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The Commoner.
WILL&M J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR
VOL. 10, NO. 19
Lincoln, Nebraska, May 20, 1910
Whole Number 487
- Mr. Justice Hughes
The Chicago Record-Herald says that "Bryan's
attack on Hughe3 was mean and contemptible."
It commends President Taft for taking notice
of Mr. Bryan's comment and credits him with
depreciating such criticism as Mr. Bryan made.
Mr. Bryan did not expect to escape criticism
when he called attention to Governor Hughes'
record. When anyone exposes the attempt
which the predatory corporations are making to
control the government, the judicial branch as
well as the executive and legislative, he must,
expect to be denounced not only by the corpora
tions but by those who have been fooled by the
corporations. The Commoner is charitable
enough to assume that the Record-Herald is
among the number of the fooled and not among
the number of those who intentionally defend
representatives of corporate greed. Neither the
Record-Herald nor Mr. Taft wll answer theT
criticism that Mr. Bryan made, for the facts
upon which the criticism was based are admit
ted. - Did not Governor Hughes veto the two
cent jate bill? Does the Record-Herald approve
of that or condemn it? Did not Governor
Hughes lead the fight against the income tax
amendment and did he not succeed in defeating
it in his own state? No other governor has
undertaken this, and even Governor Hughes with
all of his influence, succeeded in defeating it by
a very small majority. Does the- Record-Herald
deny that the representatives of the great cor
porations contributed to Governor Hughes' cam
paign fund, and does it deny that these contri
butions Indicate a friendliness toward Governor
Hughes? Is the Record-Herald so Innocent as to
suppose that the contributions made by the rep
resentatives of great corporations are patriotic
and imply no return? Why the agitation in
favor of publicity as to campaign funds if not to
Inform the pepple as to the influences which are
at work in behalf of different candidates? The
publicity bill passed by the hcuse provides for
publication befor.e election while the bill report
ed by the senate provides for publication after
the election, but the object of publication,
whether before or after the election is, first
to discourage improper contributions, and sec
ond to inform the public as to the contribu
tions actually made. The Record-Herald is pre
Buining too much upon the ignorance of its
readers if it asserts that contributions from the
interested corporations do not justify a suspi
cion as to the existence of friendship between
the candidate and the corporations.
But that the Record-Herald may be no longer
Innocent in its , "defense of Hughes appointment
and no longer ignorant of the influences back
of the appointment, let it read the following
extract from a letter written by W. E, Hutton
& Co., and published in the Cincinnati Enquirer
on the first of May:
"The new week opened rather better than the
old week closed. The nomination by President
Taft of Governor Hughes to succeed Mr. Justice
Brewer in the supreme court gave general satis
faction in "financial circles because of the con-
CONTENTS
MR. JUSTICE HUGHES
REPUBLICAN DIVJSION
GOVERNOR CROTHERS ON PLATFORMS
XMllVlXTJ2JXm.lMJiy OilllX J. J-lVliiilM JL UTXIU VV Xl Jt
MR. BRYAN IN CHILI .
THE REVOLT IN IOWA
ANTI-INCOME TAX METHODS
-JEFFERSON'S VIEWS
PRACTICAL TARIFF TALKS
CURRENT TOPICS
HOME DEPARTMENT
WHETHER COMMON OR NOT
NEWS OF THE WEEK
WASHINGTON NEWS
I
servatism that Governor Hughes has shown in
his official acts when the interests of capital
have been concerned. Ho has votoed, for In
stance, the two cent per mile maximum passen
ger rate for New York state; he appointed a
committee to investigate speculative methods in
the state whose report did much to restrain
popular and unwise legislation based on lack of
knowledge; and in other ways ho has shown
himself a nfan with a proper appreciation of the
protection guaranteed to property under the con
stitution. It was felt that with such an addition
to the highest tribunal, that decisions in such
cases as the Standard Oil and Amorican Tobacco
would be in safe hands."
This is a trade letter from New York City
and tells of what is going on in Wall Street.
The writer of that letter commends .the appoint
ment of Governor Hughes and in a very friendly
spirit justifies the president's act, but the praise
of this friend is more damaging than Mr. Bryan's
criticism. It will be noticed that the Enquirer
letter calls attention to the veto of the two cent
rate, just as Mr. Bryan did, but gives Governor
Hughes praise for the veto whereas Mr. Bryan
criticises him. The Enquirer letter does not
mention the governor's attitude on the income
tax. This is probably an oversight but It makes
up for the oversight by mentioning something
that Mr. Bryan overlooked, namely, the appoint
ment of the committee which 'whitewashed the
Wall Street gamblers. Does the Record-Herald
regard it as complimentary to Governor Hughes
that he should by implication bo charged with
appointing a committee, not for the purpose of
exposing Wall Street methods, but for the pur
pose of quieting clamor against itT And what
does the Record-Herald think of the suggestion
that the sugar trust case, and the tobacco trust
case are safe -in Governor Hughes handg? That
is worse than anything 'Mr.' Bryan said, and yet,
this charge againBt Governor Hughes made in
the form of a eulogy and by a friend, ought to
convince any unprejudiced person that Governor
Hughes is expected to take the side of the trust
magnates in cases that come before the supremo
court. He may not do so but he will disappoint
those who are most delighted with his appoint
ment if he is not a thick and thin advocate of
the so-called business methods which are deemed
legitimate by Wall Street, but which are de
nounced by nine-tenths of the people.
