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The Commoner.
AUGUST 5, 1910
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I .EVERYWHERE DIRECT legislation is recelv
li ing encouragement. The Chicago Daily
News prints this editorial: "Illinois democrats
who met in Lincoln this waek to consider meth
ods of removing from the democratic party tho
faint of Lorimerism, like tho citizens who at
tended the recent non-partisan conference in
Pooria called to consider the breakdown of rep
resentative government in Illinois, gave approval
to the initiative and the referendum. They are
regarded as important aids in restoring to the
people control of thdlr government. There are
conservative persons whose minds recoil from
the idea of the initiative and tho referendum,
particularly the initiative. Tho referendum is
already an established feature of American gov
ernment. It is not new in principle. The only
question involved is that of the extension of its
application. The initiative is an importation
from Switzerland, but it is a fitting companion
to the referendum. Our legislative bodies are
breaking down under the strain to which they
are subjected. The effort to replace with strong
and capable men tho legislators who show signs
of venality or weakness is not wholly success
ful. In Illinois we now have the spectacle of
notorious grafters offering themselves to the
voters for renomination and re-election. Further,
the stories of corruption in the legislature have
aroused in unfit men now without any legisla
tive experience the desire to become members
of a body that offers such opportunities for
plunder. Some of the venal candidates doubt
less will be successful in their ambitions, espe
cially in view of the minority representation sys
tem which exists In this state. With the initia
tive and the referendum in operation the possi
bilities of plunder by men holding representa
tive positions would be much restricted. The
people would be in a position to assert' them
selves at .any" timer -" A 'v
AN ASTOUNDING tale of graft, affecting tho
management of the Illinois Central Railroad
company was told at a hearing in Chicago be
fore Roswell B. Mason, master in chancery. Tho
Chicago Record-Herald's report follows: "A
most astounding tale of graft was unfolded when
Harold A. Sims, former traveling car inspector
for the railroad and later in the employ of one
of the five car repairing companies that are
charged with the fraud, told in detail how the
railroad furnished new cars to be torn to pieces
for use in the building of one of the repair
plants and the repair of old cars and then paid
padded bills, not only for the work done, but
also for the materials and time consumed in
dismantling tho new cars. To simplify the rob
bing of itself the railroad company induced Sims
to enter the employ of the alleged robbers. Here
are some of the things as disclosed by the evi
dence, that the alleged conspirators did: Dis
mantled Illinois Central freight cars to procure
material to put into the construction of the plant
of the Memphis Car company and then charged
the Illinois Central road for repairing the dis
mantled cars. Took many parts from Illinois
Central cars that were in good repair and used
.the parts to repair caTs that were in bad order,
charging tho railroad company for the stolen
parts. Repaired good order cars from which
parts were stolen to repair bad order cars, charg
ing the company with the material used in both
and for the labor of robbing the cars as well as
repairing them. Secured materials from the
Illinois Central company's shops at Memphis with
which to make repairs and then charged th
Illinois Central for the material. Had much of
the wood work necessary in the repair of cars
done in the shops of the Illinois Central at Mem
phis and then charged the Illinois Centrol for
doing tho work for itself. Charged for repair
ing one-half tho brakes that came In, irrespec
tive of whether or not any brakes were repaired.
Padded the bills for labor approximately forty
per cent Made a uniform charge for fourteen
gallons of paint to a car, irrespective of whether
any paint was used and regardless of the fact
that a flat car requires only from two to thre
gallons. Sims, It appears, was the man who had
charge of the repair yards of the Memphis Car
company, which was the second company or
ganized by Henry C. Ostermann with the alleged
view to defrauding tho Illinois Central. When
tho investigation began Sims had quarreled with
tho manager of the car company and was living
in Kansas City, where detectives found him and
induced him to agree to turn state's evidence.
The story as retailed by Sims disclosed such a
'raw' method of grafting that it was declared
to be little short of marvelous that tho conspir
acy ran so long aa it did without bolug dis
covered." WILLIAM H. BERRY, former state treasurer
of Pennsylvania is tho new "keystone"
party candidate for governor. Newspapers rep
resenting the Penrose republican machine
charged that Berry had borrowed money from
Guffey, a democratic "boss." Mr. Berry has
issued a statement in which ho says that these
notes were given for money borrowed by him
to fight extraordinary demands on tho stato
treasury, incidental to his expose of the capitol
steal. The state refused him an appropriation,
so he spent his own money, ho says, and then
borrowed more. With this aid, ho declares, he
saved the state $250,000 in bills he refused to
pay.
IN HIS STATEMENT Mr. Berry says some
things of general interest. He says: "Dur
ing my incumbency as treasurer I was subject
to extraordinary expense In exposing the capitol
steal. There was no way in which I could use
state funds. The legislature refused me an
appropriation, although it spent a largo sum
in 'investigating' the case after I had exposed
it, confirming my work almost to tho letter.
Having exhausted my own means, I accepted
the financial help of several democrats, each
without the knowledge of,, the. others, t and
among them Mr. Quffey. With this help I' was
able to render the state a substantial scrvico,
saving at least $250,000 in the bills that I re
fused to pay. This help was given me in a
spirit of the highest patriotism. I felt under
obligations to these men, especially to Mr. Guf
fey, so much so that I incurred tho displeasure
of my Bryanite friends by refusing to join in
the personal assault on him at Denver. I still
hold him in the highest personal regard. I did
not think, however, that my obligation to Mr.
