl tliln&T." If they ovor prepare a
political dictionary you will find tho word "revise."
when applied to tariff reduction, defined as a small
Imitation of tho roal thing. That was tho word
they used two years ago. But they can not uso
It ngaln. That word will novor appear again In
a tariff plank of any platform. It Is out-worn;
it has outlived Its day, Tho now word Is com
mission. Thoy havon't uHed that boforo for twonty
hvo years.
THE TARIFF COMMISSION IDEA
I warn you that you can not possibly roform
tho tariff by commission beforo tho next presi
dential election. Let mo show you. Let us tako
tho most favorablo circumstances. Tho congress
that Is elected this November will not meet In
regular session until a year from next December,
J1,1!10" wl'Vn u meets It must elect a speaker.
If tho republicans win, Mr. Cannon will bo tho
speaker, and lie docs not want any commission.
But suppose some other republican is selected; ho
will bo lllco Cannon In his vlown, and ho will bo
as much opposed to a commission as Mr. Cannon
Is. But suppose, by any possibility, you get a
republican for speaker wlio is in favor of a com
mission. Ho Is elected, and then ho Is given until
after Christmas to announce tho committees, and
tho committees will get to work about January
1. Now, lot us seo how a bill makes- progress. .
Somebody Introduces a bill to provide for a com
mission. It is referred to tho committee. Tho
committeo consldors it carefully and reports It
back. It goes on the calender. And then in tlmo
a day is set for consideration, a certain tlmo is
given for discussion and at tho ond of that tlmo
they vote and nass It and It goes to tho senato.
Then tho senato refers It to a committee, and
that committeo considers It carefully and reports
It back, and then a day Is set for discussion. In
tho senato they can not tako a vote until ovcry
senator has spoken as often as he wants to, and
as long as he likes. And then It passes and It
goes to tho president vand he signs It. Then ho
appoints a commission, taking tlmo to got good
men. Ho sends their names to tho senate, and
then the senato confirms tho appointments, taking
tlmo to find out whether thoy aro good men or
not. And then tho men aro given tlmo to close
up their business; for they aro Important men
and engaged In Important business; nnd then thoy
meet in Washington, and organize for Investiga
tion. And then they set a tirno for hearing, and
then they hear, then they hear somo more, arfd
thoy keep on hearing, and then they go around
over the country and listen. They they dlvldo up
into sub-committees, and go to Europe to Investi
gate; and in the meantime you have a presidential
election. But you can not say anything, you can
not do anything, you can not think anything, bo
causc tho commission will not havo roportod yet.
And so you" got past another presidential cam
pain. If you olect a high tariff president and a
high tariff congress It will bo regarded as an en
dorsement of tho protective system, and then you
don't need any commission; and If you elect a
low tariff president and a low tariff congress, they
will proceed to reduce tho tariff without waiting
for tho commission. How do you Ilko tho com
mission plan?
WOULD TAKE A LONG TIME
When they talk about reforming the tariff by
commission I am reminded of a man who had a
breaking out on his hands. Ho went to tho doc
tor and tho doctor gave him somo medlclno and
told him to put It on every morning and como
back at tho end of tho month and report progress.
He followed directions faithfully, and at tho end'
of tho month he went back. The doctor said,
"How Is your hand?" "Well," he says, "doctor,
looking at It from day to day I can not see any
change. Looking at It from week to week 1 some
times think I can, and now at the end of the
month I think It may bo better, and. doctor, It
may get well, but I am afraid it will not bo In
vny day."
But, my friends, why wait? If any man tells
you to wait until the commission acts let mo give
you an answer for him. Tell him you are In favor
of acting now and reducing the tariff; that, if
you have to have a commission, you will appoint
It after you reduce the tariff; then you can wait
patiently while It recommends an Increase.
Turn the tables on them. They are wllllnir to
wait while you nay hundreds of millions In taxes
every year that you ought not to pay. How
patient they can bo while you bear the load! Re
duce tho tariff first, and then soo If they will
be patient about It. It Is all a farce and a fraud.
No commission will over take the question of
taxation out of the hands of the people. Tho
people will never permit a few men to decide
for them what burden they shall carry under tho
system of protection.
Why do you wait? Haven't you learned enough
of the manner In which tariff bill aro prepared?
Haven't you this bill boforo you that follows a
campaign In which you wero promised "revision?"
Didn't Mr. Taft tell you, after tho bill was pasHed,
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