GOVERNOR CROTHERS ON PLATFORMS
Governor Crothers, of Maryland, has given
emphatic expression to a few plain "truths on
the subject of platforms. He says: "A man
who refuses to abide by the party mandates as
contained in the party platform has no right to
call himself a democrat. To oppose the party
platform is, In my estimation, a far more se
rious offense against the party than to oppose
the party candidates." Governor Crothers is
trying to compel the carrying out of the party
platform, and as in 'nearly all other cases where
,men refuse to be bound by platforms, there is
a favor-seeking corporation on the .other side.
The governor of Maryland is endeavoring to
secure the creation of a public service commis
sion, and of course the public service corpora
tions do not want it, and the governor is hear
ing from-those who do not regard the platform
as binding the same argument advanced by
democratic senators and members of congress
who did not want to be bound by a platform.
The governor is right. Opposing a platform Is
a more serious offense than opposing candi
dates, because a candidate may be opposed for
personal reasons while one opposed to the prin
ciples of his party as set forth in the platform
is opposed to the party's collective judgment.
Let the discussion go on. In the end it will
become settled democratic doctrine which no
office-holder can dispute that a platform Is a
sacred pledge and can not be violated with im
punity. Representative Barclay of Pennsylvania an
nounces that the state of his "health" will not
allow him to continue as a candidate for re-election.
Mr. Barclay Is an ardent Cannonite and
he sees the handwriting upon the wall.
Republican Division
Senator Cummins of Iowa declares that the'
division in the ranks of tho republican party
is not ephemeral, and that tho soonor tho peo
ple appreciate that fact tho soonor will they
"become conscious of a great and everlasting
truth." Senator Cummins is right. Tho stand
patters will insist, of course, that tho insurgents
are actuated simply by porsonal ambition, and
tho circumstances may give some color to the
charge, because tho insurgents, if they repre
sent their people, will probably profit In a politi
cal way by their protest against the standpat
ters. It is not fair, however, to charge a man
with political ambition merely because tho peo
ple reward him for serving .them. The stand
patters are just as open to tho charge of po
litical ambition for they are trying to pleas
tho people who furnish their campaign funds,
and keep them in public life. Tho difference
is that the insurgents appeal to the masses while
tho standpatters rely upon tho support of spe
cial Interests.
But the public is not concerned particularly
over men's ambitions; it is concerned rather
in accomplishing something, and the insurgonts
are tho only people in tho republican party who
are trying to accomplish something. Tho stand
patters want to "let well enough alone." They
are afraid that "harmony will bo disturbed" if
tho wealth producers resist tho encroachment
of tho predatory interests or cry out against
favoritism and special privilege. Tho progres
sive element of a party Is tho salt of tho paTty
its saving force. Society moves forward,' and
tho standpatter must, necessarily bo left behind
in time. Ho can make a big fuss, but he is in
much the positionlfrf the boy who is stealing
a ride on a wagon; he may swear at the driver
when tho driver discovers him, but he gets off.
The republican party is passing through the
same crisis that tho democratic party went
through In 1896. At that time tho predatory
interests charge tho progressive democrats with
all kinds of bad Intent, from the disruption of
the party to tho dishonoring of tho country, and
they succeeded In defeating the party. But the
control of the democratic party, bo It remem
bered, passed out of tho hands of Wall Street.
The republicans welcomed those who deserted
the democratic party at that tlmp, and they so
cured a temporary advantage from this increase
in their ranks. Now they find that their party
was weakened for real, effective work by the
recruits which it then secured. It was corpora
tion ridden before, and It had to carry a still
heavier burden when it welcomed those who
-were driven out of tho democratic party by
tho Chicago platform.
Yes, the division in the republican party Is
a permanent one, and the rift runs from top
to bottom. Tho fight will be fierce fiercer
than it was in the democratic --party because
the predatory element In the republican party -is
larger and more powerful than it was in
the democratic party, but the insurgents will
win not this year nor probably In 1912 but
sometime. They can notj'ail to win; they have
already forced their opponents to accept some
reforms, and they will force them to accept
more. If tlie standpatters retain control of
the republican organization they will bo com
pelled to surrender to the ideas of-the insur
rectionists even if they do not surrender the
offices- totho insurrectionists.
The fight in the republican party began In
1904. Senator LaFollette was thrown out of -the
republican convention, and yet President
Roosevelt, who permitted the humiliation of La
Follette, at once began to adopt Mr. LaFollette's
Ideas. Wisconsin sent LaFollette to the senate
after he had been rejected by the national or
ganization, and the republican senators tried
to suppress him but ho continued his fight.
Now he has eight or nine insurgents with him,
and the republican leaders admit that he Is
a power to be reckoned with. Insurgency has
broken out in the house; the insurgents joined,
with democrats and dethroned Cannon, and
they have amended the railroad bill in several
fl
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