jvn.
ffiytmipjrttnpspsvm-v
The Commoner.
VOLUME 10, NUMBER 2
The Commoner EDUCATIONAL SERIES
NJ
ISSUED WEEKLY.
r-v
.
itf
lOff
V
V
n"1
w
Entered at tho Poiitofllco r.t Lincoln, Nobraako,
ftH socond-cluHH matter.
Wju.iam j. jiuyam
Ktlltor and Proprietor
men Aim I Mictcamw
Awncluto ICdltor
CllAHI.K.1 W. JlllTAH
rubllRher
Ifdltorlnl Noon and UuhIiicm
Ofllcw 32-1-530 Foutli 12th Strcol
Obo Ycnr fl.00
six nfontim no
In Clubu of Flvo or
more, per year... .75
Three Month 25
Single Copy 05
Bainplo Copies Free.
Foreign PobL Cc Extra.
rlUn.SOllII'TlONS can bo ncnt direct to Tho Com
moner. They can alo bo went through nowspapero
which have advertised a clubbing rate, or through
local afrcntfl, vliero uub-afjentH have been nppolnt
ed. All remittances should bo sent by poHtofllco
S)onoy order, oxpronn ordor, or by bank draft on
fow York or Chicago. Do not send Individual
checks, stamps or money.
ni.HCONTINUANOlSH It Is found that a largo
majority of our subscribers prefer not to havo
tholr subscription)) Interrupted and their files
broken In eano they fall to remit boforo expiration.
It Is thoroforo assumed that contlnuanco la desired
unless subscribers order discontinuance, cither
when subscribing or at any tlmo during tho year.
rillQSRNTATION COPIICS Marty persons sub
ncrlbo for friends, Intending that tho paper shall
stop at tho end of tho year. If Instructions aro
riven to that offect thoy will rccelvo attention at
tho propor tlmo
UFlNIQWAIiS Tho dato on your wrapper shows
tho tlmo to which your subscription Is paid. Thus
January 21, 09, means that payment has been re
ceived to and Including tho last Issuo of January,
1909. Two weeks aro required after monoy has
boon rocolvod boforo tho dato on wrapper can bo
changed.
CHANGE OF ADDHF3SH Subscribers requesting
a chnngo of addrosu must glvo old as well as now
address.
ADVERTISING Rates will bo furnished upon
application.
Address all communications to
THE COMMONER, Lincoln, Neb.
'
CIRCULATING THE COMMONER
Tho Commoner hna onterod upon Its
tonth volumo. In January, 1901, tho
first lssuo of Tho Commoner made its
appearance. In that issue Mr. Bryan
said: "Tho Commonor will bo satiofied
u, by fidelity to tho common people, it
proves its right to tho namo which has
boon chosen."
Do you boliovo The Commonor has
proved its right to this namo?
Do you boliovo that it stands for pop-
ular government, according to its edl-
tor's honost judgment? Do vou bollavn
that in tho croat contest that Is now ho.
ing waged botween tho masses and tho
mon who, within and without law. lmvn
been granted unduo privileges, Tho
vjommonor may ho depended upon to
battlo for tho nubile intornsts? ir vmi r
boliovo this, then you aro in a position
vf to aiu tno causo or popular government
by participating in tho effort to increase
Tho Commoner's circulation. In order
to enable you to help a special rate of
CO ,cents in clubs of flvo has been made
Tho sum of $3.00 will take The
Commoner to five of your neighbors for
a period of ono year. Will you help?
00
ELKINS ON "MODERN THOUGHT"
A Washington dispatch printed in the Phila
delphia' North American stated that Senator
hllcins would introduce the president's "rail
road roform bill" in tho senate, and added-
"Elkins, formorly a foo of such legislation
has reached tho conclusion that the bill fairly
represents modern thought. Ho says that pub
lic opinion demands the government regulation
of tho railroads and does not consider this ob
jectionable so long as it stops short of Kovern
montal management."
Does any republican believe that Senator
Elkins is a reformer with respect to railroad
legislation? UrtU
Is it possible that republicans who have been
loyal" to a fault, can not read a striking chal
lenge to their present day confidence in the re
ports of tho enthusiasm with which trust mag
nates and railroad representatives embrace the
"reform legislation" proposed by the gentleman
SX T 2 uder th0 popular SSrSSSS
poUclea?" WUld 'arry out the osovelt
THE DEMOCRATIC POSITION ON THE TARIFF
Hon. E. F. Dunno, former mayor of Chicago,
spoke at tho Jackson Day banquet at Jackson,
Mich., taking as his subject "The Democratic
Position on tho Tariff.'.' Judge Dunne spoke in
part as follows:
From tho tlmo of tho foundation of this
American republic up to within a few years
boforo tho election of Andrew Jackson to tho
presidency, the cause of human equality in that
republic seemed to have been permanently as
sured, until it was discovered that a powerful
plutocracy was undermining the democracy of
tho country by tho insidious and underground
machinations of tho United States bank, char
tered by the government under a law which gavo
tho control of that great institution to a few
private capitalists.
On Jackson's accession to tho presidency, ho
was quick to recognize tho seriousness of tho
situation. The bank controlled a capital of
fifty million, more potent for evil at that time
in tho hands of unscrupulous men than would
be five billion dollars today. It subsidized, or
otherwise controlled most of the influential pa
pers of tho country, as does the "system" of
our own day. It dominated or was allied with
-tho other banks and bankers of tho country.