Guffey was such as to make me 'take orders'
in the offensive sense in which the term Is now
used, and asserted my liberty by helping to
choose Bryan delegates throughout the state
against his wishes. I was duly punished for
this at the state convention in 1908, and took
the medicine without a murmur. Though not
the real reason, my alleged Bryanism was made
a partial excuse for a further drubbing at Allen
town, and I am not sure but what I am due to
get more of it In the future. To believe in and
follow a Roosevelt or a Bryan in preference to
some of the other types of statesmen who figure
In our politics seems to be a mortal sin in tho
eyes of some people, but I sincerely trust that It
is not those folks who are now circulating this
story about my private business. I have stood
for local option, and do not ask or expect quar
ter from those who deny this right of the
people."
POSTAL SAVINGS banks are not materializ
ing as rapidly as some of the advocates of
that reform would wish. A writer in the Chicago
Examiner says: "The announcement from Post
master General Hitchcock that postal savings
banks under the new law will not be generally
established 'for a long time,' coupled with ap
parently authorized information that the board
of trustees which has the'matter in charge will
first try the system out in three or four of our
larger cities meantime seeking information as
to methods in Europe Is distinctly disappoint
ing! The measure has been a long time coming.
Nearly forty years ago (1871) Postmaster Gen
eral Creswell recommended the system; and his
successors Maynard, James, Howe, Gary, Wan
amaker, Meyer and Hitchcock made similar
recommendations. From 1873 down to the
present congress fifty bills for the creation of
the institution were introduced in the house
and thirty in the senate all of which fell by
the wayside! Finally the popular demand for
postal banks becamo so pronounced that tho re
publican and democratic parties both cxprossly
promised tho institution as a long-delayed con
cession to the wishes of tho people. Now It ap
pears the peoplo must wait for un indefiuito time
bofore they enn expoct to see thortgonoral estab
lishment of the banks contemplated in tho law.
The Examiner can see no good reason for such
excessive caution. Thirty-one of tho leading na
tions of tho earth havo the "system 'in triumphant
operation with no apparent notion of going back.
On tho contrary the official reports vory uni
formly show that tho postal banks whorcver es
tablished have been highly popular and that tho
constant tendency is to broadon the fluid of
their operations. Tho experiment, too, has been
sufficiently tried out. In Great Britain, for in
stance, the system has been in operation slnco
1801 with such success that after nearly thirty
years of trial Gladstouo said in tho house of
commons: 'Tho postoffico savings bank is the
most important institution which has been cre
ated in the last fifty years for tho welfare of tho
people and tho state. I consider the act of 18G1,
which called this institution into exlstouco, as
the most useful and fruitful of my long careor!'
Postal banks are no novelty, and tho practical
methods of their operation are not an unknown
science. Tho paths havo been beaten plain long
ago; and, if our officials shall triflo time away
and keep tho American people waiting long years
for a realization of their wishes in this matter,
tho conclusion will naturally be reached that the
delay Is due, not to a reasonable spirit of caution,
but to the same organized hostility which has
kept tho country waiting for a generation past.
It required a long time for" the peoplo to get
their law passed. . It now seems that a furthor
tax must be laid upon their patienco bofore they
wiU.gotithelr law enforced. If this bo so It will
be necessary for tho peoplo to get busy oarfy
and energetically!" - '
pEFERRING TO tho democratic conference
JlL recently held at Lincoln, 111., tho Chicago
Record-Herald says: "Tho democrats who as
sembled at Lincoln refused to puzzle themselves
with doubtful distinctions and condemned all
tho democratic members of tho general assembly
who voted for Lorimer. This was the logical
and eminently proper thing to do. Lorimer was
not a peoplo's candidate, not a statesman of
such colossal proportions that ho fairly bulged
over party lines and took the enemy captive
by virtue of his genius; not an Independent
who appealed to all but extreme partisans. Ho
was a regular by profession, a reactionary In
practice, without the gift of eloquence or per
sonal magnetism, without knowledge of history
and political economy, without Intellectual in
terests. No doubt he arouses a certain kind of
enthusiasm when ho is busy on his organization
among his ward lieutenants, but he would not
have received a popular call to tho senate In a
thousand years. Put him out among the peoplo
and he would chill, not thrill, them. Despite
all that has happened, it seems almost cruel to
speak of him in the same breath with Lincoln
and Douglas and Palmer and Oglesby. The man
being what he is, it is really more difficult to
understand the frame of mind of those who are
said to havo voted for him honestly than to ac
cept the depraVIty of those who havo confessed
that they supported him for money. What could
a democrat see In this republican reactionary
who had never been anything but a machine
politician, who had often been accused of using
his political power for sinister purposes,
whose blight Was on every part of the
public service that ho touched? The democrat
who supported this republican, bribe or no bribe,
forfeited all claim to democratic votes and all
claim to republican respect. Tho effect should
be to take him completely out of politics, and
the feeling of the democrats at Lincoln on that
subject does credit to them. Give us legislators
now with a straight vision. Let them be called
democrats or republicans according to their
party affiliations, but let them bo men, first, last
and all the time; men of integrity, fidelity, of
proved horiesty. Then we need not worry much
about the party labels or havo much fear of
partisan or bipartisan conspiracies."
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