It controlled "society." Such men as Webster,
Clay and Calhoun were Its spokesmen in the
senate. Its tentacles were clutching both con
gress and the courts. Its charter was soon to
expire. Appreciating tho overwhelming and
malevolent influence it was exercising over the
government of that day, Jackson promptly
opened the war of democracy against plutocracy,
which has been waged with varying fortunes in
this republic from Jackson's day to tho present
time.
He declared himself as opposed to the re
newal of the United States Bank charter, and
ordered that the moneys of the government bo
deposited In other banks. After the bitterest
struggle in the political history of America dur
ing which the senate denounced the president as
worthy of impeachment because ho refused to
allow government funds to be deposited In tho
United States Bank, Jackson finally triumphed
and the charter of the bank was not renewed.
It died, mourned only by the "interests" and
capitalists of that day.
The first battle between democracy and plu
tocracy under Jackson's leadership was em
phatically in favor of democracy. From the
effects of that struggle the demoralized forces
of plutocracy did not recover until the close of
the civil war. During that terrible conflict when
the life of the nation was at stake, it became
necessary to raise a huge war fund. One of
the methods of so doing was the imposition of
a high import tariff, which was acceded to and
voted for by all parties. This was done as a
distinctive "waT measure." At the end of the
war, however, the forces of plutocracy craftily
resisted the reduction of the tariff. Getting
control of the republican party the so-called
Interests" succeeded In dictating the terms of '
eVi?I7 ariff law Passed bv the republican party
with the result that each successive tariff bill
has been higher and more outrageously oppres
sive upon the people than its predecessor.
While their taTiff bills, framed by and in the
nterests of a few manufacturers and to the
injury of the masses were being placed upon
the statute books by the republican party -at
the demand of plutocracy, the democratic party
in congress and in its national platform was
constantly protesting and fighting In the Inter
ests of the masses.
In 1892 the democratic national platform
declared: "We denounce republican protection
as a fraud, a robbery of the great majority of
the American people for the benefit of the few
We demand that the collection of such taxes
shall be limited to the necessities of the gSv-
minTseteJedW"en hneSUy econonallybad
The democratic platform of 1896 again de-
bflnvL, 7 hld that thG tariff dutief should
be levied for purposes of revenue, such duties
to be so adjusted as to operate equally tnroS
out the country and not discriminate Seen
UmZJ 8 ti0n n,nd that taxatIon should be
limited by the needs of tho government honestlv
and economically administered " nonestIy
In 1900 the samo party in national conven
tion assembled, adopted the following plank in
Its platform: "Tariff laws should be amended
by putting the products of the trusts upon the "
free list to prevent monopoly under the plea of
protection. We condemn the Dingley tariff law
as a trust breeding measure, shamefully devised
to give the few favors which, they do not de
serve and to place upon the many burdens which,
they should not bear."
In 1904, the samo party declared: "We de
nounce the republican tariff as a robbery of the .
many to enrich the few, and we favor a tariff
limited to the needs of the government economi
cally administered and so levied as not to dis- ,
criminate against any industry, class or section." ;
In 1908, at Denver, the same party declared: .'
"We favor immediate revision of the tariff by
the reduction of our import duties. Articles
entering into competition with trust controlled
products should be placed upon the free list, and
material reductions should be made in the tariff
upon the necessities of life, especially upon such
articles as are sold abroad more cheaply than
at home."
While the democratic party in Its national
convention was thus solemnly protesting against
tho iniquity of the robber tariff, its representa
tives In congress were engaged In constant war
fare against the passage of the measures de
vised by the trusts and monopolies of the coun
try and placed upon the statute books by the
subservient republican party, whose war chests'
before and during every election were filled with
the moneys necessary to subsidize a' venal press
and debauch an electorate.
As the Roman legions put the diadem of the
empire upon the auction block, so the republi
can party has placed the policy of that party
and the choice of its leadership in the hands
and control of the men and corporations who
would contribute the biggest election fund.
But the struggle of the democratic party
against vested privilege and legalized robbery
has been in vain for the time being. Strongly
entrenched In power, and enriched with the ill
gotten gains of the beneficiaries of this iniquit
ous legislation the republican party has grown
bolder and more reckless of human rights.
In 1908 that party, forced by the general dis
content and resentment of the masses at the
steady and outrageous increase In the cost of
the necessaries of life, produced by the high
tariff legislation and the outspoken protest of
thousands of voters who had been voting
fatuitously tho republican ticket pledged itself
in its national platform to the revision of the
tariff. Although in specific language the pledge
was not for a revision downward, every honest
republican and the independent voters of the
country, knowing of the evils entailed upon tho
country by the high tariffs of the Dingley act, -believed
the republican party pledged itself to
a revision t downward. The democrats of the
country knew different, and knew that the bene
fic ar,ies f Athe DingJey act, who controlled tho
policies of that party, had succeeded in insert
ing into the republican platform such equivocal
ISaget a? WOllli enable the Party after the
election to betray the people by a revision which
would enable the party in power to more effect
ually rob and despoil the people.
But the republican spellbinders and notably,
the republican nominee, now President Taft,
during the campaign, kept constantly assuring
the gullible public that upon Mr. Taft's election
the Dingley act would be repealed and a tariff
act passed which would lighten the burdens
then pressing upon the shoulders of the middle
and lower classes. In a word, they conitrued-
downward1:111 " PrmISQd the PepI on
These promises had been shamelessly broken
The people relying upon their promises S
daily coming from the candidate for the presi
dency, elected him president of the United
Again successful at the polls the republican
party repudiated its campaign pled ces t55
from the people to Its l&olaTnafafnSrirt
ers, the lords of special privileged i A?tSnn5Ck"
trusty friend of th JtmatB ppilffi 'oreVm Jowl
',
... -,wu.;4ttU?t,
